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LIBRARY OF PRINCETON 


τ SEEN bes 
THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 


THE 


Ea AN Desk ee oe ke Ss 


pel. PAS wes. 


VOL. II. 


fa 
* 


THE 


ie eee IN) EP PS Tia ES 


OF 


rt eae alee: 


BY 


THOMAS LEWIN, ESQ, MA., F.S.A, 


OF TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD, AND OF LINCOLN’S INN, BARRISTER-AT-LAW ; 
AUTHOR OF ‘TREATISE ON TRUSTS,’ ‘ FASTI SACRI,’ ‘SIEGE OF JERUSALEM,’ AND ‘ CAESAR’S INVASION.” 


ΠΕΒΑΒΥ OF PRINCETON | 


ΘΙ Er | 


THE \OGICAL SEMINARY 


NEW YORK: 
SCRIBNER, WELFORD AND ARMSTRONG. 
1875. 


[The right of translation is reserved.] 


LONDON: 
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, 


STAMFORD STREET AND CHARTING CROSS. 


CONTENTS OF VOL. II. 


CHAPTER I. 
PAGE 
Paul sails from Ephesus to Troas, and thence to Macedonia, where he makes a collection for 
the poor Hebrews, and writes the Second Epistle to the Corinthians oc: ee ἘΣ 1 
CHAPTER 11. 
Paul sails to Corinth, where he winters, and writes the Epistle to the Romans—He travels by 
land to Philippi, and sails thence to Ephesus and Acre, whence he proceeds by land to 
Jerusalem... ἣν a cs os be ἐς ee a ae rs ἐν 58 
CHAPTER III. . 
Review of Jewish History, from the Death of Agrippa A.p. 44 to A.p. 58—Sketch of Jerusalem, 
and of the Leading Public Characters at the time of Paul’s arrival .. ES Ke -- 109 
CHAPTER IV. 
Paul is set upon by the Jews in the Temple—He is carried by Lysias into Antonia, and is 
then sent to Cxesarea—Paul is heard before Felix,and afterwards before Festus, and 
Agrippa and Bernice ἐξ ae os Ὁ oc wa οἱ εἴ ἐν τ 139 
CHAPTER V. 
Paul is sent to Rome—His shipwreck by the way .. ne <a τ Ξι ὺς τς 51 
CHAPTER VI. 
Paul is a Prisoner at Rome for two years—He writes the Epistles to the Ephesians, Colos- 
sians, Philemon, and Philippians... “0 fe Ὁ ac οἱ rc ἊΣ .. 214 
CHAPTER VII. 
Paul quits Rome for Puteoli, and visits Spain, and writes the Epistle to the Hebrews—He 
sails for Judea and goes to Jerusalem, and thence to Antioch on ὡς ὦ . 298 


CHAPTER VIII. 
Paul's last Cireuit—He visits Fphesus and Crete, and passes through Macedonia to Corinth— 
He writes the First Epistle to Titus, and the First Epistle to Timothy—He winters in 
Epirus—He visits Dalmatia, and returns a Prisoner to Ephesus .. a 5 .. 336 


vi CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER IX. 


PAGE 
The Persecution of the Christians by Nero—Peter writes two Epistles—His Martyrdom at 
Rome—Paul is arrested at Troas and sent to Ephesus and thence to Rome - ea 859 
CHAPTER X. 
Paul’s First Trial—He writes the Second pete ἢ to Te Second Trial, and Mar- 
tyrdom ‘ ; : 5 - 310 
CHAPTER XI. 
«/Paul’s Person and Character... .. 2 re oh a = He τ elo 


ASP Ps NUDES 


—e Ὁ 


I. Note on the Centurion’s house, in which, according to tradition, St. Paul was detained at Rome, 


chained to a soldier, during his first captivity oe οὖ Sc 56 ge be τ 49 

II. Note on the Map of ὍΣ ὃν . a fe 36 το D0 -. 438 
III. Note on the Map of Asia Minor pccondinet to ils Ἐς ὡς δ τς τς εἰς - 440 
1V. Note on the Map of Asia Minor according to its political divisions .. 50 -- 66 .. 442 


INDEX Ξὲ a8 =e ie τὸ ae Bi Me ἐν 53 a kd oe Ὁ ἯΔῸ 


FIG. 


183. 


184. 
185. 
126. 
187. 
188, 


189. 
190. 
ΙΟΙ. 
192. 
193. 
194. 
195. 
196. 
197. 
198. 
199. 
200, 
201. 
202. 
203. 
204. 
205. 
206. 
207. 


208. 
209. 
210. 
aut 
ei 


213. 
214. 


215. 
216. 
217: 


218. 
219. 
220. 
225. 
222% 
125: 
224. 
225. 
226. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


INSERTED IN 


TEXT OF VOL, I. 


The presiding Deities after which the seven days of the week 


are named oe 
A potter at work on his weal) mands a vessel 
A girl holding a stylus and tablet for writing . 
A youth reading a roll a 
A roll open, and written in columns 


Pen,and ink with roll and ee and 885 tablet, and tablet 


closed : 
Papyrus (or ἘΠ ΠΣ growing 
Gymnasium at Alexandria Troas 
Theatre at Alexandria Troas 
A Greek house with open windows 
Roman house with window 
Car used in the Troad 
Map of Southern Troas 
View of promontory of Lectum 
Gateway of Assos .. 
Coin of Assos 
General view of Assos 
Plan of Assos 
View of Mitylene 
Plan of Mitylene 
Coin of Mitylene οὗ 
View of eastern coast of Chios 
Coin of Chios. Three assaria or ¢hrespenny piece 
Coin of Chios. Two assaria or twopenny piece 
Coin of Chios. An assarion or penny 
Coin of Chios. A dichalcon or halfpenny 
Coin of Chios. A chaleus or farthing 
View of portof Samos... 26 
Plan of city and port of Samos 
Coin of Samos 0 
Chart of Port Trogilium .. 


Drawn by T. P. Collings 
AA T. P. Collings 
Εν T. Ῥ. Collings 
τῶ T. Ῥ. Collings 
5 T. P. Collings 
an T. P. Collings 


(From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary) 
Drawn by T. H. Wilson 
39 T. H. Wilson 
T. P. Collings 
(From Dyer s Pompeii) 


Se T. P. Collings 
5s T. P. Collings 
a9 T. H. Wilson 


(From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary) 
Engraved by &. B. Utting 


Drawn by Wm. Simpson 
a T. P. Collings 
Se T. H. Wilson 


st T. P. Collings 
Engraved by ἢ, B. Utting 


Drawn by Wm. Simpson 

Engraved by 2. 2. Utting 
aa Rt. B. Utting 
ate R. B. Utting 
An R. B. Viting 
AS R. B. Utting 

Drawn by H. G. Hine 
ns T. P. Collings 


Engraved by 
Drawn by 


R. B. Uiting 
T. P. Collings 


Map of Miletus, showing the changes in the coast line § in 


successive ages 3 
View of the plain of the Meander 
Coin of Miletus . ὃς 
View of the ‘Theatre at Miletus 
View of Cos.. 

Chart of port of Cos 

Coin of Cos .. 

View of Rhodes 

Plan of Rhodes 

Coin of Rhodes 

View of Patara 

Plan of Patara on ὮΝ és 
Coin of Patara ae Ac ἐπ, 


“ὦ Τ. P. Collings 
T. H. Wilson 
R. B. Utting 

Thos. Sulman 


ΒΦ 
Engraved by 
Drawn by 


ne Percival Skelton .. 


= T. P. Collings 
Engraved by ἢ. B. Utting 
Drawn by 

Ὡς T. P. Collings 
Engraved by R. B. Utling 
Drawn by W. HL. Prior 

Ἔ T. P. Collings 
Engraved by ΝΠ. B. Utting 


Percival Skelion .. 


n 
1 


Ο ow 
A~i- 


οΩ 
Φῷ οὐ οὐ 


NS 


o 
as) 


93 
95 
96 
96 
97 
97 
98 
98 
99 
100 
100 


Vili ILLUSTRATIONS. 
FIG. TAGE 
227. Coin of Tyre Ξὰ ss 5 Engraved by 1. B. Utting 102 
228. View of Tyre, from the land fice Drawn by T. Η. Wilson 103 
229. Plan of Tyre Bc “. ni 1. P. Collings 103 
230. View of Acre, from the sath Aq Thos. Sulman 104 
231. Plan of Acre T. P. Collings 105 
232, Coiu of Acre Ensraved by R&R. B. Utting 105 
233. Coin of Judea in the time of Felix 50 R. B. Utting ΠΣ] 
234. Coin of Polemo IT. : ΠΡ R. B. Utting 122 
235. Coin of Herod Agrippa I. ὃ at Tt. B. Utting 123 
236. View of the Huldah Gate, the approach fon Salomon 8 Palace 

to the Temple a0 (From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary) 191 
237. Faesimile of inscription on one fof the ΠΤ πατῇ the 

Temple at Jerusalem 5 : Drawn by T. P. Collings 133 
238. View of Cesarea-on-sea from the eaihe ἢ Percival Skelton .. 164 
239. Brass medal of port of Ostia ao T. P. Collings 165 
240. Plan of Cesarea-on-sea A T. P. Collings 167 
241. Coin exhibiting the form of a Remind epreal 10 T. P. Collings 174 
242. Coin of Adramyttium πὸ Engraved by ἢ. B. Utting 181 
243. Figure ofa Roman Centurion .. Drawn by T. P. Collings 152 
244. View of Sidon ahs We T. H. Wilson 184 
245. Plan of Sidon es D0 oA T. P. Collings 185 
246. Coin of Sidon ae Engraved by ἢ. B. Utting 185 
247. View of entrance to river of Myra oo Drawn by Thos. Sulman 186 
248. View of Myra ξ 96 Thos. Sulman 187 
249. Representation of an Breton ae An T. P. Collings .. 189 
250. View of Cnidus Ἔ a0 Percival Skelton .. 190 
251. Coin of Cnidus Engraved by Jt. B. Utting 190 
252. View of Cape Salmone Drawn by H. G, Hine 191 
253. Coin of Crete with labyrinth Engraved by R. B. Utting 191 
254. View of Fair Havens (From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary) 192 
255. Chart of Fair Havens Drawn by T. P. Collings 193 
256. View of Port Phoenix 6 Percival Skelton .. 195 
257. Chart of Port Phoenix an T. P. Collings 195 
258. Painting from Herculaneum, ahowing chips with πο 68 at the 

prow Ε ae #5 T. P. Collings 197 
259. Entrance to Bay of St. Paul at Malta Any Percival Skelton .. 201 
260. Chart of Bay of St. Paul . 34 T. P. Collings 203 
261, Ancient anchors 55 T. P. Collings 204 
262. Figure of ancient ship, arene the daguacttion of the se 

rudders AG T. 1". Collings 204 
263. Coin of Malta with ἘΠ τς imeeripoien Engraved by ἢ. B. Utting 205 
264. Coin of Malta with Greek inscription a6 AA Rh. B. Utting 206 
265. Coin of Malta with Greek and Roman inscriptions 39 1. B. Utiing 206 
266. Roman diptych of great antiquity, containing two porate 

of St. Paul τ Photographed on the Wood. 210 

267. View of Syracuse - Drawn by H. A. Ogg 215 
268. Chart of ports and city of Syracuse 49 T. P. Collings 216 
269. Coin of Syracuse .. -Ξ Engraved by R. B. Utting 216 
270. View of Rhegium .. Drawn by 1. A, Ogg 217 
271. View of rocks of Scylla An 1. Η. Wilson 218 
272. Map of bay of Puteoli ae T. P. Collings 219 
273. View of mole of Puteoli : re Percival Skelton .. 220 
274. View of sculptured pedestal of pede of Tiberius at Bateok a H. A. Ogg 221 
275. Track of Appian Way from Puteoli to Rome .. ν᾽ 1. P. Collings 223 
276. First milestone of Appian Way nA Thos. Sulman 225 
277. View of Arch of Drusus or II, A. Ogg - 226 
278. Coin with portrait of the Emperor Cl auc Engraved by &. B. Utting Bo Τὶ 
279. Coin with portrait of Messalina, wife of Claudius An R. LB. Utting 228 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


ix 
FIG. PAGE 
280. Coin with portrait of Agrippina, wife of Claudius Engraved by ἢ. B. Utting 228 
281. Coin with portrait of Britannicus Drawn by T. P. Collings 228 
282. Coin with portrait of Octavia, wife of Nero ΝΣ T. P. Collings 228 
283. Bust of Seneca ae T. P. Collings 229 
284. Coin with portrait of Nero. Engraved by ἢ, B. Utting 229 
285. Coin with portrait of Poppea Drawn by T. P. Collings 230 
286. Caricature of Seneca as a butterfly rae Maro asa , dragon 5: T. P. Collings .. 230 
287. View of site of the Prietorian Camp at Rome .. a Percival Skelton .. 3238 
288. Coin representing the Pratorian = with portrait of 
Claudius .. 59 τς : ΔΩ T. P. Collings 234 
289. View of the Forum at Rome 1) Η. A. Ogg 237 
290. View of the Centurion’s house in which Paul was actaiied 
at Rome .. - s Percival Skelton .. 239 
291. Plan of the Centurion’ 8 house T. P. Collings 239 
292. Gem representing the Gnostic God sero : _. (From C. W. King’s Antique Gems) 249 
293. Another Gem representing the Gnostic God Abraxas -- (From C. W. King’s Antique Gems) 249 
294. Figuré of a Roman soldier in armour - Drawn by T. P. Collings 266 
295. View of a Roman Basilica, or Court of J sree (From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary) 290 
296. Portrait of Titus, by whom Jerusalem was peneeed and taken Engraved by 1. B. Utting 302 
297. The Golden Candlestick, as represented on the Arch of Titus Drawn by T. P. Collings 319 
298. Bas-relief on the Arch of Titus, showing the Golden Candle- 
stick, the Table of Shewbread, and the ras a τῷ Ὁ T. P. Collings 320 
299. Gem with portrait of Mark Antony : . (From C. W. King’s Antique Gems) 353 
300. Coin with portrait of Cleopatra Drawn by T. P. Collings 393 
301. View of the ruins of Nicopolis Ar Capt. W. May 355 
302. Plan of Nicopolis a T. P. Collings 356 
303. Coin of Nicopolis =e Engraved by R. B. Utting 356 
304. View of pillars at pommmencemede of the banee Wer, Beas 
dusium Drawn by Thos. Sulman 374 
305. Coin representing the ποπαπιιοττοτης ofa a τερσετι a) a T. P. Collings 380 
306. Facsimile of a tablet found at Chichester commemorative of 
the dedication of a temple to Neptune and Minerva T. P. Collings 394 
307. Coin of vessel in which Nero sailed to Greece .. T. P. Collings 398 
308. Coin of Nero crowned at the Isthmian Games .. T. P. Collings 398 
309. Map of road from Rome to Tre Fontane, where St. Paul 
was decapitated AF T. P. Collings 401 
310. View of Tre Fontane Wim. Simpson 402 
311. View of church ereeted on site of St. Paul's pea mitecion Thos. Sulman 405 
312. View of Church of St. Paul, where he was buried T. P. Collings 407 
313. Ancient gem representing martyrdom .. . Grom Ὁ. W. King’s Antique Gems) 407 
314. Ancient medallion with portraits of St. Baal oud St. Peter Drawn by T. P. Collings 411 
b 


VOL, I. 


LARGER ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOL. II. 


View of Corinth from the north, showing the Acrocorinthus 

View of Corinth from the south, showing the Corinthian Bay 

Bird's-eye view of Jerusalem 

View of Bay of St. Paul, showing the s scene of the Slap τοῖν 

View of the Grotto of St. Paul, the traditional scene of his abode at 
Malta Ν 

General view of Puteoli and its Bay δὰ 

The Via Appia in its present state 

The Via Appia restored .. 

View of Alexandria 

Plan of Alexandria 

View of Ephesus from the ee πνο πη in the τς ie rade 
tional prison of St. Paul 

View of Brundusium 

Plan of port of Brundusium 


MAPS AN DP LrAWN Se ΕΝ 01 


es 
Map of Northern Troas δὰ ἘΞ 0 Bb τῷ .. Lithographed by 
Plan of Jerusalem 2 2} 
Map οἵ Malta.. ᾽᾽ 
Plan of Rome : ” 
Plan of the Palatine Hill δε 
Map of St. Paul’s Circuits .. ays 


Drawn by 


TO FACE 


H.R. Robertson .. 
H, R. Robertson .. 
Thos. Sulman 

Η. G. Hine 


Η. G. Hine 
Percival Skelton .. 
Thos. Sulman 
Thos. Sulman . 
Pereival Skelton .. 
T. P, Collings 


Wm. Simpson 
Thos. Sulman 
T. P. Collings 


1Π|: 


E. Weller .. 
E. Weller .. 
E. Weller .. 
E. Weller .. 
kL. Weller .. 
1. Weller .. 


Ww 


PAGE 
28 
38 

126 
208 


208 
220 
222 
222 
340 
340, 


370 


374 
374 


N.B.—The woodeuts, both those inserted in the text and the larger illustrations, have (with the exception 
of the coins engraved by R. B. Utting), been executed under the superintendence of H. N. Woods, to whom 


the author is obliged for the care and pains taken by him. 


CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA TO VOL. IL. 


P. 126. 


Tn the plan of Jerusalem at this page the configuration 
of the ground within the walls of the city, as ascertained 
by recent investigation, is taken from the Quarterly 
Statement of the Palestine Exploration for October, 1873. 
This view of the natural face of the ground is extremely 
important, as showing most distinctly the tro valleys 
spoken of by Josephus, viz., the Tyropwon and “ the 
other ” valley (now called the Mill Valley), and also the 
four hills upon which, according to the same historian, 
Jerusalem stood. With the aid of this plan the descrip- 
tion of Jerusalem, as given by Josephus, can be followed 
step by step. 


ὙΠ, 


It is here stated that the north wall of the High Town, 
in running across the Tyropeon valley from the western 
to the eastern hill, passed along the northern side of the 
council chamber, now the Mehkimeh. But from the re- 
cent excavations made at Jerusalem, which show the 
natural face of the ground, it is more probable that the 
northern wall of the High Town followed along the ridge 
of the first hill (see the plan, Vol. II. p. 154), and that in 
crossing the ravine from the western to the eastern hill, 
it passed along the southern side of the council chamber. 

We have also admitted into the text the commonly 
received opinion that the north wall of the High Town 
on reaching the Xyst deflected southwards along 
the western side of the Tyropmon, so as to enclose 
the High Town on its eastern side. This opinion was 
first broached by Dr. Robinson. “Such a wall,” he 
says, “is not mentioned by Josephus or any other writer, 
but the circumstances of the case obviously imply its 
existence.” Biblic. Res. vol. i. p. 312, 2nd ed. The cir- 
cumstancse referred to are, that, when Titus had cap- 
tured the Lower Town on the Eastern Hill, he was still 


unable to enter the High Town without throwing up 
mounds. But this may be accounted for, without the 
hypothesis of'a wall, by the strength of the position of the 
High Town, which was surrounded on all sides by τὶ 
ravine. Had there been a wall along the eastern side of 
the High Town it is almost incredible that Josephus, 
in professedly discussing the walls, should not have 
mentioned it. Not only so, but he strongly negatives 
the existence of such a wall by telling us expressly that 
the houses of the High Town and Low Town (lying east 
and west) met and leaned against each other (ἐπάλληλοι 
κατέληγον ai οἰκίαι, Bell. v. 4, 1), which could not have 
been asserted if a wall divided them. 


PB. 129: 


The Maccabees are here referred to as buried at Modin, 
a city unknown for ages, but now recovered by the 
labours of the Palestine Exploration. The mausoleum 
was remarkable for the seven pyramids which surmounted 
the seven tombs of the Maccabees, and were visible 
from the sea at a great distance. 1 Maccab. xiii. 28; 
Jos. Ant. xiii. 6, 6. The tombs have been recently 
found at Medyeh, near Lydda, and the seven pyramids may 
still be traced, and they stood on so high ground that they 
would be conspicuously in sight to the distant mariner. 
See the particulars of the discovery in the Quarterly 
Statement of the Palestine Exploration for July, 1873, 
p. 94, and April, 1874, pp. 58 and 78. 


P. 374. 


The view inserted at this page of the commencement 
of the Appian Way, leading from Brundusium to Rome, 
is from a sketch by W. Simpson, whose name should 
have been placed at the foot. This view, and also that 
of Brundusium itself, were drawn for the ‘ Illustrated 
London News,’ and are here reproduced by the kind 


| permission of the Editor. 


THE LIFE AND EPISTLES OF 51. PAUL. 


CHAPTER I. 


Paul sails from Ephesus to Troas, and thence to Macedonia, where he makes a collection 
for the poor Hebrews, and writes the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. 
Who hath not heard, how erst by lavish gold, 
Dug from these hills by artful Macedon, 
Was freedom-loving Greece betrayed and sold ; 
And flashed across the earth great Philip’s son ? 
Upon Philippi’s field the laurels won, 
(Torn from a Roman brow in civil fray) 
Lifted young Cesar to a prouder throne. 
Empires like these were meteors of a day. 
Heaven opens and descends, a realm that stands for aye. 
Anon. 


Ir was a precept of our Lord to his disciples, that if they should not be received in 
one city, they should flee unto another. Paul ever adopted this rule of conduct, and 
now that he could not sojourn any longer at Ephesus without a disturbance of the 
public peace, he resolved on an early departure. Paul had intended before the tumult 
to leave Ephesus at Pentecost, a.p. 57,’ and had directed Titus to meet him at Troas ;* 
and as Paul, when he actually quitted Ephesus, expected to find Titus at Troas,* he 
--could not have left Ephesus much before Pentecost. Again, the First Epistle to the 
Corinthians was written at the Passover, 4.p. 57 (which this year was on the 7th of 
April), and Titus, the bearer of the Epistle, therefore sailed for Corinth about that 
time. A voyage direct from Ephesus to Athens was fourteen days,” and a voyage to 
Corinth would be a day longer, and fifteen days from the 14th of April, when the 
Passover ended, would take Titus to Corinth, which he would reach about the 29th 
of April. Here Titus would remain some days, and then sail for Troas, where he 
might arrive and be expected to meet Paul about Pentecost, which, being the fiftieth 
day after Passover, fell this year on the 28th of May. 
It was a little before Pentecost that Paul, at Ephesus, called the brethren together, 
and bade them a tender farewell, and set sail for Troas. He was accompanied as usual 


1 1 Cor. xvi. 8. Sa Cic. Ep. Att. vi. 8, 9; iii. 9. See Wieseler, 
2 2 Cor. ii. 12. =0b: Chrono]. Apost. 49. note 1. 


VOL, Il. B 


2 [a.v. 57] ST. PAUL AT TROAS. [Cuap. 1. 


by a few followers, including Tychicus, Gaius and Aristarchus. Aquila and Priscilla 
embarked for Rome, from which, as Jews, they had been banished by Claudius, but to 
which, by the removal of the edict, as suddenly withdrawn as imposed, they had again 
free access. Paul had appointed Titus to meet him at Troas after Pentecost,° but as 
the Apostle had quitted Ephesus precipitately before the period which had been fixed 
for his departure, he found himself at Troas a little before the time when Titus could 
be expected. Disturbed in spirits by the late outbreak, and distressed in mind by 
the state of the Corinthian church, he yet employed the interval in preaching the 
Gospel. Troas was a town of considerable importance, and of large population, and 
the Apostle’s labours were attended with his usual success. On his former visit he 
had merely passed through it to his embarkation, but he now remained long enough 
in it to plant a church. 

Pentecost arrived and passed, but Titus came not. The affairs of the Corinthian 
church must have detained him, and Paul, sensitive from having received so many 
wounds to his feelings, became alarmed, lest matters had proved even worse than he 
had anticipated. So wide a field for exertion had been opened at Troas, that he would 
fain have continued there somewhat longer, but he was suffering great anxiety, and 
as Titus was to arrive by Macedonia, Paul resolved on setting sail for that coast, in 
the hope of meeting Titus on the road. In writing to the Corinthians he thus alludes 
to his mental sufferings at Troas, and at the same time expresses his thankfulness 
that in all his troubles he had been enabled wherever he came to carry forward the 
banner of the Gospel, and extend the empire of Christ. ‘“ When I came to Troas,” he 
says, “to preach Christ’s Gospel, and a door was opened unto me of the Lord, I had 
no rest in my spirit, because I found not Titus my brother ; but taking my leave of 
them, I went from thence into Macedonia. Now thanks be unto God, which always 
causeth us to triumph in Christ, and maketh manifest the savour of his knowledge by 
us in eyery place.” ® 

Paul and his company set sail from Troas, and arrived at Philippi. An interval 
of six years had elapsed since he had been beaten with rods in their market-place, 
and imprisoned in one of their dungeons, and afterwards conducted with honour from 
the gaol by the tyrannical, mean-spirited pretors. The Apostle and his converts 
must have had an affectionate meeting, and if they were indebted to him for their 
faith in Jesus, he, too, owed thanks to the Philippians for having thrice sent relief to 
his necessities, twice at Thessalonica, and once at Corinth. The church had multiplied, 
but persecution seems never to haye ceased, and Paul, instead of finding repose in 
Macedonia, was at once engaged in conflict against Pagan violence or Jewish machina- 
tions, and was at the same time harassed by the necessary cares attending the orderly 
government of the flock within the fold. ‘‘ When we were come into Macedonia,” he 


* See Fasti Sacri, p. 295, No. 1774. until Pentecost. 1 Cor. xvi. 8. 
° For Paul intended to remain at Ephesus δ 2 Cor. ii. 12-14. 


To face Vol. 2._p. 2. 


DARDANELLES 
CHART or NORTHERN 3. ee 
TROAS. 


1 Tiwnulus of Achilles 
2 Tionulus of Patroclus. 
3 Tumulus of Ajax. 

4 ‘Epiveds or Figtree. 

5 Dyyes or Beechtree, 
6 Πόρος or Ford. 

7 Two fountains 

8 Sandheaps. 


RABBIT ‘ f E \ ; \ } 
ISLANDS / QS νος ao : ὲ i : "τὰ \\\ SHR \ Vesey [᾿ -ἿΒ 


: ae Ye 
Pi 


Bashika Bay 


“Mich remains 
\——ahalinge J LS Baunanbashi 


ti Lies 
ΓΟ - 55 
40 Sy ae Site Br 
ὁ Geners 
Cometory 
one Cotaminsth 
Port 
Foundations OP 


Petro [4 
2 


γοναὶ i 


Youkyeri Bay 


Gheyikhi ἀν 


Wells > S54 


τ: - Ε πὰς 
C.Eski Stamboul «(Ὁ ὐ υίαυ, στ ψάφυδιε \ 


London. Bell & Sons 


μι Ἢ ἮΝ 
ΠΝ 


ea} 
= ὃν ͵ γ" 
a ἊΨ ᾿ 


Cuar. 1.7 ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [a.p. 57] 3 


writes, “our flesh had no rest, but we were troubled on every side; without were 
fightings, within were fears.”’ He was also disappointed by not meeting with 
Titus, as to whose success at Corinth he was filled more than ever with the most 
gloomy apprehensions. He was comforted, however, by rejoining, at Philippi, his 
beloved physician and fellow-labourer in the Gospel, the accomplished Luke. The 
last personage has not been mentioned lately, and this, perhaps, may be accounted 
for on the supposition that during the Apostle’s protracted stay at Ephesus, Luke 
was engaged in the composition of his Gospel, which he shortly afterwards published 
in Macedonia.* Paul had not been long in Macedonia, when Titus and Trophimus, 
with Timothy also,’ made their appearance, and the intelligence they brought at once 
relieved him from all his fears, and more than made amends for the troubles by 
which he was beset. 

Titus himself had entertained doubts as to the result of his mission, and had 
approached the Corinthians with some distrust. No sooner, however, had he delivered 
his credentials, and announced the purpose of his embassy, than the church exhibited 
a Christian-like conduct, which at once surprised and delighted him. Recalled to a 
sense of duty, they were covered with shame, and repented of their ways, and at the 
same time honoured the envoy by whom the rebuke was transmitted. Various were 
the feelings by which they were actuated—now fearful of the wrath of Heaven, either 
directly or by the instrumentality of the Apostle—now yearning for his presence 
amongst them to assist in healing their disorders—now touched with sorrow to haye 
occasioned him so much pain—and now fired with indignation against those who 
would have undermined his authority. One step was plainly before them, the expulsion 
of the brother who was living in adulterous and incestuous intercourse with his father’s 
wife. The church met and the offender was excommunicated, and he ceased to be a 
member of the Christian society. To his credit be it spoken that thus overtaken by 
punishment he did not, as a hardened sinner, persist in his guilt, but became a sincere 
penitent, and we shall see presently how tenderly the Apostle dealt with his contrition. 
The object of excommunication had been answered, “ For to this end also did I write, 
that I might know the proof of you, whether ye be obedient in all things.”"” The 
emotions which Titus’s arrival had excited at Corinth, their earnest repentance, the 
gratification of Titus at his reception, and the consolation which their conduct afforded 
to Paul on the report brought to him in Macedonia, are so beautifully and touchingly 
described in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, that we cannot refrain from 
transcribing the whole passage. After referring to the troubles which had over- 
whelmed him at Ephesus, and had still clung to him at Troas, and had followed him 
into Macedonia, he proceeds—* Nevertheless God, that comforteth those that are cast 


7 2 Cor. vii. 5. sent with Timothy from Ephesus, had probably 
8 See ante, Vol. I. p. 221, remained at Corinth, as being his home. 
9 Atleast, Timothy is found with Paul shortly 10 2 Cor. ii. 9. 

afterwards, 2 Cor. 1. 1. Erastus, who had been 


4 [a.p. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [Cuap. I. 


down, comforted us by the coming of Titus; and not by his coming only, but also by 
the comfort wherewith he was comforted in you, when he told us your earnest desire, 
your mourning, your zeal for me; so that I rejoiced the more. For though I made 
you sorry with a letter, I do not repent (though I was ready to repent); for I 
perceive that that Epistle made you sorry—but only for a season. Now I rejoice, not 
that ye were made sorry, but that ye sorrowed to repentance ; for ye were made sorry 
according to God, that ye might receive damage by us in nothing; for sorrow, 
according to God, worketh repentance not to be repented of; but the sorrow of the 
world worketh death. For behold this selfsame thing, that ye sorrowed according to 
God—what carefulness it wrought in you! yea, what clearing of yourselves! yea, 
what indignation! yea, what fear! yea, what vehement desire! yea, what zeal! yea, 
what revenge! in all things ye have approved yourselves to be clear in this matter. 
Wherefore, though I wrote unto you, I did it not for his cause that had done the 
wrong, nor for his cause that suffered wrong, but that our care for you in the sight 
of God might appear to youward. Therefore we were comforted in your comfort ; 
yea, and exceedingly the more joyed we for the joy of Titus, because his spirit was 
refreshed by you all. For if I have boasted anything to him of you, I am not ashamed, 
but as we spake all things to you in truth, even so our boasting, which I made before 
Titus, was found a truth. And his inward affection is more abundant toward you, 
whilst he remembereth the obedience of you all, how with fear and trembling ye 
received him. I rejoice that I have confidence in you in all things.””’ The disposi- 
tion of the vast majority of the Corinthian church was such as that described by the 
Apostle, but a few amongst them (and a very few) resisted his authority, and still 
wallowed in their sins; and indeed the whole community was not brought into 
complete subjection to Christ until Paul, after again threatening the adverse faction 
in a second epistle, proceeded to Corinth himself, and effectually overcame their 
obstinacy. 

Paul, in Macedonia, being now relieved from the greater part of his anxiety on 
account of the Corinthian church, applied himself, with a comparatively easy mind, 
to the collection of the alms for the poor Hebrews, to which he had pledged himself 
on his last visit to Jerusalem. The system he adopted was that which had been 
pursued in Galatia, and recommended to the Corinthians, viz. that the disciples 
throughout Macedonia should, on every first day of the week, put aside such a sum as 
each could afford, that the accumulations might be ready against the departure of 
those charged with the transmission of it. The first day of the week, called in the 
Revelation the Lord’s day,!? and now Sunday, was particularly fixed upon for the 
purpose, as being set apart, even at that time, for religious worship.’ The Jewish 


1 9 Cor. vii. 6-16. of alms on that day (1 Cor. xvi. 2), we find the 
2 Reve ἢ: 10. chureh of Troas meeting for divine worship on 
* Besides the mention of the Lord’s day in the first day of the week. Actsxx.7. Soin the 
the Apocalypse (Rey. i. 10), and the collection Epistle of Barnabas (¢. 15) we read : διὸ καὶ dyo- 


Cuar. 1.7 ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [a.p. 57] 5 


Christians, indeed, continued to observe the Sabbath, or seventh day (for Christianity 
had not prohibited the Mosaic ritual, though it rendered it inoperative); but the 
Gentiles were forbidden to adopt the Jewish dispensation, as it would be only a snare 
to them, and it was a charge against the Galatians, as Gentiles, that they had dis- 
tinguished the Jewish days, by which, no doubt, Sabbaths were meant. It was 
necessary that the church should meet for holy exercises at stated intervals, and as 
the day on which Christ rose from the dead had from the first been commemorated 
by the early Christians, it gradually acquired the sanctity of the Sabbath, and super- 
seded it, and was eventually observed by Jewish and Gentile Christians indifferently. 

Subscriptions for the poor Hebrews were now made at Philippi, Thessalonica, and 
Bercea, and in the other Macedonian churches; but Paul was careful to guard himself 


μεν τὴν ἡμέραν τὴν ὀγδοὴν εἰς εὐφροσύνην, ἐν 7) καὶ ὁ 
Ἰησοῦς ἀνέστη ἐκ νεκρῶν καὶ φανερωθεὶς ἀνέβη εἰς 
τοὺς οὐρανούς. So Ignatius ad Magnes. ὁ. 9: 
μηκέτι σαββατίζοντες, ἀλλὰ κατὰ κυριακὴν ζωὴν ζῶν- 
τες, ἐν 7 καὶ ἡ ζωὴ ὑμῶν ἀνέτειλεν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ. The 
Younger Pliny also alludes to the assembling of 
the Christians on a stated day (stato die, Hp. x. 
27), which could only have been on the first day 
of the week; and Justin Martyr (4.p. 140) dis- 
tinctly mentions the observance of that day. 
Apolog.i.87. Tertullian (A.p. 200) refers to the 
same practice (De Orat. 5. 23, and De Idol. s. 14); 
and so does Dionysius of Corinth. Euseb. Hist. 
Eccl. iv. 23. 

The first day of the week is now commonly 
called Sunday, and it had this name even in the 
Apostolic age. At least such is the inference from 
a remarkable passage in Tacitus. The Jews, he 


says, in their exodus from Egypt wandered six 
days in the desert, and reached the Promised 
Land on the seventh day, and on this account 
they keep the seventh day holy. Others, how- 
ever, he continues, are of opinion that they ob- 
serve the seventh day in honour of Saturn (hono- 
rem eum Saturno haberi, Tac. Hist. v. 4); and 
this implies that the seventh day of the Jewish 
week was known as the day of Saturn or Satur- 
day. But if the seventh day was Saturday the 
Jirst day would be Sunday, for unquestionably 
even in that early age the seven days of the week 
were named after the sun and moon and the five 
planets in precisely the same order in which we 
now arrange them. Thus on the walls of a house 
in Herculaneum we meet with a regular series 
of the days of the week as represented by the 
presiding deities (fig. 183). Here we have succes- 


Fig. 183.—Vays of the week. From Barve’s Hei culaneum, 


Saturn. Sol. 
Dies Saturni, Dies Solis, 
Saturday. Sunday. 


Dies Lune, 
Monday. 


sively Saturn as Saturday, Apollo or the Sun 
as Sunday, Diana or the Moon as Monday, 
Mars as Tuesday (Mardi), Mercury as Wednes- 
day (Mercredi), Jupiter as Thursday (Jeudi) 
and Venus as Friday (Vendredi). It is worthy 
of notice that in the above sequence Saturn 
ranks first, and this is not an inadvertence of 
the artist, for Dion Cassius, in attempting an 
explanation how the days of the week came to 
be known as Saturday, Sunday, Monday, «e., 
offers two speculative theories which in them- 


Diana. Mars. 
Dies Martis, 
Tuesday. 


Venus. 
Dies Veneris, 
Friday. 


Jupiter 
Dies Jovis, 
Thursday. 


Mercury. 
Ties Mercorii, 
Wednesday. 
selves are more’ ingenious than sound, but 
curiously enough each theory assumes for its 
basis that Saturday was not the Jast but the 
first day of the week. Dion, xxxviii. 18. We 
can only suppose, therefore, that while both 
Jews and Romans called the days of the week 
by the same names, the Jews began their week 
with the Sunday and the Romans their week 
with the Saturday. 

M4 Gal. iv. 10. 


6 [4.D. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. (Cuap. I. 


throughout against the imputation of worldly motives. It was to be a perfectly 
voluntary act on the part of all, as he tells the Corinthians, “I speak not by command- 
ment, but by occasion of the forwardness of others, and to prove the sincerity of your 
love. For ye know the free gift of our Lord Jesus Christ, that, though he was rich, 
yet for your sakes he became poor, that ye through his poverty might be rich; and 
herein I give my advice; for this is expedient for you, who began before, not only to 
do, but also to will a year ago.”!® But though the Apostle laid no injunction upon 
his converts, he earnestly exhorted them to the exercise of so Christian a duty as 
charity, and perhaps the stirring addresses he made on this occasion are partly 
intended by St. Luke’s expression, ‘“ When he had gone over those parts (viz. Mace- 
donia) and given them much exhortation.”’* One of the main grounds upon which he 
rested his appeal was, that as the author and preachers of the Gospel were Jews, the 
Gentiles were under a kind of obligation which they ought gratefully to repay, by 
forwarding relief to the necessities of their benefactors—“ They (the Macedonians 
and Acheans) have been pleased verily, and their debtors they are; for if the Gentiles 
have been made partakers of their spiritual things, they ought also to minister unto 
them in carnal things.”’’ Those who had little were asked to give of that little, but 
not to their own distress. ‘For if,’ he writes to the Corinthians, “there be first a 
willing mind, it is accepted according to that a man hath, not according to that he 
hath not. For I mean not that there should be ease to others, and distress to you; 
but by an equality, that now at this time your abundance may be a supply for their 
want, that their abundance also may be a supply for your want, that there may be 
equality.”’* The wealthy amongst the Macedonians were, of course, called upon to 
subscribe more generously. “ But this I say, he who soweth sparingly shall reap also 
sparingly; and he who soweth bountifully shall reap also bountifully. Every man 
according as he purposeth in his heart, so let him give, not grudgingly, or of necessity, 
for God loveth a cheerful giver.” “ἢ 

The readiness of the Corinthian church touching the contribution was also held 
up to the Macedonians for their imitation ; for, although at Corinth no actual gather- 
ing had yet been completed, they had been laying by during the last year in 
preparation, The acute and elegant Paley thus comments upon the circumstance: 
“The Second Epistle to the Corinthians speaks of them as having begun this 
eleemosynary business a year before. ‘This is expedient for you who have begun 
before not only to do, but also to be forward a year ago.’ (viii. 10.) ‘I boast of you 


2 Cor. vii. 8-10. The preparation of the and to pass through Macedonia before going to 
Corinthian church so long before that of Mace- Corinth. See note post, 2 Cor. xiii. 1. 


donia is accounted for by the fact that Paul had 16 παρακαλέσας αὐτοὺς λύγῳ πολλῷ. Acts Xx. 2. 
originally intended to visit Corinth before Mace- 17 Rom. xv. 27. 

donia, and had forwarded a message to the 8 2 Cor. viii. 12-14. 

Corinthians to make ready, but circumstances 1852 Connie One 


had afterwards obliged him to alter his plans, 


Cnar. 1] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [4.0.57] - 


to them of Macedonia, that Achaia was ready a year ago.’ (ix. 5.) From these texts 
it is evident that something had been done in the business a year before. It appears, 
however, from other texts in the Epistle that the contribution was not yet collected 
or paid, for brethren were sent from St. Paul to Corinth ‘to make up their 
bounty.’ (ix. 5.) They are urged ‘to perform the doing of it’ (viii. 11), and every 
man was exhorted to give ‘as he purposed in his heart.’ (ix. 7.) The contribution, 
therefore, was in readiness, yet not received from the contributors, was begun, was 
forward long before, yet not hitherto collected. Now this representation agrees 
with one, and only one, supposition, namely, that every man had laid by in store, had 
already provided the fund from which he was afterwards to contribute, the very case 
which the First Epistle authorizes us to suppose to have existed, for in that Epistle 
St. Paul had charged the Corinthians ‘upon the first day of the week every one of 
them to lay by in store, as God had prospered him.’ (1 Cor. xvi. ἌΣ 

The Macedonians, as compared with the Corinthians, were not in affluent cireum- 
stances; for, not to mention the greater wealth of the Corinthians, from their 
extensive trade, the brethren of Macedonia had from the first been exposed to 
persecution, and had smarted under fines levied and goods distrained. Yet the 
Macedonians were so attached to the Apostle, so anxious to further his wishes, so 
actuated by a sincerely charitable feeling, that they at once placed themselves and 
all their substance at the disposal of the Apostle, so that he had some difficulty in 
declining the excessive bounty thus proffered to his acceptance. Paul, in writing to 
the Corinthians, alludes to this zeal of the Macedonians, and stimulates the Corinthian 
church to the imitation of so laudable an example. ‘“ Moreover, brethren, we do you 
to wit of the free gift of God which hath been given in the churches of Macedonia, 
how that in a great trial of affliction the abundance of their joy and their deep 
poverty hath abounded unto the riches of their liberality; for to their power I bear 
record, yea, and beyond their power, they were willing of themselves, praying us with 
much intreaty that we would receive the gift, and the contribution of the ministering 
to the saints; and this they did, not as we looked for, but first gave their own selves 
to the Lord, and unto us by the will of God.” *° 

Paul had been two or three months in Macedonia, and had successively visited 
Philippi, Thessalonica and Bercea, the scenes of his former labours, and had now 
brought the collection of the churches to a conclusion, All that remained was the 
appointment of one or more persons by whom the alms should be conveyed to 
Jerusalem. Paul himself would on no account take charge of the fund, or super- 
intend the distribution of it, lest his disinterestedness in preaching the Gospel might 
be open to suspicion. The churches therefore met to elect deputies for the purpose. 
One upon whom this honour was conferred was Luke. He had accompanied the 
Apostle on his first visit to Macedonia (4.p. 51), and at Paul’s departure had remained 


20 2 Cor. vii. 1-5. 


8 [4.Ὁ. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. (Cuar. 1. 


at Philippi, and had much ingratiated himself amongst the inhabitants. It is even 
probable that Luke had resided at Philippi from Paul’s first visit in 4.p. 51 to his 
return thither in a.p. 57. As the Philippians were liberal to an excess, they were 
probably the largest contributors towards the bounty, and had therefore an influential 
voice in the choice of the enyoys. Another circumstance that fixed the attention of 
the church upon Luke at the present time was, that he had just published his 
Gospel in Macedonia for the instruction of the Greeks. That Luke was one of those 
dispatched to Jerusalem is plainly enough communicated to us by the language of 
the Apostle in speaking of the mission of Titus and Luke to Corinth: ‘“ We have 
sent with him (Titus), the brother (Luke) whose prazse is in the Giospel throughout all 
the churches, and not that only, but who hath also been chosen of the churches to 
travel with us with this free gift, which is administered by us to the glory of the Lord 
himself, and declaration of your ready mind; avoiding this, that no man should 
blame us in this abundance which is administered by us, providing for honest things, 
not only in the sight of the Lord, but also in the sight of men.”?! The colleague 
who was selected by the churches to assist Luke in carrying the bounty to Jerusalem 
was Trophimus, as we may infer from the terms in which the Apostle alludes to Luke 
and Trophimus in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. After mentioning the 
election of Luke to that office, he proceeds, “Whether any do enquire of Titus, he is 
my partner and fellow-helper concerning you; or our brethren (Luke and Trophimus) 
be enquired of, they are the messengers of the churches, and the glory of Christ ;”” 
where “messengers of the churches” as applicable to Luke must intend his deputa- 
tion to Jerusalem as the representative of the Macedonian churches, and if so, the 
same signification would attach to the expression in respect of the other, and 
Trophimus, as we know, did in fact go to Jerusalem with Paul, and was in part 
the innocent cause of the Apostle’s arrest there. 

The eleemosynary collection in Macedonia concluded, Paul was now at liberty to 
continue his progress. It might be thought that without more delay he would 
pursue the direct route to Corinth, but there were reasons why he should still 
suspend his journey for a brief interval. The Corinthian church as a whole had 
expressed contrition for their faults, had excommunicated the offender, and submitted 
in all things to Apostolic authority. There was however amongst them a particular 
faction which still held out, and to whom Paul, averse to using the rod, was anxious 
to give one more warning. To understand the aims of this party, we must take a 
retrospective view. 

We have seen that when Paul was last at Jerusalem, the impression made by 
Christianity on the Gentile world being now an established fact, some of the Jewish 
converts (called by the Apostle, false brethren) had stoutly maintained the doctrine 
that Gentiles could not participate in the benefits of the Gospel without adopting the 


“1 2 Cor. viii. 18-21. #2 2 Cor. vill. 23. 


Cuapr. I.] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [a.p. 57] 9 


law of Moses, and had insisted, accordingly, that Titus, who Was a Greek, should be 
circumcised. Paul, however, had firmly maintained his ground, and his narrow- 
minded opponents had been defeated in their object. Shortly afterwards these 
Judaizing Christians followed the Apostle down to Antioch, and there broached 
the same tenets, and succeeded in misleading Peter, and with him Barnabas also : 
but Paul again boldly stood forth as the champion of Christian liberty, and openly 
rebuked even Peter himself. The same Judaizing sect had since taken a wider 
circuit, and had penetrated into.many of the churches which the Apostle had planted. 
After Paul’s departure from Galatia, they insinuated themselves among his con- 
verts there, and so far prevailed as to produce a temporary defection of that 
church from the orthodox faith. They had since endeavoured to cireumyent the 
Corinthians, and by flattering their vanity and indulging their prejudices had under- 
mined no inconsiderable part of the Apostle’s fabric. Even when Paul was at 
Ephesus and wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians, the leaven was beginning to 
work, for although there may be no direct mention in the letter of the growing 
mischief, yet several passages were levelled against it obliquely. When Paul charges 
them with saying, “1 am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas,” there can be 
little doubt that in the latter words he refers to the Judaizing sect,—not that Peter 
had or could have taught contrary to the truth, but designing men abused his name ; 
and because the Christians of Jerusalem, where Peter had resided, obseryed the law 
of Moses, they advanced this as a proof that the Mosaic dispensation was a radical 
part of Christianity. Again, when the Apostle writes, “Is any man called being 
circumcised ? let him not become uncircumcised. Is any called in uncireumceision ? let 
him not be circumcised. Ctrewmeision is nothing, and uncircumeision is nothing, but 
the keeping the commandments of God;”* the remark, though introduced ἱποὶ- 
dentally, has a peculiar force, as aimed against the doctrines of the Judaizers. Again, 
when Paul writes, ‘““ Am I not an Apostle? am I not free? Haye I not seen Jesus 
Christ our Lord? are not ye my work in the Lord? If I be not an Apostle unto 
others, yet, doubtless, I am to you; for the seal of mine apostleship are ye in the 
Lord,” ** though ostensibly the Apostle is exhorting his converts “ not to seek their 
own, but every man another’s weal,”*° and so bids them copy the example of himself, 
who, though an Apostle, and privileged as one, waived his rights, and would receive 
no remuneration ; yet, at the same time, from the way in which he handles the subject, 
it is evident that a party at Corinth had questioned the authority of Paul, as not 
being, like Peter, one of the Twelve, and had imputed the absence of any pecuniary 
support not to want of will, but to the want of title to it. 

The mission of Titus, and the First Epistle to the Corinthian church, had 
produced a suitable effect upon the rest of the community, but this Judaizing party 
had still set the Apostle at defiance, and it was feared that nothing but extreme 


5. 1'Cor. vile 18; 19: TI {Cleine yes ht 3) Cor x Bi 


VOL. Il. σ 


10 [4.0. 57] ST, PAUL IN MACEDONIA. 


[Cuapr. 1. 


placed themselves under a ringleader, who, from the severity of the Apostle’s expres- 
sions, must have been a character of the utmost depravity. The name of the 
heresiarch has not transpired, but the Satanic form is darkly shadowed forth in 
almost every page of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. He was not a native of 
Corinth, but had climbed like a wolf over the fold, to worry the flock. He had 
crept in amongst them as the serpent into Paradise, to corrupt innocence. “TI fear, 
lest by any means, as the serpent beguiled Eve through his subtilty, so your minds should 
be corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ; for if he that cometh preacheth 
another Jesus, whom we have not preached, or if ye receive another spirit, which ye 
have not received, or another Gospel, which ye have not accepted, ye might well bear 
with him.”?° He was evidently a Jew, and boasted of his extraction, and, perhaps, 
had insinuated of Paul that, being born at Tarsus, he was a mere Hellenist, and not 
of the true stock of Israel. All this is implied in the Apostle’s examination of the 
impostor’s pretensions—‘“ Are they Hebrews? so am I. Are they Israelites? so am 
I. Are they the seed of Abraham? so am I.”*? The Apostle continues, “ Are they 
ministers of Christ (I speak as a fool)? I am more ;” from which we may presume that 
the false teacher alleged himself to have received ordination, at least to the office of 
deacon; and if there was a Judas amongst the Apostles, we need not be surprised 
that a heretic should be found eyen amongst the pastors of the church. It is most 
likely that the Judaizing sect at Jerusalem, whom the Apostle stigmatizes as false 
brethren, had dispatched this emissary, called a false apostle, to propagate their 
mischievous doctrines at Corinth. He had come with letters of introduction, or why 
should the Apostle ask the Corinthians, ‘“ Need we, as some others, epistles of com- 
mendation to you?”* This propagandist was admirably adapted to the mission upon 
which he had been sent. He was of prepossessing appearance, and fluent of speech, 
and conscious of these advantages he would fain seduce the church from their alle- 
giance to the great champion of Gentile freedom, by at one time deriding the 
undignified appearance of Paul from a diminutive figure and impaired eyesight, and 
at another by turning into ridicule his unpolished periods and uncouthness of speech. 
All this must be understood, or we lose the force of the Apostle’s opening address 
to the Judaizing party. ‘Now I Paul myself beseech you by the meekness and 
gentleness of Christ, who in presence am base among you, but being absent am bold 
toward you—but I beseech you, that I may not be bold when I am present with that 
confidence, wherewith I think to be bold against some, which think of us as if we 
walked according to the flesh.”*! And again, “ His letters, say they, are weighty and 
powerful, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech contemptible. Let such an 


A719) (Clore ἘΠ 8. 2. 9 ψευδαπόστολοι. 2 Cor: xi. 12. 
7 2 Cor. xi. 22. 80. 9 Cor. iii. 1. 
28 ψευδαδέλφους. Gal. ii. 4. st 2 Cor. x. 1, 2. 


Cuap. I.] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONTA, (A.D. 57] 11 


one think this, that, such as we are in word by letter when we are absent, such will 
we be also in deed when we are present.” ἢ 

This artful schismatic made professions of the utmost disinterestedness, and did 
not publicly receive any stipend from his congregation, but in private he plundered 
the brethren by extorting largesses under various pretences. He would gladly have 
found some handle for questioning the purity of the Apostle’s conduct, but Paul had 
carefully guarded himself against imputations of this kind, by refusing every 
pecuniary offer from the Corinthians himself, and by laying an injunction upon his 
followers to observe the same rule. The Apostle, in allusion to these his gratuitous 
services at Corinth, and the artful profession of the same disinterestedness by the false 
teacher, though rapacious enough under the garb of sanctity, writes thus to the 
Corinthians—“ As the truth of Christ is in me, this boasting shall not be stopped in 
me in the region of Achaia. Wherefore? Because I love you not? God knoweth, 
But what I do, that I will do, that I may cut off occasion from them which desire 
oceasion, that wherein they glory, they may be found even as we.”* “For such 
(meaning the false teacher and his partisans) are false Apostles, doubtful workers, 
transforming themselves into the Apostles of Christ; and no marvel, for Satan 
himself is transformed into an Angel of light; therefore it is no great thing if his 
ministers also be transformed as the ministers of righteousness, whose end shall be 
according to their works.” * 

The last feature we shall mention in the character of the impostor is his extreme 
insolence toward a church to which he did not belong. He seems to have lorded it 
over his followers as if he had planted the church himself, and had a right to direct 
their faith. Paul had called them to Christian freedom, the intruder was now, 
by blustering and intimidation, bringing them into bondage to the law. How keen 
is the irony of the Apostle in touching upon the folly of the Corinthians in putting 
such a yoke upon their own necks—‘ Seeing that many glory after the flesh, I will 
glory also. For ye suffer fools gladly, seeing ye yourselves are wise! For ye suffer, 
if a man bring you into bondage! if a man devour you! if a man take of you! if a 
man exalt himself! if a man smite you on the face!” * 

Such was the state of affairs at Corinth, and with so malignant a faction opposed 
to him, the Apostle, had he proceeded thither at once, must necessarily have had 
recourse to the severest measures; but such a step was most repugnant to his 
feelings, and he wished to give them one more chance of repentance. The mission of 
Titus, and the First Epistle to the Corinthians from Ephesus, had produced a most 
salutary effect, and he now proposed to send Titus a second time with another 
expostulatory letter from himself, in the hope of reducing the rebellious to a sense of 
duty without the infliction of condign punishment. 

Another reason why the Apostle should send brethren before him to Corinth was 


δ COR Xe LO: 3 2 Cor. xi. 10-12. % 9 Cor. xi. 13-15. $2 Cor. xi. 18, 20. 
; ᾿ o 2 


12 [4.Ὁ. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [Cuap. I. 


connected with the collection for the poor Hebrews. A year ago the Corinthians 
had expressed their utmost readiness to forward the contribution, and when Titus 
was amongst them they had actually commenced it by laying by a weekly sum 
in store. Paul in promoting the same object in Macedonia, had stimulated the 
zeal of the Macedonians by boasting of the alacrity of the Corinthians, and he 
was now anxious that the Corinthians should act up to their profession, that they as 
well as himself might not be put to shame. Some of the Macedonians would no 
doubt accompany him to Corinth, and it would be painful enough, if after the 
Apostle’s laudation of the Corinthians, they were found unprepared. ‘Titus, there- 
fore, was commissioned to guard against this miscarriage, and to bring the contri- 
bution at Corinth to completion before the Apostle’s arrival. This motive Paul, 
with great candour, opens to us himself: “I know the forwardness of your mind, for 
which I boast of you to them of Macedonia, that Achaia was ready a year ago, 
and your zeal hath provoked very many. Yet have I sent the brethren, lest 
our boasting of you should be in vain in this behalf; that, as I said, ye may 
be ready ; lest haply if they of Macedonia come with me, and find you unprepared, 
we (that we say not, ye) should be ashamed in this same confident boasting. There- 
fore I thought it necessary to exhort the brethren, that they should go before unto 
you, and make up beforehand your bounty, whereof ye had notice before, that the 
same might be ready as a bounty, and not as an exaction.”*° 

There was yet a third reason which may have actuated Paul in not sailing 
directly for Corinth. In his former circuit he had intended to evangelize the whole 
of Macedonia, and with that view had preached in Philippi the capital of Macedonia 
Prima, in Thessalonica the capital of Macedonia Secunda, and in Bercea a city of 
Macedonia Tertia, but here the machinations of the Jews had interrupted his 
progress, and he had been obliged to fly to the sea, instead of penetrating into 
Macedonia Quarta, which lay next Ilyricum. His present purpose therefore was, 
after having dispatched the eleemosynary business amongst the churches planted 
by him on his former yisit, to make a supplemental circuit for a few weeks, and 
preach the Gospel in Macedonia Quarta. 

Paul having thus laid his plans, communicated his wishes to Titus, and urged 
him to return to Corinth; and as that disciple before, when he distrusted the 
Corinthian church, had from a sense of duty entered upon an office not very agree- 
able to his natural feelings, he now, having witnessed the unaffected contrition of 
the majority, was as ready to undertake, as Paul was to impose the charge. ‘“ Thanks 
be to God,” writes the Apostle, “ who putteth the same earnest care into the heart 
of Titus for you: for indeed he accepted the exhortation, and being more forward 
of his own accord, he went unto you.” 7 

To give greater authority to the mission, and to impress the Corinthian church 


BE (Corsi 25: 87 2, Cor ville Lo; Wf 


παρ. 1 ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [a.v. 57] 13 


with the Apostle’s anxiety for their welfare, he associated with Titus the Evan- 
gelist Luke, now in high estimation for the Gospel which he had published, and 
also one of the chosen delegates of the Macedonians for conveying their alms to 
Jerusalem. 

Trophimus also, who had been the companion of Titus on the former oceasion,** 
and since elected as the colleague of Luke to carry the Macedonian contribution to 
Jerusalem, was requested to lend his services a second time, an invitation which 
from increased confidence in the good intentions of the Corinthians he joyfully 
accepted. “ And we have sent with them (Titus and Luke), our brother (Trophimus), 
whom we have oftentimes proved diligent in many things, but now much more 
diligent from the great confidence which he hath in you.” * 

Paul now sat down to indite the proposed letter to the Corinthian church. It 
consists of two parts, so distinct and independent, that they might almost be, and 
have by some been, regarded as two separate epistles. The first part is addressed 
to the sober contrite portion of the Corinthian church, and the Apostle throughout 
opens his mind with the most unreserved confidence; expatiates on his own trials 
and tribulations, his triumphs and consolations; explains the secret springs of 
conduct which might have appeared unaccountable; and, in short, writes with all 
the warmth of feeling which an earnest Apostle would bear towards a beloved and now 
reconciled church. In the second part of the Epistle he defends himself with 
spirited irony against the assaults of his enemies at Corinth; yindicates his apo- 
stolical authority, even to the overthrow of all strongholds arrayed against him ; 
threatens to use the rod against the hardened sinner; and beseeches them not to 
put his power in Christ to the test, but to repent of their wickedness during the 
short interval that still remained before the Apostle’s arrival. But to explain the 
Epistle fully, we must descend into a particular analysis. 

After joining Timothy with himself in the usual salutation, he (i. 3) takes up his 
own history from the date of his former Epistle, and enters at once upon a subject 
which had most deeply affected him, and had imbued his mind with a more than 
usual solemnity of thought—his hairbreadth escape at Ephesus; and he invites 
the Corinthians to unite with him in a public thanksgiving to Almighty God for the 
deliverance. He then (i. 12) proceeds to open the reasons which had governed him 
in deferring his promised visit to Corinth, namely, that it was from no fickleness or 
infirmity of purpose in himself, but to give the Corinthians an opportunity of cor- 
recting the disorderly state of their church—“TI call Godas a witness upon my soul, 
that to spare you I came not as yet unto Corinth.”"' Their meeting would otherwise 
have been attended not with comfort to each other, but mutual pain—‘ I determined 
this with myself, that I would not come again to you in sorrow; for if I make you 
sorry, who is he, then, that maketh me glad, but the same which is made sorry 


% See Vol. I. p. 404. 89. See Vol. I. p. 869." Ὁ δ᾽ Cor. viii. 22. tS Cor, 125! 


14 [a.p. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONTA, (Cuap. 1. 


by me?”* It may be remarked, by the way, that this full discovery of his motive 
comes very naturally from the Apostle when he had seen the success of his scheme, 
but would not have been a seasonable communication while the matter was yet in 
suspense. 

Next (1. 6), as the Corinthians generally, and the incestuous person in particular, 
had now repented, he exhorts that the excommunication should be recalled, and 
the offender again received into the bosom of the church. “Sufficient to such a 
man is this punishment, which hath been inflicted of many ; so that, contrariwise, ye 
ought rather to forgive him and comfort him, lest perhaps such a one should be 
swallowed up with overmuch sorrow.” ** 

He then (ii. 12) carries the Corinthians with him to Troas, and tells them his 
bitter disappointment there at not meeting with Titus; but that notwithstanding 
these troubles upon troubles, he had triumphed in the Gospel, and had preached with 
great success; and then, through several chapters, he lays open his whole breast and 
gives expression to the various feelings which recent occurrences had inspired. He 
discourses with the Corinthians without reserve, and lets his mind lead him through 
a labyrinth of noble thoughts and consolatory reflections dictated by surrounding 
circumstances ; and in expatiating upon the persecutions to which he was subjected 
in the world, and the scene of glory that opened to his view in the horizon, he uses a 
beautiful illustration from his own trade of a tent-maker: “We know that if our 
earthly house of this tabernacle be dissolved, we have a building of God, a house not 
made with hands eternal in the heavens.”** At length, after a long series of 
reflections springing from a heart full of kindly warmth towards his Corinthian 
converts, he (vi. 11) apologizes for the freedom with which his tongue had been 
running, and beseeches them to return his affection. “Ὁ ye Corinthians, our 
mouth hath been opened unto you, our heart hath been enlarged! But by way of 
like return (I speak as unto my children), be ye also enlarged.” * 

He next (vii. 2) carries the thread of his history into Macedonia, and tells the 
Corinthians how tribulation had still followed him, for “ without were fightings, and 
within were fears,” but that he had been inexpressibly comforted by the arrival of 
Titus from Corinth ; and the Apostle then luxuriates in a graphic description of the 
workings of Corinthian contrition. 

He next (viii. 1) adverts to the collection for the poor saints at Jerusalem, and 
exhorts them to complete liberally what they had begun with so much alacrity. 

Here closes the first part of the Epistle addressed to the sober part of the 
Corinthian church. 

He now turns to the faction headed by the false teacher, and, changing his tone, 
levels against them the shafts of bitter irony, or threatens to pour out the vials 
of wrath if they did not repent. He commences (x. 1) by saying, that humble as he 


© 2 Cor. ii. 1, 2. 48 2 Cor. ii. 6, 7. 42 Cor. v. 1. 4 2 Cor. vi. 11, 13. 


Cuap. 1.} SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.D. 57] 15 


was in person, and feeble in speech, he was yet armed with power enough from 
Christ to bring down all spiritual pride in such as arrayed themselves against the 
truth. ‘For the weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God to 
the pulling down of strongholds; casting down imaginations, and every high thing 
that exalteth itself against the knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every 
thought to the obedience of Christ, and haying in readiness to revenge all dis- 
obedience, until your obedience be fulfilled.” *° 

He then (xi. 1) with many apologies for such unseemly boasting, shows that he 
was no whit inferior to “the very chiefest Apostles, though he was nothing ;” that 
(xi. 18) he was at least equal to the vain boasters among the Corinthians, in extrac- 
tion and purity of Hebrew blood, and he was pre-eminent beyond all (xi. 25) in 
sufferings for the cause of the Gospel, and (xii. 1) in revelations made to him from 
heaven, and (xii. 12) in the working of miracles. 

He then (xiii. 1) declares solemnly that on his arrival at Corinth he would try the 
offenders judicially, and would proceed to punishment. “This is the third time I 
am coming to you. ‘In the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every word be 
established.’ I told you before, and foretell you, as if I were present, the secont 
time; and being absent now I write to them which heretofore have sinned, and to 
all other, that, if I come again, I will not spare ;’*" he accordingly exhorts them to 
repent in time, that they may escape the apostolic rod. 

He concludes (xiii. 11) with some admonitory sentences, and subjoins the usual 
salutations and benediction. The Epistle ran thus: 4. 


[The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 


thus [ 7, are not eawpressed, but only implied, in the Greek.] 
Cu. 1. “Pau, ΑΝ ApostLe or Jesus Curis? BY THE WILL oF Gop, AND ΤΊΜΟΤΗΥ 
OUR BROTHER, UNTO THE CHURCH OF GOD WHICH Is AT CORINTH, WITH ALL THE 
15. 9. Cor. x. 4-6. tion amongst the Corinthians, and prepare them 


47 9: Cor. xiii. 1, 2. 

# The date of the Epistle may be thus ascer- 
tained. It was written after the riot of Deme- 
trius the silversmith at Ephesus, which occurred 
in May, A.D. 57, for Paul thus alludes to it, τῆς 
θλίψεως τῆς γενομένης ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ. 2 Cor. 
i. 8. And he then traces his passage from 
Ephesus through Troas (ii. 12) to Macedonia 
(ii. 18; vii. 5); where he was engaged in making 
a collection for the poor Hebrews (viii. 1); and 
the collection was still proceeding at the date of 
the Epistle, for the Apostle writes in the present 
tense “1 am buasting,” &e. 
ow ὅτι ᾿Αχαΐα παρεσκεύασται ἀπὸ πέρυσι, 1X. 1; and 
this second Epistle, like the first, was sent by the 
hands of Titus, who was to continue the collec- 


καυχῶμαι Μακεδό- 


for the reception of Paul himself. viii. 6; viii. 
17; ix.3-5. Furthermore the Epistle was written 
in anticipation of a second visit to Corinth. wa 
δευτέραν χάριν ἔχητε, i. 15; ὡς παρὼν τὸ δεύτερον, 
xiii. 3. Though it was his third attempt. 
ἑτοίμως ἔχω ἐλθεῖν, xii. 14; τρίτον τοῦτο ἔρχομαι, 


xiii. 1. And the Apostle alludes in the Epistle to 


τρίτον 


- a revelation made to him fourteen years before : 


πρὸ ἐτῶν δεκατεσσάρων, xii. 2. This expression 
means the fourteenth year current (see Fasti 
Sacri, p. 264, No. 1581; p. 279, No. 1672), and as 
the vision occurred when he was at Jerusalem at 
the Passover of a.p. 44, the date of the Epistle 
must be referred to a.p. 57. There can be no 
doubt under all the circumstances that it was 
written in the latter half of that year. 


16 


2 


συ 


“I 


10 


19 


* The Jabours of the Apostle therefore had τ 
been extended far beyond the walls of Corinth. 


[A.p. 57] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


(Cuap. 1. 


SAINTS WHICH ARE IN ALL AcHarA:*® GRACE BE TO YOU, AND PEACE FRom Gop 
our FarHEr, AND FRoM THE Lorp JEsus Curist. 

“Blessed be God, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of 
mercies, and the God of all comfort, who comforteth us in all our tribulation, 
that we may be able to comfort them which are in any trouble by the comfort, 
wherewith we ourselves are comforted of God; for as the sufferings of Christ 
abound to usward, so our comfort also aboundeth by Christ. But whether we 
be afflicted, it is for your comfort and salvation, which is effectual in the 
enduring of the same sufferings which we also suffer: or whether we be 
comforted, it is for your comfort and salvation (and our hope of you is 
stedfast) knowing, that as ye are partakers of the sufferings, so shall ye be 
of the comfort. For we would not, brethren, have you ignorant of our 
distress which came to us in Asia,°® that we were pressed out of measure above 
strength, insomuch that we despaired even of life: nay, we had the sentence 
of death in ourselves, that we should not trust in ourselves, but in God which 
raiseth the dead, who delivered us from so great a death, and doth deliver, in 
whom we trust that he will yet deliver us, you also helping together by 
prayer for us, that for the merey shown to us by the means of many persons. 
thanks may be given by many on our behalf.° 

“ For our boast is this,—the testimony of our conscience, that in simplicity 
and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God, we have 
had our conyersation in the world, and more abundantly to youward. For we 
write none other things unto you, than what ye read or even know ;°? and I 
trust ye shall /now eyen to the end, as also ye have known us in part, that we 
are your boast, even as ye also are ours, in the day of the Lord Jesus. Andin 
this confidence 1 was minded to come unto you before, that ye might have a 
second benefit ; and to pass by you into Macedonia, and to come again out of 
Macedonia unto you, and of you to be set forward** on my way toward Judea.** 


προπεμφθῆναι. In Eng. ver. “ brought.” 
kal ταύτῃ TH πεποιθήσει ἐβουλόμην πρὸς ὑμᾶς 


°° The Apostle here alludes to the trials he 
had gone through at Ephesus, and which in his 
former letter he had designated as fighting with 
wild beasts (1 Cor, xv. 32), to which was now to 
be added the tumult at the instance of Deme- 
trius, the silversmith, which had nearly cost 
him his life. 

*' The Apostle here asks the Corinthians to 
offer up a thanksgiving on his behalf for his 
recent deliverance. 

* ἐπιγινώσκετε. In Eng. ver. “ acknowledge,” 
i.e. What ye read of as regards what passed 
amongst others; and what ye know as regards 
what passed amongst yourselves. 


ἐλθεῖν πρότερον, iva δευτέραν χάριν ἔχητε" καὶ δι᾿ 
ὑμῶν διελθεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, καὶ πάλιν ἀπὸ Μακε- 
δονίας ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν προπεμφθῆναι 
εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν. Those who maintain the hypo- 
thesis that Paul had been at Corinth twice before 
the date of this Epistle would render the pas- 
sage thus: “I was minded to come unto you 
first, and thence to go to Macedonia, and thence 
back again to you, so that you might thus have 
the benefit of my presence among you twice in 
the course of this circuit.” Such, however, is not 
the Apostle’s meaning. He had in fact been at 
Corinth but once before, and he was now intending 
to confer on them asecond benefit. See infra, xiii. 1. 


Cuap. I.] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.D. 57] 17 


When I therefore was thus minded, did I use lightness? or the things that I 
purpose, do I purpose according to the flesh, that with me there should be 
18,19 Yea Yea, and Nay Nay?* But as God is true, our word®® toward you was 
not Yea and Nay. For the Son of God, Jesus Christ, who was preached 

20 among you by us (by me and Silvanus and Timothy), was not Yea and Nay, 
but in him was Yea;*" for whatever are the promises of God, in him is Yea 

21 and in him Amen, unto the glory of God by us; but he which stablisheth us 
22 with you in Christ, and hath anointed us, is God, who hath also sealed us, and 
23 given the earnest®* of the Spirit in our hearts. But I call God as a witness 
24 upon my soul, that to spare you I came not as yet unto Corinth,—not that we 
lord it over your faith, but are helpers of your joy (for by faith ye stand) ; 

Cu. Π. but I determined this with myself, that I would not come again to you in 
2 grief.’ For if I grieve you, who is he then that maketh me glad, but the 
3 same which is grieved by me? And I wrote that very thing unto you,” lest 
when I came, I should have grief from them of whom I ought to rejoice, 

4 having confidence in you all that my joy is the joy of you all. For out of 
much aftliction and anguish of heart I wrote unto you with many tears ;—not 
that ye should be grieved, but that ye might know the love which I have more 

5 abundantly unto you. But if one" hath caused grief, he hath not grieved me, 
but (that I lay not the burden on all from [the offence of | a part) yourselves.” 

6,7 Sufficient to such a man is this punishment, which hath been inflicted of the 
more part ; so that contrariwise ye ought rather to forgive, and comfort him, 

8 lest perhaps such a one be swallowed up with overmuch grief. Wherefore I 

9 beseech you éo confirm your love toward him ; for to this end also did I write, 
10 that I might know the proof of you, whether ye be obedient in all things. 
But to whom ye forgive anything, I forgive also: for if I have forgiven any- 

11 thing, to whom I forgave it, for your sakes I forgave it in the person of Christ, 
lest we should be overreached™ by Satan, for we are not ignorant of his devices. 

12 “ Furthermore, when I came to Troas to [preach] Christ’s Gospel,®° and a 


55 Viz. “That I should first say Yes,and then, But observe the tenderness of the Apostle in not 
without any reason for the change, say No.” naming the offender. In both Epistles, the name 

66 By “our word” he means his promise to [5 studiously suppressed, that the finger of scorn 
visit Corinth, which, on account of the state of might not be pointed at him in his repentance. 


the Corinthian church, he had been obliged to °° He must by his conduct have pained not 
postpone for a time. only me, but yourselves also; that is, assuming 

57 “ Not sometimes one thing and sometimes that ye are not all guilty because one is guilty, 
another, but always the same.” or in other words, assuming that ye did not ell 


58 τὸν ἀῤῥαβῶνα, pay, ‘pignus. For in-  connive at his crime, and so became participators 
stances of the use of the word by Greeks and _ in it. 
Romans, see Wetstein on 2 Cor. i. 22. 8 τῶν πλειόνων. In Eng. ver. “ many.” 
8 λύπῃ. In Eng. ver. “ heaviness.” δε (va μὴ πλεονεκτηθῶμεν. In Eng. ver. “ lest 
60 Viz. that you should excommunicate the Satan get an advantage over us.” 
incestuous person. ® eis τὸ εὐαγγέλιον. The word “ preach” is 
δι Paul here refers to the incestuous person. ποῦ in the Greek. 


VOL. I. D 


14 


15 


16 


17 


Cu, ΠῚ. 
9) 


4 


oe) 
co 


10 


[Cuap. 1. 


found not Titus my brother; but taking my leave of them, I went from thence 
into Macedonia. Now thanks be unto God, which always causeth us to 
triumph” in Christ, and maketh manifest the savour of his knowledge by us 
in eyery place; for we are unto God a sweet savour of Christ, in them that 
are sayed, and in them that perish: to the one the savour of death unto 
death, and to the other the savour of life unto life. And who is sufficient for 
these things? For we are not as the many which corrupt the word of God, 
but as of sincerity, but as of God, in the sight of God speak we in Christ. 
Do we begin again" to commend ourselves ? or need we, as some," letters of 
commendation to you, or letters of commendation from you? Ye are our 
letter written in our hearts, known and read of all men ; [forasmuch as ye are] 
manifested to be a letter of Christ ministered by us, written not with ink,” 
but with the spirit of the living God ; not on tables of stone,’ but on fleshy 
tables of the heart. Now we have such confidence™ through Christ to Godward 
—not that we are sufficient of ourselves to think anything as of ourselves, but 
our sufficiency is of God; who also hath made us sufficient for being ministers 
of the New Déspensation—not of the letter, but of the spirit ; for the letter 
killeth, but the spirit giveth life. But if the ministration of death, engraven 
in letters on stones, was glorious, so that the children of Israel could not 
stedfastly /ook on the face of Moses for the glory of his countenance, which 
[glory] was to be done away, how shall not the ministration of the spirit be 
more in glory? For if the ministration of condemnation be glory, much more 
doth the ministration of justification exceed in glory. For even that which 
was made glorious ἐς not glorious in this respect, by reason of the glory that 


°° See ante, Vol. IT. p. 2. 


67 To 


against God, and, becoming reprobates, draw 


understand the figurative language of down upon themselves the wrath of heaven in 


this and the following verses, the reader must 
carry in mind the nature of a Roman triumph. 
The procession consisted of the victors and the 
vanquished; the former crowned with laurel, 
and looking forward to the recompense of their 
toils and dangers in a grant of public lands on 
which they might end their days in peace; the 
latter reserved only to grace the pageant, and at 
the conclusion of the ceremony to be consigned 
to chains or death. The streets meanwhile were 
lined with altars smoking with incense, a savour 
of joy to the victorious host, and of woe to the 
defeated. So, as the preacher of the Gospel 
marches through the world, he is a savour 
of life unto life (here and hereafter) to those 
who enlist themselyes under the banner of the 
eross and become his fellow-soldiers; but a 
savour of death unto death to those who fight 


this world and eternal perdition in the next. 

58. οἱ πολλοί. In Eng. ver. “many.” 

® He refers to his former boast in i. 12. 

Apollos had gone to Cormth with letters of 
commendation, Acts xviii. 27, and no doubt the 
heretical teachers at Corinth had also brought 
letters of commendation. See ante, p. 10. 

7 μέλανι. We may conclude from this that 
the Apostle’s writing materials were a reed pen 
and paper or parchment, and were not the 
Roman stylus and waxen tablet. Soin 2 John 
v. 12 we have, διὰ χάρτου καὶ μέλανος καὶ καλάμου : 
and see 2 Tim. iv. 13 

= As was the Law of Moses. 

τ) In Eng. ver. “ trust.” 

In Eng. 


πεποίθησιν. 
ἐν γράμμασιν ἐντυπωμένη. 
“written and engrayen.” 


τι ver. 


Cuap. I.] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


[a.p. 57] 19 


11,12 excelleth. For if that which 7s done away was glorious, much more that 
which remaineth is glorious. Seeing then that we have such hope, we use 

13 great plainness of speech; and not as Moses, [who] put a veil over his face 
that the children of Israel could not stedfastly look to the end of that which is 

14 abolished ; but their understandings were blinded ; for until this day remaineth 
the same veil untaken away in the reading of the Old Testament (which [veil] 

15, 16 is done away in Christ); but even unto this day, when Moses is read, the veil 
lieth wpon their heart. Nevertheless when it shall turn to the Lord, the veil 

17 shall be taken away. Now the Lord is the Spirit; and where the Spirit of 

18 the Lord is, there is liberty. “But we all, with open face beholding as in a 
mirror” the glory of the Lord, are transformed™ into the same image from 
glory to glory, as by the Lord the Spirit.* Therefore, seeing we have this 
2 ministry, as we have received mercy, we faint not; but have renounced the 
hidden things of shame,’* not walking in craftiness, nor adulterating® the 
word of God; but by manifestation of the truth commending ourselves to 

3 every man’s conscience in the sight of God. But if our Gospel be veiled, it is 
4 veiled to them that are lost; in whom the god of this world hath blinded the 
understandings of them which believe not, that the enlightenment of the Gospel 
of the glory of Christ, who is the image of God, should not shine unto them ; 

5 for we preach not ourselves, but Christ Jesus the Lord, and ourselves your 
6 servants for Jesus’ sake. For God, who commanded the light to shine out of 
darkness (Gen. 1. 4), hath shined in our hearts, to give the light of the know- 

7 ledge of the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ. But we have this 
8 treasure in earthen vessels, that the excellency of the power may be of God, 
and not of us. We are troubled on every side, yet not distressed ; perplexed, 
but not in despair; persecuted, but not forsaken; cast down, but not 
destroyed ; always bearing about in the body the dying of“ Jesus, that the 
11 life also of Jesus might be made manifest in our body. For we which live 
are alway delivered unto death for Jesus’ sake, that the life also of Jesus may 
be made manifest in our mortal flesh ; so that death worketh in us, but life in 
you. But having the same spirit of faith, according as it is written, ‘I 
14 believed, and therefore I spake,’ (Ps. exvi. 10),** we also believe, and there- 


12, 13 


τ The spirit as opposed to the letter. See 
ver. 6. 


76 


78 καθάπερ ἀπὸ Κυρίου Πνεύματος. In Eng. ver. 
“even as by the Spirit of the Lord.” 

τϑ τῆς αἰσχύνης. In Eng. ver. “ dishonestly.” 

% Sododvres. In Eng. ver. “handling deceit- 
fully.” 


κατοπτριζόμενοι. In Eng. ver. “ beholding 
as in a glass,” but the ancients used polished 
metal, and not glass, for mirrors. 


™ μεταμορφούμεθα. In Eng. ver. “are changed,” 
i.e. we see the image of God in the mirror, and 
by steadfastly fixing our eyes upon the image, 
we grow into the likeness of it, and so become 
sons of God. 


δι The word Κυρίου, ‘the Lord,’ is omitted by , 
all the best critics, as Griesbach, Scholtz, Lach- 
mann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

* Verbatim from the LXX. 


bo 


D 2 


20 


[a.p. 57] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. (Cuae. 1: 


Cu. V. 


fore speak ; knowing that he which raised up the Lord Jesus shall raise up us 
also by™ Jesus, and shall present us with you; for all things are for your 
sakes, that grace being multiplied through the thanksgiving of many may 
redound to the glory of God.** For which cause we faint not; but though our 
17 outward man be wasted,** yet the inward man is renewed day by day ; for our 
18 present light affliction worketh for us an exceedingly excessive** eternal weight 
of glory, while we look not at the things which are seen, but at the things 
which are not seen; for the things which are seen are temporal, but the 
things which are not seen are eternal. For we know that if our earthly house 
of this tabernacle *’ be dissolved, we have a building of God, a house not made 
with hands, eternal in the heavens. For in this we groan, earnestly desiring 
to be clothed upon with our house which is from heaven; if so be that being 
clothed we shall not be found naked.** For we that are in this tabernacle do 
groan, being burdened, not that we would be unclothed, but clothed upon, that 
mortality may be swallowed up of life. Now he that hath wrought us for the 
self-same thing is God, who also hath given unto us the earnest of the Spirit. 
Therefore, being always confident, and knowing that, whilst we are at home in 
the body, we are absent from the Lord (for we walk by faith, not by sight), 
we are confident, I say, and think it well® rather to be absent from the body, 
and to be present with the Lord. Wherefore, also, we are ambitious that 
whether present or absent, we be well pleasing to* him. For we must all 
be made manifest®’ before the judgment-seat of Christ, that every one may 
receive the things in the body, according to that he hath done, whether it be 
good or bad. Knowing, therefore, the terror of the Lord, we persuade men,‘” 
but we are made manifest unto God; and I hope, also, are made manifest in 
your consciences ; for we commend not ourselves again unto you, but give you 
occasion to glory on our behalf, that ye may have somewhat against them 
which glory in appearance, and not in heart. For whether we are beside 


15 
16 


11 


12 


19 


* Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford read 
σὺν Ἰησοῦ, “ with Jesus, instead of διὰ, “ by Jesus.’ 

ἵνα ἡ χάρις πλεονάσασα διὰ τῶν πλειόνων τὴν 
εὐχαριστίαν περισσεύῃ εἰς τὴν δόξαν τοῦ Θεοῦ. The 
word χάρις here seems to mean the same thing as 
the word χάρισμα ini. 11, viz. the gracious de- 
liverance of Paul at Ephesus, which redounded 
to the glory of God by calling forth the hearty 
thanksgiving of the churches? Observe the play 
upon the words χάρις and εὐχαριστίαν. In Eng. 
ver. “that the abundant grace might through 
the thanksgiving of many redound to the glory 
of God.” 

Ὁ διαφθείρεται. In Eng, ver. “ perish.” 

“καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν εἰς ὑπερβολὴν αἰώνιον, κιτιλ. 

τ This figure of the earthly tabernacle was, of 


course, familiar to the mind of Paul, who was 
himself a tent-maker. 

8° «Tf so be that when the time comes for us 
to be clothed upon, we shall not be found naked,’ 
that is, without the robe of Christian purity, 
without the “ wedding garment,” which, accord- 
ing to our Lord’s parable, will be the only pass- 
port to the great marriage feast. 

ὅθ εὐδοκοῦμεν. In Eng. ver. “ we are willing.” 
In Eng. ver. “ accepted by.” 

Ἵ φανερωθῆναι —i.e. we must all be laid oper. 
The same word is used in this sense in the next 
verse. In Eng. ver. “ we must all appear.” 

*” We justify our conduct to men, but in the 
sight of God, the uprightness of our conduct is 
manifest. 


% εὐάρεστοι. 


Cuar. 1.] 


21 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.D. 57] 


14 
15 


16 


17 


18 
19 


20 


21 


Cu, VI. 


Hy 09 


1 


ourselves,’ it is for God; or whether we are sober, it is for you. For the love 
of Christ constraineth us, who have judged this, that if one died for all, then 
were all dead, and he died for all, that they who live should not henceforth 
live unto themselves, but unto him who died for them, and rose again. Where- 
fore, henceforth know we no man after the flesh; yea, though we have known 
Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we him no more.** Therefore, 
if any man be in Christ [he is] a new creature ; old things are passed away ; 
behold, all things are become new. And all things are from God, who hath 
reconciled us to himself by Jesus Christ, and hath given to us the ministry of 
reconciliation, to wit, that God was reconciling the world unto himself in 
Christ, not imputing their trespasses unto them, and hath committed unto us 
the word of reconciliation. We are ambassadors, then, for Christ, as though 
God did beseech you by us; we pray you in Christ’s stead, Be ye reconciled 
to God; for he hath made him who knew no sin, to be sin for us,*° that we 
might be made the righteousness of God in him. We then, as workers 
together with him, beseech you also that ye receive not the grace of God in 
vain; (for he saith, ‘I have heard thee in a time accepted, and in a day of 
salvation have I succoured thee ’ (Js. xlix. 8).°° Behold, now is the well-accepted 
time! Behold, now is the day of salvation!) giving no offence in anything 
that the ministry be not blamed,” but in every thing approving ourselves 
the ministers of God, in much patience, in afflictions, in necessities, 
distresses, in stripes,’ in imprisonments,”? 

watchings,’” in fastings,'? 7 pureness, iz knowledge, in long-suffering, in 
kindness, in the Holy Ghost, in love unfeigned, zm the word of truth, in the 
power of God, by the armour of righteousness on the right hand and on the 


as 
in 


in tumults,'°? in labours,’ in 


% ἐξέστημεν. The zeal of Paul laid him open 
to this charge, but there was no more reason for 
it than when Festus exclaimed, “ Paul, thou art 
beside thyself.” Acts xxvi. 24, This seems to 
harmonise better with the context than to sup- 
pose the Apostle to allude to his hairbreadth 
escape at Ephesus, when at the moment he was 
so much beside himself that he would have 
rushed into the theatre, but the disciples held 
him back. See Acts xix. 30. 

% «Though we have known Christ in his 
human character, it avails us nothing. We 
must henceforth know him only in his divine 
and spiritual character’ The Apostle may be 
referring here to some unaccredited teachers in 
the Corinthian church, who grounded their pre- 
tensions on the fact of their haying seen Christ 
in the flesh. 

95 God made him a “ sin-offering for us,” i.e. 
he suffered the penalty of our sin. 


* Cited verbatim from the LXX. 

ὅτ These words and the sequel refer, not to 
the Corinthians, but to the Apostle himself, and 
in this description we have in a general way tho 
lights and shadows of his life. 

* As at Philippi, Acts xvi. 23. 

*® As at Philippi, Acts xvi. 23. Clemens 
Romanus speaks of Paul as ἑπτάκις δέσμα φορέσας, 
1 Epist. Cor. 

0 As at Ephesus, at the riot stirred up by 
Demetrius the silversmith. 

11 Tn labouring with his own hands, as at 
Thessalonica, 2 Thess. iii. 8; at Corinth, 1 Cor. 
iv. 12; at Ephesus, Acts xx. 34. 

2 Tn pursuing his mission during the night, 
instead of taking rest, as when he preached until 
midnight at Troas. Acts xx. 7. 

“8 Tn the pangs of hunger which must often 
have occurred in the course of his missionary 
labours. 


22 [A.p. 57] SHCOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. (Cuar. 1: 


left,"°* by glory and dishonour,'® by evil report and good report ;'°° as 

9 deceivers, and [yet] true ;'°’ as unknown, and [yet] well known;’” as dying, 

10 and, behold, we live;'°® as chastened, and not killed ;™° as sorrowful, yet 

alway rejoicing ;'' as poor, yet making many rich, as having nothing, and 
[yet] possessing all things.’ 

11, 12 “O Corinthians, our mouth is opened unto you, our heart is enlarged. Ye 

13 are not straitened in us ; but ye are straitened in your own bowels; but by way 

14 of like return 113 (I speak as unto my children), be ye also enlarged. Be not 

unequally yoked with unbelievers; for what fellowship hath righteousness 

15 with unrighteousness? and what communion hath light with darkness? and 

16 what concord hath Christ with Belial ? or what part hath he that believeth 

with an unbeliever ? and what agreement hath the temple of God with idols ὃ 

for ye are the temple of the living God; as God hath said, ‘I will dwell in 

them, and walk in them, and I will be their God, and they shall be my 

17 people.’ (Lev. xxvi. 11, 12.)"* Wherefore, ‘come out from among them, and 

18 be ye separate, saith the Lord, and touch not the unclean [thing].’ (Js. li. 11.)"° 

And ‘I will receive you, and will be a father unto you, and ye shall be my 

Cu. VIL sons and daughters, saith the Lord Almighty.’ (2 Sam. vu. 14.)"° Having, 

therefore, these promises, beloved, let us cleanse ourselves from all pollution of 


the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God. 


ὯΙ Tn a complete panoply of righteousness, so 
as to be unassailable on eyery side. 

1 By dishonour, as when he suffered the in- 
sult of being beaten with rods at Philippi, Acts 
xvi. 23; and the like on two other occasions, 
2 Cor. xi. 25; besides five whippings at the 
hands of the Jews, 2 Cor. xi. 4. 

05 By evil report, from the calumnies spread 
against him, more particularly amongst his own 
countrymen, Rom. iii. 8; so that when he claimed 
a good conscience, Ananias gave an order to 
smite him on the mouth, Acts xxiii, 24. 

07 πλάνοι, ‘deceivers, was the word in com- 
mon use amongst the Jews for the impostors 
that were continually springing up, and the 
same opprobrious epithet was no doubt applied 
to Paul by his unbelieving countrymen. 

08 Defamed as contemptible ; but rightly ap- 
preciated by true believers. 

™ Continually exposed to the risk of our 
lives, yet ever escaping. 

"N° Chastened as by the thorn in the flesh, but 
divinely supported against the chastisement. 
2 Cor. xii. 7. 

Ἧ As when he was disappointed at the non- 
coming of Titus at Troas, 2 Cor. ii. 12; but 


m™ As having nothing in a worldly sense, and 
yet bestowing what in value surpassed the 
ereatest wealth. We may gather from this that 
Paul, if ever endowed with worldly goods, had 
given up all for the sake of the Gospel. 

118 τὴν αὐτὴν ἀντιμισθίαν. In Eng. ver. “for a 
recompense in the same.” 

πὸ "Ενοικήσω ἐν αὐτοῖς, κατιλ. In the LXX.: 
Θήσω τὴν σκηνήν μου ἐν ὑμῖν, κιτιλ., and through- 
out the Apostle changes the second person 
plural to the third. 

No "EEN ere ἐκ μέσου αὐτῶν καὶ ἀφορίσθητε, λέγει 
Κύριος, καὶ ἀκαθάρτου μὴ ἅπτεσθε. In the ΤΙ ΧΧ, 
the words are: ᾿Δκαθάρτου μὴ ἅψησθε, ἐξέλθετε 
ἐκ μέσου αὐτῆς, ἀφορίσθητε. 

US Καγὼ εἰσδέξομαι ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἔσομαι ὑμῖν εἰς 
πατέρα, καὶ ὑμεῖς ἔσεσθέ μοι εἰς υἱοὺς καὶ θυγατέρας, 
λέγει Κύριος παντοκράτωρ. The Apostle seems to 
cite the following passage in the LXX.: Ἐγὼ 
ἔσομαι αὐτῷ εἰς πατέρα, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται μοι εἰς 
viov . . . λέγει Κύριος παντοκράτωρ. 2 Sam. vii. 
14, 8. 

u7 * Be favourably disposed towards us, as we 


are to youward.’ 


Cuar, 1.7 


23 


SECOND EPISTLE ΤῸ THE CORINTHIANS. [a.v. 57] 


3 
4 


5 


have defrauded no man. I speak not this to condemn you," for I have said 
before, that ye are in our hearts to die and ¢o live with you. Great is my 
boldness of speech towards you; great is my boasting of you. I am filled 
with comfort; I overflow with joy in all our affliction. For, when we were 
come into Macedonia, our flesh had no rest, but we were troubled on 
every side,—without [were] fightings, within [were] fears." Nevertheless, 
God that comforteth those that are cast down, comforted us by the coming of 
Titus; and not by his coming only, but also by the comfort wherewith he was 
comforted in you, when he told us your earnest desire, your mourning, your 
zeal™ for me: so that I rejoiced the more; for though I made you sorry by 
the letter," I do not repent, though I was repenting ; * for I perceive that 
that letter made you sorry, but only for an hour. Now I rejoice, not that ye 
were made sorry, but that ye sorrowed to repentance, for ye were made sorry 


10 according to God that ye might receive damage by us in nothing ; for sorrow, 


11 


12 


19 


14͵ 


15 


16 


Cu. VIII, 


according to God, worketh repentance to salvation not to be repented of; but 
the sorrow of the world worketh death.’%° For, behold, this self-same thing, 
that ye sorrowed according to God! what carefulness it wrought in you! yea, 
what clearing of yourselves! yea, what indignation! yea, what fear! yea, 
what vehement desire! yea, what zeal! yea, what revenge! In every thing 
ye have approved yourselves to be clear in this matter. Wherefore, though 
I wrote unto you, [I did it] not for his cause that had done the wrong, nor for 
his cause that suffered wrong, but that our care for you in the sight of God 
might appear to youward. Therefore, we were comforted in your comfort ; 
yea, and exceedingly the more joyed we for the joy of Titus, because his spirit 
was refreshed by you all; for if I have boasted any thing to him of you, I am 
not ashamed, but as we spake all things to you in truth, even so our boasting, 
before Titus, was found a truth; and his bowels yearn more abundantly toward 
you, while he remembereth the obedience of you all, how with fear and trem- 
bling ye received him. I rejoice that I have confidence in you in every thing. 
“Moreover, brethren, we do you to wit of the free gift’ of God which 


us «T speak not in censure of any want of 


129 ¢T had no sooner sent it, than my mind 


affection for the time past, but I beseech you 
only to be kindly affectioned towards me for the 
time to come.’ 

no <T had to resist the assaults of enemies 
from without, and I was harassed by fears for 
the church within my own breast. Without the 
pale of the church was the persecution from 
Jews and heathen, and within it were immorality 
and schism,’ 

29 Gov. In Eng. ver. “ fervent mind.” 

“1 The First Epistle to the Corinthians, in 
which the Apostle had used some sharpness. 


misgave me how it would be received.’ 

'% Carnal pain is allied to death both physi- 
cally and morally; for bodily pain, carried to 
excess, causes natural death, and the pain that 
arises from the want of gratification of our 
uatural appetites, and so drives men to the in- 
dulgence of them, leads to a hardening of the 
conscience, and so causes moral death. 

™ Tn the matter of the incestuous person. 

2 The contribution to the poor Hebrews. 
Eng. ver. “ the grace.” 


In 


24 


[4.D, 57] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [Cuap, I. 


2 
9 


4 


8 

9 
10 
11 
12 
15 
14 
15 
16 


Ws 
18 


hath been given in the churches of Macedonia, that in much trial of affliction 125 
the abundance of their joy and their deep poverty hath abounded unto the riches 
of their liberality’**—that to their power I bear record, yea, and beyond their 
power they [did it] of their own choice, praying of us with much intreaty [that 
we would receive]'** the free gift and contribution of the ministering to the 
saints. And this they did, not as we hoped,’* but first gave their own selves 
to the Lord, and unto us by the will of God, insomuch that we desired Titus, 
that as he had before begun, so he would also finish in you the same free gift 
also. Therefore, as ye abound in every thing, in faith, and word, and know- 
‘ledge, and all diligence, and in your love to us, see that ye abound in this 
Sree gift also. I speak not by commandment, but by occasion of the forward- 
ness of others, and to prove the sincerity of your love; for ye know the free 
gift of our Lord Jesus Christ, that though he was rich, yet for your sakes he 
became poor, that ye, through his poverty, might be rich. And herein I give 
my opinion: for this is expedient for you, who began before, not only to do, 
but also to will a year ago.’*” But now perform the doing also, that as there 
was the readiness to will, so there may be a performance also out of that 
which ye have; for if there be first the readiness, it is accepted according to 
that a man hath, not according to that he hath not; for I mean not that there 
should be ease to others, and distress to you ;'°' but by equality, that now at this 
time your abundance may be a supply for their want, that their abundance also 
may be a supply for your want; that there may be equality; as it is written, 
‘He that [gathered] much had nothing over, and he that [gathered] little 
had no lack.’ (Ha. xvi. 18.) But thanks be to God, who putteth the same 
earnest care into the heart of Titus for you; for, indeed, he accepted the 
exhortation, and being more forward, of his own choice he went unto you. And 


26 They were therefore still suffering persecu- 
tion from Jews and heathen. 

27 Tn Macedonia, as elsewhere, not many rich 
were called. 1 Cor. i. 26. 

1:8. The words δεξάσθαι ἡμᾶς, ‘ that we would 
receive, are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, 
Lachmann, ‘Tischendorf, and Alford. 

129 But far beyond our hopes. 

189 ἀπὸ πέρυσι. (Πέρυσι᾽ τοῦ ἐξελθόντος ἔτους, 
τοῦ παρελθόντος, τοῦ προανυσθέντος. Julius Pol- 
lux, lib. i.) ‘Who not only began the collections 
before the Macedonians did, but declared your 
intention long before them, even so far back as 
a year ago. As Paul, on his way from Ephesus 
to Corinth, eventually pursued his route through 
Macedonia, the natural supposition would be 
that the collection would be set on foot in Mace- 
donia before it was set on foot at Corinth. But 


we have here an undesigned coincidence which 
confirms the truthfulness of the Apostle, for 
Paul had originally purposed to sail direct from 
Ephesus to Corinth, and thence to pass on to 
Macedonia, but had been obliged by circum- 
stances to alter his plans (see Vol. I. p. 362). It 
was the year before, and while his first intention 
was still in force, that he had sent word to the 
Corinthians of his approaching visit, desiring 
them te raise a contribution for the relief of the 
poor Hebrews, a request with which they had 
readily expressed compliance. 

WI ἄλλοις ἄνεσις, ὑμῖν δὲ θλίψις. In Eng. ver. 
“that other men be eased, and you burdened.” 

8 Ὃ τὸ πολὺ, οὐκ ἐπλεόνασε' Kal ὁ TO ὀλίγον, 
In LXX.: οὐκ ἐπλεόνασεν ὁ τὸ 
καὶ ὁ τὸ ἔλαττον οὐκ ἠλαττόνησεν. 


see 2 
οὐκ ἠλαττόνησε. 

La 
πολύ 


Cuap. I.] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.D. 57] 25 


we have sent with him the brother, whose praise is in the Gospel throughout 
all the churches ;'° and not that only, but who hath also been elected by the 
churches to travel with us with this free gift,* which is administered by us 
to the glory of the Lord himself, and [the manifestation of | our readiness,’ 
taking care of this that no man should blame us in this abundance which is 
administered by us, providing for honest things, not only in the sight of the 
Lord, but also in the sight of men. And we have sent with them our 
brother,* whom we have often times proved diligent in many things, but now 
much more diligent, from the great confidence which he hath in you. Whether 
[any do enquire of] Titus, he is my partner and fellow-helper to youward ; 1 
or our brethren * [be enquired of] they are missionaries of the churches,’ 
and the glory of Christ. Wherefore show ye to them, and in the face of the 
churches, the proof of your love, and of our boasting on your behalf. 

“For as touching the ministering to the saints, it is superfluous for me 
to write to you; for I know the forwardness of your mind, for which I 
boast "Ὁ of you to them of Macedonia, that Achaia was ready a year ago; and 
your zeal hath provoked very many. Yet haye I sent the brethren, lest our 
boasting of you should be in vain in this behalf, that, as I said, ye may be 
ready ; lest haply if they of Macedonia come with me, and find you unpre- 
pared, we (that we say not, ye) should be made ashamed in this same confident 
boasting. Therefore I thought it necessary to exhort the brethren, that they 
should go before unto you, and make up beforehand your bounty, before 
announced to be ready, as a bounty, and not as an extortion.’ But this [I say] 


19 
20 


21 
22 


23 


Cu. IX. 


‘He who soweth sparingly shall reap also sparingly’ (Prov. xxii. 8), and he, 
7 who soweth bountifully shall reap also bountifully. Every one according as 


8 he purposeth in his heart, so let him give; not grudgingly, or of necessity, 


188 He refers to Luke, who had just published 
his Gospel in Macedonia. This interpretation is 
at least as old as Origen, for he speaks of the 
Gospel of Luke as that which was commended 
by Paul. καὶ τρίτον τὸ κατὰ Λουκᾶν, τὸ ὑπὸ Παύλου 
ἐπαινούμενον εὐαγγέλιον, τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν πεποιη- 
κότα. Euseb. E. H. vi. 25; and see Hieron. de 
Viris Ilust. vii. 

δὲ. In the Text Recept. the words are προθυ- 
μίαν ὑμῶν, but Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, 
Tischendorf, and Alford all agree that the words 
should be προθυμίαν ἡμῶν. 

499 Jf asis likely, Luke had remained stationed 
at Philippi from a.p. 51, when Paul and himself 
first visited it, to A.D. 57, when Paul returned to 
Philippi, no wonder that Luke was popular in 
all the Macedonian churches, and elected by 
them to carry their alms to Jerusalem. 


VOL. I. 


186. Trophimus is probably meant. 

ST εἰς ὑμᾶς συνεργός. ‘Titus had been pre- 
viously sent from Ephesus to Corinth. 2 Cor. 
vii. 6. Not only so, but Titus was himself a 
Corinthian, and had been a fellow-labourer with 
Paul at the time of the first conversion of the 
Corinthians. 

88 Viz. Luke and Trophimus. 

8 The envoys charged with the mission of 
taking up the alms of the Macedonian churches 
to Jerusalem. 

"0 καυχῶμαι. In strictness, ‘I am boasting,’ 
so that if any argument were required, this 
single word would prove that the Epistle was 
written from Macedonia, while the collection was 
going on there. 

Ml πλεονεξίαν. In Eng. ver. “as of covetous- 
ness,” 


E 


26 [a.p. 57 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


[Cuap. I. 


for ‘God loveth a cheerful giver.’ (Prov. xxii. 8.) And God is able to make 
all grace abound toward you, that ye, always having all-sufficiency in every 
9 thing, may abound to every good work: (as it is written), ‘He hath dis- 
persed abroad; he hath given to the poor; his righteousness remaineth for 
10 ever.’ (Ps. exii. 9.)*? Now he that ministereth ‘seed to the sower,"’ and bread 
for food’ (Is. lv. 10), both multiply your seed sown, and increase the fruits of 
11 your righteousness; being enriched in every thing to all bountifulness, 
12 which worketh™ through us thanksgiving to God; for the ministration of this 
13 service not only filleth wp™° the wants of the saints, but also overfloweth ᾿"" 
by many thanksgivings unto God; seeing that by the proof of this ministration 
they glorify God for the subjection of your profession unto the Gospel of 
14 Christ, and for your liberal distribution unto them, and unto all men, and 
through their prayer for you, while they long after you, through the exceed- 

15 ing grace of God in you.“* Thanks be unto God for his unspeakable gift. 


“Now I, Paul, myself beseech you by the meekness and gentleness of 


Christ, who in presence am base among you, but being absent am bold 
2 toward you'*’—but I beseech you, that I may not be bold when I am present 
with that confidence, wherewith I think to be bold against some, which think 
3 of us as if we walked according to the flesh; for though we walk in the 
4 flesh, we do not war after the flesh; (for the weapons of our warfare are not 


carnal, but mighty through God to the casting down of strong holds, casting 


down imaginations, and every high thing that exalteth itself against the 
knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience 
6 of Christ, and haying in readiness to revenge all disobedience, wnéi your 
7 obedience be fulfilled.) Do ye look on things after the outward appearance ? 
If any man trust to himself that he is Christ’s, let him of himself think this 


io.) 


again, that, as he is Christ’s, even so are we Christ’s; for though I should 


boast somewhat more of our authority, which the Lord hath given us for 


(Yo) 


) building up, and not for your pulling down, I should not be ashamed, that I 


Cited verbatim from the LXX. 

43 Verbatim from the LXX. 

“4 Tn the Eng. ver. the translators had not 
observed the citation from Isaiah, and have ren- 
dered the passage “ both minister bread for your 
food, and multiply,” &e. 

τῇ In Eng. ver. “ causeth.” 
ἀναπληροῦσα. In Eng. ver. “ supplieth.” 

47 περισσεύουσα, aS Opposed to ἀναπληροῦσα. 
In Eng. ver. “is abundant.” 

48 The sentence is involved, and not very 
grammatical, but the meaning is, that the con- 
tribution to the poor Hebrews tended to the 
glory of God: 1. By showing that the Corin- 
thians were Christians in earnest. 2. By the 


κατεργάζεται. 
146 


thanksgivings which it would call forth in the 
recipients. 3. By the prayers which the Hebrews 
would offer up for their benefactors. 4. By the 
union which it would cement between the two 
churches. 

49 From this point begins the part of the Epis- 
tle addressed to the schismatics of the Corinthian 
church. The prior part of the Epistle was in- 
tended for the sober part of the community. 

00 The Apostle probably alludes ironically to 
the disparaging reflections made upon him by 
his enemies amongst the Corinthians. We may 
assume that Paul had not an imposing appear- 
ance, and the humility of his conduct had given 
a handle to the ridicule of the schismatics. 


Cuap. I.] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.p. 57] 


10 


11 


12 


19 


14 


Cu. XI. 


ὃ 
6 


may not seem as if I would terrify you by letters. For ‘ His letters,’ saith 
one, ‘are weighty and powerful; but his bodily presence is weak, and his 
speech contemptible.’*' Let such a one think this, that, such as we are in 
word by letters when we are absent, such will we be also in deed when we are 
present. For we are not bold enough to thrust ourselves amongst or compare 
ourselves with some that commend themselves; but they measuring them- 
selves by themselves, and comparing themselves with themselves, are not wise. 
But we will not boast of things without '** our measure, but according to the 
measure of the rule which God hath zmparted to us,’** a measure to reach even 
unto you; for we do not overstretch*** ourselves as though we reached not unto 
you ; for we have attained as far as to you also in the Gospel of Christ; not 
boasting of things without our measure [that is] of other men’s labours, but 
having hope that, when your faith is increased, we shall be enlarged in you'® 
according to our rule wnto overflowing,’** that we may preach the Gospel in the 
regions beyond you, and not boast in another man’s rule of things made 
ready to our hand. But ‘He that boosteth, let him boast in the Lord’ 
(Jer. ix. 23, 24); for not he that commendeth himself is approved, but 
whom the Lord commendeth. 

“Would that ye could bear with me a little in my folly, and indeed bear 
with me; for Iam jealous over you with godly jealousy: for I have espoused 
you to one husband, that I may present you as a chaste virgin to Christ. 
But I fear, lest by any means, as the serpent beguiled Eve, through his 
subtilty, so your minds should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in 
Christ. For if indeed he that cometh’ preacheth another Jesus, whom we 
have not preached, or if ye receive another Spirit, which ye have not received, 
or another Gospel, which ye have not accepted, ye might well bear with 
him.*** For I suppose that I am not a whit behind the very chiefest Apostles. 


But though I be rude in speech,” yet not in knowledge, but we have been 


11 His enemies could not deny the force of 
his reasoning, but they derided his undignified 
appearance, and they mocked the Jewish accent 
with which he spoke, and his unstudied style. 

12 εἰς τὰ Guerpa—i.e. without haying a fixed 
standard to measure by. 

ts In Eng. ver. “ distributed.” 
ὑπερεκτείνομεν. In Eng. ver. “stretch our- 
selves beyond our measure.” From this hint 
we may collect that the Apostle was of diminu- 
tive stature, and that his enemies depreciated 
him for it. 

105 ἐν ὑμῖν --- among you.’ 
you.” 

18 εἰς περισσείαν. In Eng. ver. “abundantly.” 

τα In the 


A 
ἐμέρισεν. 
14 


In Eng. ver. “by 


Aas , wet , 
ὁ δὲ καυχώμενος ἐν Κυρίῳ καυχάσθω. 


LXX. the words are: μὴ καυχάσθω ὁ σόφος ἐν τῇ 
σοφίᾳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ μὴ καυχάσθω ὁ ἰσχυρὸς ἐν τῇ 
ἰσχύϊ αὐτοῦ, καὶ μὴ καυχάσθω ὁ πλούσιος ἐν τῷ 
πλούτῳ αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἐν τούτῳ καυχάσθω ὁ καυχώμε- 
νος, συνιεῖν καὶ γινώσκειν ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι Κύριος. 

8 Paul here alludes to the mischief-making 
pseudo-Apostle who had followed hard upon 
the footsteps of Paul at Corinth, and had sown 
dissensions amongst them, and corrupted the 
simplicity of their faith. 

© Tf the false teacher professed to introduce 
a new religion, it might well be tolerated, but, 
professing the same religion, he corrupts it. 

1 Ἰδιώτης τῷ A6yo—one who has not studied 
oratory, or who is not an accomplished writer. 


E 2 


28 [a.p. 57] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


[Cuap. 1. 


7 thoroughly made manifest among you in all things. 


Or have I committed an 


offence in abasing myself that ye might be exalted, because I preached to you 


8 the Gospel of God gratuitously ?* 


I robbed other churches, taking wages 


9 [of them] toward your ministry, and when I was present with you, and wanted, 
I was a burden upon no one: for that which was lacking to me the brethren 
which came from Macedonia supplied:** and in every thing I have kept 

10 myself from being burdensome unto you, and so will I keep myself. As 
the truth of Christ is in me, this boasting shall not be stopped in me in the 


11 regions of Achaia. Wherefore ? 


Because I love you ποῦ ὃ 


God knoweth. 


12 But what I do, that I will do, that I may cut off occasion from them which 
desire occasion, that wherein they glory, they may be found even as we ;!™* 
13 for such are false Apostles, deceitful workers, transforming themselves into 


14 the Apostles of Christ. 


And no marvel; for Satan himself transformeth 


15 himself into an angel of light; therefore it is no great thing if his ministers 
16 also transform themselves as the ministers of righteousness; whose end shall 


be according to their works. 


“T say again,’ let no man think me a fool; bud if otherwise, yet as a fool 


17 receive me, that I also may boast myself a little. 


That which I speak, I 


speak it not after the Lord, but as it were in folly,’ in this confidence of 


18, 19 boasting. 


Seeing that many boast after the flesh, I will boasé also. 


For ye 


20 bear with fools gladly, seeing ye are wise;'™ for ye bear with him if a man 


bring you into bondage! if a man devour you! if a man take of you! if a man 


21 exalt himself! if a man smite you on the face!’ 


I speak as concerning 


dishonour, as though we had been weak. Howbeit whereinsoever any one is 


22 bold (1 speak in folly), I am bold also. 
Are they the seed of Abraham?" 50 am I. 


23 Are they Israelites 970 so am I. 


Are they Hebrews?’ so am I. 


Are they ministers of Christ ? (I speak as a fool) I am more—in labours more 


161 δωρεάν. In Eng. ver. “ freely ἢ 

182 οὐ κατενάρκησα οὐδενός. In Eng. ver. “Iwas 
chargeable to no man.” 

163 Probably brought by the hands of Silvanus 
and Timothy when they came from Macedonia 
to Paul at Corinth. Acts xviii. 5. The prin- 
cipal contributors to the relief of the Apostle’s 
necessities were the amiable Philippians who 
twice assisted him when he was at Thessalonica. 
See Philipp. iv. 16. 

16t They, the false teachers, pretend to preach 
the Gospel without fee or reward, and in order 
not to give them any ground of vantage on this 
account, Paul expresses his resolution to accept 
nothing himself from the Corinthian church. 

165 The Apostle now again returns to the sub- 
ject which he had begun before—“ would that 
ye could bear with me a little in my folly,” xi. 1 


—but which he had let drop, from the interven- 
ing thoughts that had thrust themselves between. 

166 * Not after the wisdom from above, but after 
the foolishness of man.’ 

187 This is spoken ironically. Paul rebukes 
the Corinthians for setting up human wisdom 
as opposed to revelation. 

168 «Tf ye bear all this from the pseudo-Apostle, 
surely you can endure for a while the boasting 
of your father in the Gospel.’ 

16° The Hebrews were the Jewish nation as a 
whole. 

170 The Israelites were such as in a religious 
point of view fulfilled the law, and so were, as 
Nathaniel (John i. 48), “Israelites indeed.” 

1τὶ This was the highest boast of a Jew, as in 
the seed of Abraham all the nations of the earth 
were to be blessed. 


Cuap. 1.] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS, 


[a.p. 57] 29 


24 abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent,? in deaths 
25 oft.° Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one ;!* thrice was 


I beaten with rods : 75 once was I stoned; thrice I suffered shipwreck ; 177 


™ The only imprisonment mentioned in the 
Acts up to this time is that at Philippi. Acts 
xvi. 23. Buta great part of his ministry is passed 
over in silence by St. Luke. In Phrygia, for 
instance, we know that he made converts (Acts 
Xvi. 6; xviii. 23), but we have no particulars. 

™3 Many narrow escapes of his life are recorded 
in the Acts; as at Damascus, Acts ix. 23; at 
Jerusalem, ix. 30; at Ieonium, xiv. 5; at Lystra, 
xiv. 19; at Thessalonica, xvii. 5; at Berea, 
xvii. 19; at Ephesus, xix. 30. See 2 Cor. i. 8. 

™ None of these occasions are mentioned in 
the Acts, but he may have been whipped at 
Damascus on his conversion, and then at Jeru- 
salem, and again at Antioch. The chiefs of the 
synagogues had the power to inflict whipping on 
their own people, and would often exercise the 
jurisdiction against Paul, who was in the habit 
of preaching in the synagogue what was re- 
garded as heresy. It was a retribution upon 
him, for he says of himself before his conyer- 
sion, “I punished them oft in every synagogue,” 
Acts xxvi. 11. It is said the Jews employed a 
lash with three thongs, and that each stroke 
was thus counted as three. Thirteen strokes 
would therefore make up the thirty-nine. The 
fortieth was omitted that they might not by any 
mistake exceed the number allowed by the law. 
Deut. xxv. 3; Mischna Maccoth, iii. 10; Jos. 
Ant. iv. 8,2; see Schoettgen’s Hor. Hebr. vol. i. 
p. 714. 

τὸ This was a Roman punishment. The only 
instance mentioned in the Acts is that at Phi- 
lippi,s Acts xvi. 23. The two other occasions 
were perhaps at Corinth, where he preached a 
year and six months, or at Ephesus, where he 
laboured for three years. 

τὸ This was at Lystra. Acts xiv. 19. Paley 
calls attention to the strict accuracy of Paul’s 
statement, for though he was actually stoned 
only once, viz. at Lystra, yet at Iconium the 
Jews and Gentiles had made an attempt to stone 
him. Acts xiv. 5. Hence we may implicitly 
rely on the rest of the catalogue as rather falling 
short of than exceeding the truth. 

"7 None of these are recorded, but Paul was 
continually on the seas in the course of his 
labours, and from defective navigation and un- 
skilful ship-building, and from want of the 
mariner’s compass, wrecks were frequent. The 


shipwreck on the way to Rome was of course 
long after the date of the Epistle, but from the 
commencement of his ministry up to the time 
when Paul wrote these words, he had made 
numerous yoyages, as will be seen from the fol- 
lowing tables of voyages, either expressly men- 
tioned as such, or quite as probable as journeys 
by land. Those marked with an asterisk were 
certainly voyages. 
1. a.p. 39. Paul is sent away by the disciples 
from Cesarea to Tarsus. 
αὐτὸν eis Ταρσόν. Acts ix. 30. 
2. A.D. 43. Barnabas brings Paul from Tarsus 
to Antioch. αὐτὸν ἤγαγεν eis ᾿Αντιόχειαν. 
Acts xi. 25. 
3. A.D. 44. Paul and Barnabas take the alms 
from Antioch to Jerusalem. ἀποστείλαντες 
πρὸς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους διὰ χειρὸς Βαρνάβα 


ἐξαπέστειλαν 


καὶ Παύλου. Acts xi. 30. 

4. They return from Jerusalem to Antioch. 
ὑπέστρεψαν. Acts mii. 25. 

*5. aD. 45. Paul and Barnabas sail from 


Seleucia to Cyprus. ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς Κύπρον. 
Acts xiii 4. 

"Ὁ. A.D. 46. They sail from Paphos to Perga. 
ἀναχθέντες δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ΤΙιάφου.. . . ἦλθον 
εἰς Πέργην τῆς Παμφυλίας. Acts xiii. 18. 

“7. They return from Attalia to Antioch by 
sea. ἀπέπλευσαν eis ᾿Αντιόχειαν. Acts Xiv. 
26. 

8. A.p. 48. Paul and Barnabas go by land to 
Jerusalem to the council, Acts xv. 3, but 
on their return, it is not said whether they 
passed by land or sea. 
χειαν. Acts xv. 30. 

*9, A.D. 51. Paul and Silas cross by sea from 
Troas to Macedonia, εὐθυδρομήσαμεν εἰς 
Σαμοθρακην, τῇ τε ἐπιούσῃ εἰς Νεάπολιν. 
Acts xvi. 11. 

10. Paul passes from Macedonia to Athens. 
ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἕως ᾿Αθηνῶν. Acts xvii. 15. 

11. A.p. 52. Paul passes from Athens to Cor- 

inth. ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν ἦλθεν εἰς Κήρινθον. 
Acts xviii. 1. 

2. a.D.53. Paul sails from Corinth to Ephe- 

sus. ἐξέπλει εἰς τὴν Συρίαν. Acts xviii. 18. 

κατήντησε δὲ εἰς Ἔφεσον. Acts xviii. 19. 

He sails from Ephesus to Cvsarea. 

ἀνήχθη ἀπὸ τῆς Ἔφέσου. Acts xviii. 21. 

14. Paul goes from Jerusalem to Antioch. 


ἦλθον εἰς ᾿Αντιό- 


519: 


30 [a.p. 57] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


(Cuap. I. 


a night and a day I have passed in the deep ;'* in journeyings often, in perils 
of rivers,'"® in perils of robbers,’ in perils by mine own countrymen, 
perils by the Gentiles,** in perils in the city,’“* in perils in the wilderness, 
in perils in the sea,’ in perils among false brethren,’ in weariness and 


181 in 
184 


painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in 


91 


am not weak? who is offended, and I burn not? 
boast of the things which concern mine infirmities. 


cold and nakedness.'*’7 Besides those things that are without, that which 
cometh upon me daily, the care of all the churches.’** Who is weak, and I 


If I must needs boast, I will 
The God and Father of 


32 the Lord Jesus Christ, which is blessed for evermore, knoweth that I lie not.'** 


κατέβη εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν. Acts xviii. 22. 

15. a.p. 57. Paul departs from Ephesus to 
Troas, ἐξῆλθε πορευθῆναι εἰς τὴν Make- 
δονίαν. Acts xx. 1, and 2 Cor. ii. 12. 

*16. Paul sails (for the sea lay between) from 
Troas to Macedonia. ἐξῆλθον eis Make- 
δονίαν. 2 Cor. ii. 12. Whence he writes 
the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. 

Thus Paul, from his entrance into the ministry 
to the date of the Second Epistle to the Corin- 
thians, had certainly made as many as seven 
different voyages (viz. those marked with an 
asterisk), and not improbably as many as séz- 
teen. We have suggested grounds for think- 
ing that one of the shipwrecks occurred when 
the disciples sent him forth to Tarsus in a.D. 39. 
See Vol. I. p. 77. We have also surmised that 
another may have happened in sailing from 
Athens to Corinth. See Vol. I. p. 269. But when 
the third shipwreck was suffered we cannot even 
conjecture. 

πὸ Not recorded, but it would seem that in 
one of the shipwrecks he had passed a night 
and a day (νυχθήμερον) on some fragment of the 
wreck (tabula in naufragio). 

πὸ ποταμῶν. In Eng. ver. “ waters.” The pas- 
sage of rivers in the mountainous countries of 
Syria, Asia, and Greece, must often have been 
attended with great danger. Only a few years 
ago two of my own friends were swept away with 
several others in the similar country of Spain by 
the sudden descent of a mountain torrent. 

19 Τῇ Cilicia, Paul's native country, and all 
along the southern coast of Asia Minor, the 
pirates by sea, and the brigands by land, were 
notorious, and in the century before Christ a 
regular war was carried oa against them under 
the most able of the Roman commanders, Pom- 
pey, who was decreed a triumph for his successes 
over them, See Fasti Sacri, p. 11, No. 99, 


11. As at Damascus, Acts ix. 23; at Jerusalem, 
ix. 80; at Antioch of Pisidia, xiii. 50; at Iconium, 
xiv. 5; at Lystra, xiv. 19; at Thessalonica, xvii. 
5; at Bercea, xvii. 18; at Corinth, xviii. 12, &e. 

1 As at Philippi, Acts xvi. 19; at Ephesus, 
xix. 23, &c. 

185 As at Damascus, Jerusalem, Antioch of 
Pisidia, Iconium, Thessalonica, Bercea, and Cor- 
inth. 

18 As in traversing the sandy plains of Arabia 
upon his conversion, &e. 

8 Tf he had thrice suffered actual shipwreck, 
he must have often endured much pain and 
hardship before such disasters. 

*6 As from the Judaizing faction who ob- 
structed his labours at Jerusalem, Galat. ii. 4; 
and again at Antioch, Galat. ii. 11, de. 

7 All these hardships were the necessary 
concomitants of a life spent in traversing half- 
civilized countries, such as Syria, Asia Minor, 
and Greece. 

188 ‘Witness the frequent epistles written to 
the churches planted by the Apostle in order to 
counteract the constant inroads made by false 
teachers, as particularly in Galatia and Corinth. 

159. Some think that the Apostle uses this 
solemn affirmation with reference to the escape 
from Damascus, which follows; and that having 
forgotten to mention the circumstance in its 
proper place in the catalogue of his troubles, 
he now introduces it with a declaration of his 
veracity, notwithstanding the previous omission. 
It is not probable, however, that the Apostle 
would have resorted to so solemn an appeal to 
account for this single circumstance. It is more 
likely that he is pledging his veracity to the 
truth of the whole account which had preceded. 
The like solemn declaration, Galat. i. 20, seems 
to have reference not to what follows, but to 
what had gone before. 


Cuap, I.] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


[a.p. 57] 31 


(In Damascus the governor’*’ under Aretas the king '*’ guarded the city of the 
33 Damascenes, desiring to apprehend me, and through a window in a basket was 
I let down by the wall, and escaped his hands.) 


Cu. XIL. 


“Tt is not expedient for me doubtless to glory, for I will come to visions 


2 and revelations of the Lord—I know a man in Christ about fourteen years 
ago’? (whether in the body, I know not; or whether out of the body, I 
3 know not: God knoweth;) such a one caught up to the third heaven;'** and 
I know such a man, (whether in the body, or out of the body, I know not: God 
4 knoweth ;) how that he was caught up into Paradise, and heard unspeakable 


5 words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter. 
6 yet of myself I will not boast save in mine infirmities. 


Of such a one will I boast : 
For 7f I desire to boast, 


I should not be a fool, for I should say the truth: but I forbear, lest any man 


1 ὁ ἐθνάρχης. This was the chief magistrate 


of the Jews, who were allowed to live under their 
own peculiar laws. See Vol. I. p. 1. 

181 Damascus had probably been made over to 
Aretas, the Arabian prince of Petra, in A.D. 38, 
when Caligula made a new distribution of the 
Eastern provinces. See Fasti Sacri, a.p. 38, No. 
1533. 

Caligula was the friend of Agrippa I., and 
Aretas through Agrippa may very well have 
obtained the kmperov’s favour. The Damascenes 
had many years before invited an earlier Aretas, 
King of Petra, to rule over them (Jos. Ant. xiii. 
152), and Agrippa, the court favourite, was spe- 
cially interested in their behalf, and, indeed, 
had in a.p. 33 received a bribe from them to 
advocate their claims before Flaccus, Prefect of 
Syria. Jos. Ant. xviii. 6,3. It is therefore not 
unlikely that in a.p. 88 the Damascenes, through 
the influence of Agrippa at the Imperial court, 
may at their own request have been transferred 
from the province of Syria to the kingdom of 
Petra. The coin of Aretas with the inscription 
Φιλελλὴην (Lover of Greeks, with whom he wished 
to ingratiate himself) may have been struck on 
this occasion. It is not a little remarkable that 
coins of Damascus have been found with the 
heads of Augustus and Tiberius, but none with 
the head of Caligula or Claudius, but in the time 
of Nero the head of the Emperor again appears. 
Eckhel, iii. 3831. Theinference is that Damascus 
during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius was 
annexed to Syria, but that in the time of Caligula 
it was severed from it until the reign of Nero. 
This would satisfactorily explain how Damascus 
came to have an Ethnarch or Jewish ruler under 
Aretas in a.D. 389. On the other hand there is 


the greatest improbability in the common hypo- 
thesis that Aretas during the war between him 
and Hered Antipas, Tetrarch of Galilee, took 
forcible possession of Damascus, which was no 
part of Herod's dominions. How could he have 
dared to commit such treason against Rome (for 
treason of the darkest dye it would have been 
considered) ; and if he dared, how could the 
Romans have allowed him to remain in quiet 
enjoyment ? 

2 The Epistle was written in the autumn of 
A.D. 57, and the fourteenth year current before 
it would be from the autumn of a.p. 43 to the 
autumn of a.p. 44. The rapture was therefore 
when Paul was at Jerusalem at the Passover of 
A.D. 44, That the expression πρὸ ἐτῶν δεκατεσσά- 
ρὼν means the fourteenth year current may be 
assumed without question. Thus the Jewish 
war broke out in May, a.p. 66, and Albinus was 
at the Feast of Tabernacles (Oct. 7) a.p. 62, 
which is said to have been πρὸ τεσσάρων ἐτῶν τοῦ 
πολέμου. Jos. Bell. vi. 5,3. See Fasti Sacri, p. 
328, No. 1933. 

1% The third heaven is here evidently used as 
equivalent to Paradise in ver. 4. According to 
Grotius (but he cites no authority for it), the 
Jews divided the heavens into three: viz. 1. The 
Nubiferum, or common air; 2. The Astriferum, 
or starry firmament; 3. The Angeliferum, or 
Paradise. It appears from the Rabbinical writ- 
ings cited by Schoettgen, Hor. Heb. i. 718 et seq., 
that the Jews divided the heavens arbitrarily, 
sometimes into two, and sometimes into as 
many as eighteen, but most usually into seven, 
viz.: 1. The Velum; 2. Expansum; 3. Nubes; 
4. Habitaculum ; 5. Habitatio; 6. Sedes fixa ; 
and 7. Araboth. 


10 


11 


12 


15 


[a.p. 57] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. (Cuap. I. 


should think of me above that which he seeth me, or heareth from me. And 
lest I should be over exalted through the excess of the revelations, there was 
given to me a thorn in the flesh,!°t a messenger of Satan to buffet me, lest I 
should be over exalted. On this behalf I besought the Lord thrice, that it 
might depart from me; and he said unto me, ‘ My grace is sufficient for thee, 
1 is made perfect in weakness.’ Most gladly therefore will I 
rather boast in my infirmities, that the power of Christ may rest upon me. 
Therefore I am well pleased in infirmities, in reproaches, in necessities, in 


for my power 


persecutions, in distresses for Christ’s sake: for when I am weak, then am I 
strong. I have become a fool;'*’ ye have compelled me, for I ought to have 
been commended of you: for in nothing am I behind the very chiefest 
Apostles, though I be nothing. Truly the signs of an Apostle were wrought 
among you in all patience, in signs, and wonders, and mighty deeds.’ For 
what is there wherein you were inferior to other churches, except that I 


myself was not a burden upon you?’ 
“ Behold, the third time I am ready to come to you,'’? and I will not be a 


14 


Forgive me this wrong. 


14 The Apostle refers to his partial blindness. 
See the arguments, Vol. I. p. 186. 

In Eng. ver. “strength.” 

195. The word καυχώμενος ---" ἴῃ glorying ’—is 
rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Ti- 
schendorf, and Alford. 

151 Paul here appeals to the Corinthians as 
witnesses of the miraculous powers which he 
had displayed amongst them. Could he have 
done so, unless the assertion were based upon 
the truth ? 

1.5. From this we may collect that while Paul 
wrought with his own hands to gain his own 
livelihood as far as he could, he received occa- 
sional support from his churches, unless, as in 
the Corinthian church, there were any special 
reason against it. The Corinthians were no 
doubt a little sore that he would receive nothing 
from them while he received from others; and 
it will be seen how earnestly Paul strives to 
convince them that his conduct was not from 
any want of affection for them, but to counteract 
the calumnies of his enemies. 

% Paul had twice before announced an in- 
tended visit to the Corinthians, and had twice 
disappointed them, and now for the third time 
he holds out the prospect of his personal pre- 
sence. ΤῸ fully understand the Apostle’s mean- 
ing, we must take a short retrospect. The 
First Epistle to the Corinthians was written at 
the Passover of a.p. 57 (see Vol. I. p 370), and it 
is evident that he had then already disappointed 


195 δύναμις. 


the Corinthians once, for he writes, “ Now some 
are puffed up as though I would not come to them.” 
1 Cor. iv. 18. That is, Paul had been expected 
at Corinth and had not come, and in conse- 
quence some had been puffed up. The precise 
period of this the first disappointment may be 
collected from the Second Epistle, in which he 
tells the Corinthians, in the autumn of a.p. 57 
(see ante, p. 25), “I know the forwardness of 
your mind, for which I boast of you to them of 
Macedonia that Achaia was ready a year ago” 
2 Cor. ix. 2. The Corinthians, therefore, in the 
autumn of A.D. 56, were already preparing their 
collection for the poor saints of Jerusalem—and 
why? Because Paul at that time, according to 
his then intentions, was about to embark from 
Ephesus for Corinth direct. But before starting 
he had received intelligence of certain irregu- 
laritics in that church, and as he did not wish 
to visit them again in sorrow (2 Cor. ii. 1), he 
sent one or more of his feithful followers to cor- 
rect these abuses (2 Cor. xii. 17), and at the 
same time to intimate the postponement of his 
own visit. Whoever was the messenger to the 
Corinthian church, he carried the news that 
Paul was not to be expected until the following 
year, viz. A.D. 57. This was the first disappoint- 
ment of the Corinthian church. 

In the spring of A.p. 57, when it was antici- 
pated that Paul would sail to Corinth, further 
tidings reached him through the household of 
Chloé (1 Cor. i. 11) of still greater enormities in 


Cuap. 1.] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


[a.D. 57] 33 


burden upon you: for I seek not yours, but you, for the children ought not to 
15 lay up for the parents, but the parents for the children. And I will very gladly 


spend and be spent for you, though the more abundantly I love you, the less 


the Corinthian church, viz. of incestuous for- 
nication by one of its members, and of un- 
seemly divisions. What now was Paul to do? 
Was he to come to them with a rod, or was he a 
second time to postpone his visit, and thus ex- 
pose himself to the scoffs of his enemies? He 
adopted the charitable course of giving time for 
repentance, and defied the obloquy that would 
be heaped upon himself by his maligners. The 
route which he had proposed to take both in 
the autumn of a.p. 56, and again in the spring 
of A.D. 57, had been to sail from Ephesus to 
Corinth direct, and thence to proceed to Mace- 
donia, taking Corinth again on his way back 
before embarking for Judea or Italy. This plan 
he now changed, and in order to afford the 
Corinthians an opportunity of reformation, he 
determined to defer his intended voyage to 
Corinth until the autumn of a.p. 57, and, by 
reversing the route originally projected, to pass 
from Ephesus to Macedonia and thence to 
Corinth, with the intention of there spending 
the winter. It was after making this arrange- 
ment, that he wrote the First Epistle to the 
Corinthians, and he thus developes his plans: 
“T will come unto you when I shall pass through 
Macedonia (for I do pass through Macedonia), 
and it may be that I will abide, yea, and winter 
with you.” 1 Cor. xvi.5. And in the Second 
Epistle: “I was minded to come unto you... 
and to pass by you into Macedonia, and to come 
again out of Macedonia unto you,” 2 Cor. i. 15; 
and he then explains that his altered intentions 
were not the result of fickleness, but to spare 
their feelings and his own. Paul about Pente- 
cost A.D. 57 actually quitted Ephesus for Mace- 
donia, and thence in the autumn dispatched the 
Second Epistle to the Corinthians, and in allu- 
sion to the fact of his having twice previously 
disappointed them, he makes use of the expres- 
sion in question : “ Behold, the third time I am 
ready to come to you;” and presently afterwards, 
xiii. 1: “This is the third time I am coming to 
you.” The word, be it observed, is ἔρχομαι, not 
ἐλεύσομαι. ‘This is the third time I am coming 
or preparing to come,’ not, ‘the third time that 
I shall come to you’ 

Some commentators, looking only to the sur- 
face, have imagined that these expressions, 
“The third time I am ready to come to you,” 


VOL, Π. 


and again, “ This is the third time I am coming,” 
indicate a second actual visit to Corinth pre- 
viously to the date of the Epistle, but the 
hypothesis that between Paul’s first arrival at 
Corinth in a.p. 52 and the date of the Epistle in 
the autumn of a.p. 57, an intervening visit oc- 
curred, is full of difficulties. In the first place, 
it is very unlikely that Luke, who furnishes 
rather minute details of this part of the Apostle’s 
life, should have passed it over in silence. But 
further, to what period must the supposed 
second visit be assigned? Paul terminated his 
first sojourn at Corinth, at Midsummer a.p. 53, 
whence he sailed to Jerusalem, and thence went 
down to Antioch (Acts xviii. 23), and thence, in 
the spring of A.p. 54, to Ephesus, whence, after 
three years, he passed into Macedonia. Here- 
from he wrote the Second Epistle to the 
Corinthians, containing the passages under dis- 
cussion. He could only therefore have made a 
second journey to Corinth during his three years’ 
residence at Ephesus. But how is this consis- 
tent with his statement to the Ephesian elders ? 
“Ye know from the first day that I came into 
Asia, after what manner I was with you the 
whole time (τὸν πάντα χρόνον). Acts xx. 18. “ By 
the space of three years I ceased not to warn 
every one night and day with tears.” Acts xx. 3]. 

Besides, the whole contents of the Epistle 
imply but one previous visit. Thus he writes: 
“ And I, brethren, when I came to you, came not 
with excellency of speech or of wisdom; and I 
was with you in weakness and in fear and in 
much trembling,” &e. 1 Cor. ii. 1-3. Does not 
this suppose that he had only once been amongst 
them? Contrast this with his language to the 
Galatians whom he had twice visited. “ Through 
infirmity of the flesh I preached the Gospel unto 
you the former time (τὸ πρότερον), &e. Galat. 
iv. 13. So, had he paid two visits to Corinth, he 
would have distinguished to which of the two 
he now alluded. Again, he says: “I was 
minded to come unto you before, that ye might 
have a second benefit, and to pass by you into 
Macedonia, and to come again out of Macedonia 
to you.” 2 (ον. 1.15. What can be meant by a 
“second benefit” but the personal presence of 
the Apostle for the second time? However, the 
ingenuity of commentators has been taxed to 
give a different tur to the sentence. The 


F 


[Α.0. 57] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [Cuap. I. 


16 
17 
18 


ug) 
20 


21 


Ibe loved. But be it so, I did not burden you, nevertheless, being crafty, I 
caught you with guile! Did I make a gain of you by any of them whom 
Isent unto you? I desired Titus, and with him I sent the brother.’ Did 
Titus make a gain of you? walked we not in the same spirit? [walked we] 
not in the same steps? Again, think ye that we excuse ourselves unto you? 
We speak before God in Christ: but we do all things, beloved, for your edifi- 
cation; for I fear, lest, when I come, I shall not find you such as I would, 
and that I shall be found unto you such as ye would not :—lest there be strifes, 
envyings, wraths, contentions, backbitings, whisperings, swellings, tumults: 
and lest, when I come again, my God will humble me among you, and that I 
shall bewail many which have sinned already, and have not repented of the 


uncleanness and fornication and lasciviousness which they have committed. 


Ca. XITI. 


“This is the third time’ I am coming to you. 


‘In the mouth of two 


2 and three witnesses shall every word be established.’ (Deut. xix. 15.)?* I have 
told you before," and foretel you, as if I were present the second time,” and 


second benefit, it is said, signifies only that Paul 
would take Corinth first on his way out to Mace- 
donia, and then again on his way back from 
Macedonia. But this interpretation cannot be 
accepted, for then the sentence should stand 
thus: “Iwas minded to come unto you before, 
and to pass by you into Macedonia, and to come 
again out of Macedonia to you, that ye might 
have a second benefit,’ whereas the second 
benefit is applied, not to Paul’s return from 
Macedonia, but to his arrival at Corinth before 
going to Macedonia. To meet this objection, 
the theorists contend that δευτέραν χάριν means 
a double benefit. But by no possibility can such 
a meaning be got out of Paul’s words. 

Another passage is this: “I told you before, 
and foretel you, as if I were present the second 
time; and being absent now I write to them 
which heretofore have sinned,” &e. 2 Cor. xiii. 
2. The word γράφω, ‘ I write’ (which would have 
made the sense for which we contend still more 
certain), has been rejected by modern critics, 
and therefore the Greek as corrected stands 
thus : προείρηκα καὶ προλέγω, ws παρὼν τὸ δεύτερον, 
καὶ ἀπὼν νῦν, τοῖς προημαρτυρήκοσι, K.T.A.—‘ I 
have said before [in both Epistles, as 1 Cor. iv. 
21, 2 Cor. x. 2, xii. 20, 21], and I foresay, as if I 
were present the second time, though now absent, 
to them which heretofore have sinned, and to all 
others, that if I come again I will not spare.’ 
The anti-Pauline faction at Corinth, from Pauls 
having twice before disappointed them, had 
mocked at his threatened visit, but he here tells 
them solemnly that his warning, though he was 


absent, would take effect as certainly as if he 
were present. But the advocates of the second 
imaginary visit would render the words thus: 
‘I have forewarned you, and Τ now forewarn 
you, as I did [προείρηκα] when present the 
second time, and (I do) now when absent, that 
11 come again I will not spare.’ Alford. But 
not to mention that this reference of παρὼν to 
προείρηκα and ἀπὼν to προλέγω (referendo singula 
singulis) is entirely foreign to the Apostle’s 
style, how could he say that when last present 
amongst them, he had warned them that 7f he 
came again he would not spare? Had he been 
actually present, he would have corrected the 
abuse at once, and not have deferred it ; and had 
he deferred it to a future visit, he would have 
expressed himself, not, ‘7f I come again,’ but 
‘when I come again I will not spare,’ 

20 He is here putting the case of his adver- 
saries, in order to answer it. 

*l Viz. Trophimus. See ante, p. 8. 

2°” τρίτον τοῦτο ἔρχομαι. This is equivalent to 
the previous expression, τρίτον ἑτοίμως ἔχω ἐλθεῖν. 
It was not the third visit, but the third attempt 
to make his second visit. See note 133 ante. 

03 ἐπὶ στόματος δύο μαρτύρων Kal τριων σταθή- 
In the LXX. the passage is: 
ἐπὶ στόματος δύο μαρτύρων καὶ ἐπὶ στόματος τριῶν 
μαρτύρων ζήσεται πᾶν ῥῆμα. We find the same 
language in Josephus : δύο τινὰς ἢ τρεῖς μάρτυρας. 
Vit. 49. 

Ξε π᾿ Os Ile 


205 


Paes 
σεται πᾶν ρῆμα. 


προείρηκα καὶ προλέγω, ὡς παρὼν τὸ δεύτερον. 
καὶ ἀπὼν νῦν γράφω, κιτιλ. Some assume, but 


Cuap. I.] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.p. 57] 35 


being absent now I write to them which heretofore have sinned, and to all 

3 others, that, if I come again, I will not spare. Since ye seek a proof of Christ 
4 speaking in me, who to youward is not weak, but is mighty in you; for though 
he was crucified through weakness, yet he liveth through the power of God; 
for we also are weak in him, but we shall live with him by the power of God 

5 toward you. T'ry yourselves, whether ye be in the faith; prove your own 
selves. Or know ye not your own selyes, how that Jesus Christ is in you, 

6 except ye be reprobates? but I hope that ye shall know that we are not 
7 reprobates. Now I pray to God that ye do no evil; not that we should appear 
approved, but that ye should do that which is honest, though we be as repro- 
8, 9 bates; for we can do nothing against the truth, but for the truth: for we are 
glad when we are weak and ye are strong; and this also we wish, even your 

10 perfection. Therefore I write these things being absent, lest, being present, 

I should use sharpness, according to the power which the Lord hath given 
me, for building up and not for pulling down. 

11 “ Finally, brethren, farewell. Be perfect; be of good comfort; be of one 

12 mind: live in peace, and the God of love and peace shall be with you. Salute 

one another with a holy kiss.*°° All the saints salute you. 

13 “THE GRACE OF THE LorD Jesus CHRIST, AND THE LOVE OF GoD, AND THE 

COMMUNION OF THE Hoty GuosT, BE WITH you ALL. ’°"" 

The Epistle was delivered into the hands of Titus, who, accompanied by Luke 
and Trophimus, set sail for Corinth, and Paul, with Timothy and other followers, 
took the road to the west, towards Macedonia Quarta. As this parenthetical cirenit 
of the Apostle, though not excluded by the language of St. Luke, is not particularly 
mentioned by him, it may be proper to state the grounds upon which we assume it to 
have been made. 

There is in the first place a prima facie probability for it, from the circumstance 
that Paul, on his former circuit, though intending to evangelize the whole of Mace- 
donia, had visited three only of the four provinces, and before he could accomplish 
his purpose was suddenly arrested in his progress by the events at Berea. He was 
then obliged to fly; but he would naturally resume the prosecution of his design at 
the first convenient opportunity. Such an occasion now presented itself, for he had 
dispatched the eleemosynary business among the churches already planted, and yet 
he did not propose to pass at once to Corinth, lest he should come upon them before 
they had reformed their abuses, and he also wished the alms-gathering at Corinth to 
be first completed under the direction of Titus. That the collection in Macedonia 


without the least ground, that Paul had already 03 See Vol. I. p. 284. 

been twice at Corinth; and they would render *7 The last paragraph was written with the 
this passage thus, ‘I tell you now again, as I Apostle’s own hand to authenticate the letter. 
told you when I was present at Corinth the See Vol. Τ. p.284 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, 
second time, &c. See note * ante. Tischendorf, and Alford omit the word “ Amen.” 


F 2 


36 [a.p. 57 | ST. PAUL IN MACEDONTA. [Cuav. I. 


had been brought to a close is evident from 2 Cor. viii. 1, ‘* We do you to wit of the 
grace (or free-offering) of God which hath been given in the churches of Macedonia.” 
The interval before starting for Corinth might thus be well employed by the Apostle 
in carrying out his original design. The language of Luke is, that Paul departed 
from Ephesus into Macedonia, and that “ when he had gone over those parts, and had 


55 208 


given them much exhortation, he came into Greece, where the expression that he 


29 


had gone oyer or exhausted “those parts” is extremely large. But the strongest 
evidence is to be found in the Epistle to the Romans, written a few months after 
from Corinth. In apologizing to the Romans for not having visited them before, he 
tells them that he had greatly desired it, but that Macedonia and Achaia, the inter- 
yening countries, had possessed a prior claim to his services. ‘ But now,” he con- 
tinues, “having no more place in these parts, and haying a great desire these many 
years to come unto you, whensoever I take my journey into Spain, I will come to 
you, *’® from which it may be clearly inferred, that ‘ having no more place in those 
parts,” he had fulfilled his utmost intentions as regards Macedonia. And another 
passage in the same Epistle is almost decisive of the fact, for he writes, “ From 
Jerusalem, and round about unto Iilyricum, I have fully preached the gospel of 
Christ.”*'° In other words, he had made concentric circuits from Jerusalem up to 
the borders of Illyricum, which he could scarcely say with propriety had he stopped 
short at Bercea, but which would be an accurate and beautiful description of his 
labours, had he also evangelized Macedonia Quarta, which lay contiguous to [lyricum. 
Paley has well observed upon this text, that “St. Paul considers Jerusalem as the 
centre, and is here viewing the circumference to which his travels extended. The 
form of expression in the original conveys this idea— Azo “Ἱερουσαλὴμ καὶ κύκλῳ 
μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Γλλυρικοῦ. LT lyricum was the part of this circle which he mentions in an 
Epistle to the Romans, because it lay in a direction from Jerusalem towards that 
city, and pointed out to the Roman readers the nearest place to them to which his 
travels from Jerusalem had brought him.”?"! 

Paul and Timothy then pursued their journey to the west, and no doubt passed 
along the high road the famous Via Egnatia, that traversed Macedonia. This con- 
ducted them first to Pella, the birthplace of Alexander the Great, and afterwards to 
Pelagonia, or Heraclea, the capital of Macedonia Quarta. We may reasonably infer 
that Paul visited the latter city, as it was invariably his practice to plant the standard 
of Christ in the metropolis. What persecutions he encountered on his pilgrimage: 
and how, by the divine aid, he triumphed against them, must be left to conjecture, 
for Luke, his only historian, was on the road to Corinth, and not being an eye-witness 
has furnished no particulars. When the Apostle had fully accomplished his purpose, 


διελθὼν δὲ τὰ μέρη ἐκεῖνα, καὶ παρακαλέσας  Phocie. x. 19, 4. 


208 
αὐτοὺς λόγῳ πολλῷ, ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. Acts 208 Rom. xv. 23, 24. 
xx. 2. For the use of the word Ἑλλὰς for 20 Romeexye 10. 


Achaia, as opposed to Macedonia, see Pausan. 1 Hore Paul. on Epist. Rom. No. 4. 


ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. 


Cuar. 1 


[a.v. 57] 37 


he retraced his steps and returned to Thessalonica; such at least is the natural 
inference from the facility offered by that port for embarkation for Corinth, and also 
from the passage in the letter which he had lately written to the Corinthians, in 
which he bade them have their contribution ready, “ Lest haply if they of Macedoniu 
come with me, and find you unprepared, we (that we say not, ye) should be ashamed 
in this same confident boasting.”** The Macedonians, who had joined in the col- 
lection, were thus to have the opportunity, when the Apostle started, of accompanying 
him on his journey, and this could scarcely be the case unless they were with him 
when he embarked. Paul would return to Thessalonica about the middle of Novem- 


ber, A-p::57.28 


212 9 Cor. ix. 4. 

48 The text assumes that Paul passed from 
Macedonia to Greece by sea, and as he travelled 
with a numerous company, a voyage on econo- 
mical grounds would be far preferable. On the 
other hand, the seas, on and after the 11th of 


November, were, for ordinary navigation, con- 
sidered as closed; but the coasting trade con- 
tinued throughout the winter. St. Luke observes 
only that Paul “came” into Greece (ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα, Acts xx. 2), which affords no argument 
one way or the other. 


CHAPTER II. 


Paul sails to Corinth, where he winters, and writes the Epistle to the Romans—He travels 
by land to Philippi, and sails thence to Ephesus and Acre, whence he proceeds by 
land to Jerusalem. 

Lord, in Thy fold I work all day, 
T read, I teach, I warn, I pray, 
And yet these wilful wandering sheep 


Within Thy fold I cannot keep. 
Christian Year. 


Pavt now (Nov. 4.p. 57) set sail for Corinth, to compose the disorders which the 
Judaizers and other adversaries had initiated in that church. He was accompanied 
by Timothy, Tychicus the Ephesian, Gaius of Derbe, and, as he had anticipated, by 
several Macedonians, viz. Jason, Aristarchus, and Secundus, all of Thessalonica, 
Sopater of Bercea, and probably others. He reached Cenchrea, the port of Corinth, 
about the beginning of December, and this accorded with the intention which he had 
previously announced from Ephesus, that he would pass the winter with them.’ At 
Cenchrea the Apostle may have met with those civilities from Phebe, a deaconess of 
the church, which he shortly afterwards acknowledges in the Epistle to the Romans, 
“for she hath been a succourer of many, and of myself also.”* From Cenchrea the 
Apostle passed to Corinth, not quite nine miles distant,® and took up his abode in the 
house of Gaius, or Caius, an old disciple, one of the first converts, and baptized by 
the Apostle with his own hands.* It appears that Caius was also well esteemed for 
his charities, as Paul calls him “ mine host, and of the whole church.”® 

What a band of Christian champions was now assembled at Corinth! Besides the 
Apostle himself, there was the youthful Timothy, sincere, self-sacrificing, and of a 
gentle nature; Luke, the accomplished physician, and now the Evangelist ; Titus, on 
whose judgment and discretion Paul had twice relied to calm the disturbances in the 
Corinthian church; Trophimus the Ephesian, the companion of Titus, and one of the 
delegates charged with the alms for the poor Hebrews ; Jason, who had risked his life 
by giving shelter to the Apostle at Thessalonica ;° Tychicus the Ephesian, faithful 


1.1 Cor. xvi. 6. Tauch.). Cor. viii. 6. 
* Rom. xvi. 2. Ὁ 1,Cor. 1. 14, 
8 Seventy stades. Strabo, viii. 6 (p. 213, δ Rom. xvi. 29. ® Rom. xvi. 21, 


VIEW OF CORINTH FROM THE FOOT OF ACROCORINTHUS. 


The spectator is looking north over the Corinthian Bay 


he Author's possessii 


To face Vol. 


mn. 


Cuar, IL] ; ST. PAUL AT CORINTH. [a.p. 57] 39 


as we shall see to the last,’ and the ready envoy to the most distant churches ;* 
Erastus, the chamberlain of Corinth ;° and, perhaps, Sosthenes the Corinthian, who 
from his influence and character had been associated with Paul in the opening saluta- 
tion of one of the Epistles ;1 Sopater of Bercea, Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of 
Derbe," and Gaius,” Stephanas, Fortunatus, and Achaicus, all of Corinth. 

With such a phalanx of trusty followers, the Apostle commenced his winter 
campaign for the extirpation of immorality and vice, and the overthrow of heresy 
and spiritual trrogance. Titus, Luke, and Trophimus, who had preceded him, had 
done much, but only the hand of Paul could extract the evil by the roots. The 
incestuous person had been long since excommunicated, and on his sincere contrition, 
had on the recommendation of the affectionate Paul, been once more received into the 
bosom of the church; but others also in that dissolute city had been guilty of 
“uncleanness, and fornication, and lasciviousness,”!* and it is to be feared that in 
some instances on the fact being established “in the mouth of two or three witnesses,” 
he proceeded, as he had threatened," to the infliction of exemplary punishment. As 
for the Judaizing faction, headed by their false apostle, they had set Paul at defiance 
while at a distance, had ridiculed his diminutive stature, mocked his feebleness of 
speech, and held up to derision his fulminating epistle addressed to them from 
Macedonia. Paul had declared, that such as he was by letters when he was absent, 
such would he be also by deed when he was present ;*° and he had warned them 
solemnly, that “if he came again he would not spare.” And now Paul had arrived, 
and, with a courage that-never flinched, descended into the arena to measure his 
strength with his boastful antagonist. The trumpet sounded to the charge, but 
where was the battle? The impostor quailed before the Apostle, and the deceiver 
and his crew vanish from the scene. Either they received merited chastisement from 
the apostolic rod which Paul wielded, or they fled from Corinth in disgrace to hide 
themselves from the scoffs of their deluded followers. Luke was now at Corinth, and 
might in his history have furnished us with the particulars, but he has passed 
over the false teacher in significant silence. 

From another quarter we may glean the fact, that under Paul’s auspices order 
was fully restored in the Corinthian church. Clement, the disciple of Paul, and 
whose name was in the book of life,” and was afterwards bishop of Rome, in 
an Epistle written by him to the Corinthians some years after and undoubtedly 
genuine, refers to the divisions which had once prevailed at Corinth, and describes 
in glowing terms the happy state in which that church had been left by the 
Apostle. “Take up,” he says, “the Epistle of the blessed Paul the Apostle. What 
did he write to you at first in the beginning of the Gospel? Of a truth he by 


7 He was with Paul at Rome during the second Welk Corie te fs = Cor. xiii. 1. 
imprisonment, and was sent by him, just before i Acts alee = Ξ Cor. x. 11. 
the Apostle’s death, to Ephesus. 2 Tim. iv. 12. ® Rom. xvi. 23. 2 Cor. xiii. 2. 


8. Acts xx. 4. ® Rom. xvi. 23. 13 2 Cor. xii. 21. τ Philipp. iv. 3. 


40 [a.v. 57] ST. PAUL AT CORINTH. [Cuap. II. 


the Holy Spirit admonished you concerning himself, and Cephas, and Apollos, because 
even then ye had made parties, but such partisanship brought you the less sin, for 
ye were partisans of Apostles (Peter and Paul) who have become martyrs, and of a 
man (Apollos) highly approved by them;”'* and in another part of the Epistle he 
thus testifies to their subsequent exemplary conduct: “ Who that visited you did 
not admire your sober and gentle piety in Christ? for ye did all things without 
respect of persons, and walked in the laws of God, obeying those who were set over 
you; and ye were all humble-minded, subjecting yourselves rather than subjecting 
others. Thus a deep and blessed calm was diffused over all, and an insatiate longing 
for well-doing, and a plentiful outpouring of the Holy Spirit. All faction and all 
schism was detestable in your sight.”'* The Epistle is written in a somewhat 
rhetorical style ; but making allowance for this, it is plain that Corinth had once more 
become a holy and united church. We may add, by the way (such is the frailty of 
human nature), that some years after the martyrdom of Paul, dissensions were renewed 
in the church at Corinth, when Fortunatus, who with Stephanas and Achaicus, had 
applied to Paul at Ephesus, again sailed to Rome to implore the assistance of Clement 
in healing their divisions by an expostulatory epistle, which was the occasion of 
Clement’s writing the letter to which we have referred.” 

The next work that engaged the Apostle’s attention at Corinth was one far more 
consonant to his feelings, the alms-gathering for the poor Hebrews. We have said 
so much upon this head with reference to Maeedonia, that here we need add but 
little. Corinth, from its extensive commerce, was an opulent city, and their liberality 
was in proportion. They had expressed their readiness a year ago, and Titus upon 
both his missions to them had been active in forwarding their subscriptions. We 
know from the Apostle’s statement to the Romans, that the contribution was brought 
to a satisfactory conclusion, and that not Corinth only, but the neighbouring churches 
of Achaia, joined in the bounty.” 

Paul, while at Ephesus, had announced an intention of passing the winter at 
Corinth, and this their expectation he now fulfilled, for the sacred historian informs 
us that’Paul abode there the space of three months.” At the end of February, 
a.p. 58, Paul was ready to depart. The plan of his route at this time was to sail 
direct for Jerusalem, and thence to Rome, on his way into Spain. Before, however, 
he took leave of Corinth, he composed the noblest production of his pen, and in the 
judgment of a profound metaphysician (Coleridge) the greatest effort ever made by 
the Epistle to the Romans. A doctrinal exposition of the 


the human intellect 
Epistle is not within our scope, and we shall only attempt to put together some 
historical notices of the circumstances under which it was written. 

The inducements that called forth this apostolical effusion had partly reference to 


18. Clem. Rom. 1 Ep. Cor. xlvil. 2 Clem. Rom. 1 Ep. Cor. lix. 
1 Clem. Rom. 1 Ep. Cor. 1. 21 Rom. xv. 26. τ Acts xx. 3. 


Ouap. II.] ST. PAUL AT CORINTH. [a.p. 58] 41 


the general state of Christendom, and partly the present aspect of things in the 
Roman church. 

The Gospel, of which Paul was the ambassador, had neutralized the effect of the 
Mosaic dispensation; and consequently in every place as soon as he opened his mouth 
to the Gentiles, he encountered the most furious opposition from his own countrymen. 
Notwithstanding this constant antagonism, Paul had planted churches throughout a 
great part of the civilized world. But now within the pale of Christianity itself, a 
Judaizing heresy had sprung up, which threatened to shake the foundations of the 
whole Church. It had broken out at J erusalem, had invaded Antioch, had overthrown 
for a time the faith of the Galatians, and had created infinite disorders at Corinth. 
Paul could not be everywhere present, for “he was debtor both to the Greeks and 
the barbarians, both to the wise and the unwise.” Besides, the Jews were pursuing 
him from place to place, and seeking his life, and he might at any moment be cut off. 
It was no exaggeration when he said, “I die daily.”** “T bear about in the body the 
dying of the Lord Jesus.”** “For thy sake we are killed all the day long; we are 
accounted as sheep for the slaughter.”2° He was, therefore, anxious to counteract 
the Judaizing movement by the publication of a written document, authenticated 
by his signature, which should serve as a rule of faith to his Christian converts. 
Accordingly, in the Epistle before us, he has in a compendious but systematic form, 
developed the whole Gospel scheme, and has established the grand doctrine, that 
salvation is not by human merit at all either by the Law or without the Law, (for 
all are transgressors,) but solely by faith in Christ, whose blood was made an atone- 
ment for sin. 

Thus far the scope of the Apostle was general to all Christendom; but other 
incentives to the composition of the Epistle respected the Roman church in particular. 
Paul had never visited that capital; but though a stranger to their community, he 
had become acquainted with not a few of its members. Tarsians, the fellow-citizens 
of the Apostle, abounded at Rome,” and besides this, when Paul had been last at 
Corinth, not only Aquila and Priscilla, but a vast number of other Jews, on their 
expulsion from the capital by the decree of Claudius, had either passed through 
Corinth on their way to Judea or other countries, or, like Aquila and Priscilla, had 
taken up a temporary abode there. Paul had thus the opportunity (of which he 
availed himself) of securing the friendship of many influential fellow-countrymen, 
and it is not a little remarkable that at the close of this Epistle he salutes two house- 
holds, and no less than twenty-six different individuals, and generally with some 
discriminating touch of character, so that evidently the Apostle was not paying a 
cold compliment, but was familiar with their personal and private history. The 
Apostle, therefore, naturally felt an excessive interest in the welfare of the Roman 


33 Rom. i. 14. aoe Corea ἐν 9]. 55. 2 Cor. iv. 10. ° Rom. viii. 36. 
7 Strabo, xiv. 5. (p. 231, Tauchnitz.) 


VOL, I. τ G 


45 [Α- 58] ST. PAUL AT CORINTH. τ [Cuap. II. 


church, and was proportionately earnest in guarding it against the erroneous opinions 
that were abroad. He tells us, indeed, that without ceasing, he made mention of 
them always in his prayers.** The Judaizing heresy had not as yet penetrated to 
Rome, or had not made any serious impression upon it—at least so we should infer 
from the laudatory language in which the Apostle addresses them: “1 thank my 
God through Jesus Christ for you all, that your faith is spoken of throughout the 
whole world; and I myself also am persuaded of you, my brethren, that ye also are 
full of goodness, filled with all knowledge, able also to admonish one another.”* But 
the seeds of mischief might at any time be sown amongst them: and the Apostle, 
therefore, cautions them against listening to the tempter. “1 beseech you, brethren, 
mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which ye have 
learned, and ayoid them; for they that are such serve not our Lord Jesus Christ, 
but their own belly, and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the 
simple.” °° And we find that, in fact, the Judaizers did soon after creep into the Roman 
church, for when Paul was a prisoner there, he writes to the Philippians, “Some, 
indeed, preach Christ, even of envy and strife,” and “the one preach Christ of contention, 
not sincerely, supposing to add affliction to my bonds ;”*' and it is plain that the false 
teachers here alluded to were Paul’s bitter antagonists, the Judaizers, who, under 
pretence of forwarding the Gospel, made converts to the law of Moses. No wonder, 
then, that at this time the Apostle, foreseeing the threatened invasion, sought to 
pre-occupy the ground and fortify the minds of the brethren against the insidious 
adversary. 

Another circumstance that now directed the attention of Paul towards the Roman 
church was this: the mass of the Roman believers consisted of Gentiles, who, like the 
rest of their brethren, were in the habit of deriding the ceremonious ritual of the 
Mosaic dispensation. And further, the Jewzsh converts themselves were distinguished 
into two classes, one which observed the Law, and another which regarded the 
observance as matter of indifference, and both regulated their practice accordingly. 
Amongst these three parties, first, the Gentiles, secondly, the observing Jews, and 
lastly, the non-observing Jews, disputations and animosities were not unfrequently 
arising, which, though they did not end in actual schism, yet greatly disturbed the 
serenity of the Church. It was, therefore, one object of the Apostle, by explaining 
the means of salvation, as the truth was in Jesus, and by suitable admonitions upon 
the subject of mutual forbearance, to soothe growing irritation, and to weld, as it 
were, these discordant materials into one solid and homogeneous body. 

Such were the views with which the Epistle was written, and the execution of 
the design called for the display of all the Apostle’s address. He was a stranger 
personally to the Roman church, and a letter of instruction and admonition from one 
not personally known to them might, under ordinary circumstances, be deemed an 


48 Roma; 79 Rom. i. 8; xv. 14. 30 Rom. xvi. 17, 18. 31: Philipp. 1. 15, 16. 


Cuap. II.) ST. PAUL AT CORINTH. [a.p. 58] 43 


intrusion, and this did not escape the nice sensibilities of Paul, for throughout the 
composition we cannot but admire the delicate turns by which he seeks to avoid 
giving offence in edifying a church already of some celebrity. Thus he says, “I long 
to see you, that I may impart unto you some spiritual gift, to the end ye may be 
established” ;** and then, conscious that he may have said too much, he adds, “ That 
is, that I may be comforted together with you by the mutual faith both of you and 
me ;”** and afterwards, when inculcating that if the fall of the Jews was the aggran- 
dizement of the Gentiles, how much more would their fulness be so, he subjoins by 
way of apology, “ For I speak to you Gentiles, inasmuch as I am the Apostle of the 
Gentiles—I magnify mine office ;** and at the close of the Epistle, after exhorting them 
to various duties, he excuses his apparent forwardness by reminding them of his 
sacred calling, “I have written the more boldly unto you, brethren, in some sort, as 
calling things to your remembrance, through the grace that hath been given to me of 
God, that I should be the minister of Jesus Christ to the Gentiles.”** We observe a 
like tenderness, for the feelings of the Jews in particular, in the affectionate manner 
in which he softens towards his own countrymen the unpalatable truths which his 
Christian vocation obliged him to communicate. Having pronounced that justification 
could not be attained under the Law, he asks, “ What advantage then hath the Jew? 
or what profit is there in circumcision ? Much every way;’* and “ Do we then make 
void the Law through faith? Far be it! yea, we establish the Law.”*" Again, having 
insinuated the rejection of the Jewish nation as God’s peculiar people, he qualifies so 
ungrateful a proposition by pointing their attention to the many Jews that believed: 
“1 say then, hath God cast away his people? Far be it! For I also am an Israelite, 
of the seed of Abraham, of the tribe of Benjamin. God hath not cast away his people 
which he foreknew.”* 

We shall now content ourselves with a short analysis of the contents of the Epistle. 
The letter divides itself naturally into two parts, the doctrinal and the moral, the 
point of intersection being at the close of the eleventh chapter. 

In the first part the Apostle after an appropriate salutation, and (i. 8) congratu- 
lating the church on their faith, and (i. 11) excusing himself for not having visited 
the Roman church, proceeds (i. 16) to lay down the great truth which he was about 
to demonstrate, that the Gospel of Christ is the only means of salvation both to Jew 
and Greek, inasmuch as justification is not by works, but by faith. This proposition 
he reasons out and clears from objections in the four following chapters. All, he 
argues, are in respect of works under condemnation, for the wrath of God is revealed 
against those who know the truth and obey it not. If any could be excused the 
Gentiles would, who had not written law, but nevertheless they had the law of nature, 


® Rom. i. 11. 8 Rom. xy. 15, 16. 33 Rom. xi. 1, 2. This subject is pursued 
33 Rom. i. 12. % Rom. iii. 1. further in Paley’s Hors Pauline. 
3 Rom. xi. 13. 57 Rom. iii. 31. 


α 2 


44 [a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. ~  fCnap. II. 


which they had transgressed to such a degree as to fall into the grossest idolatry and 
the most dreadful immoralities; all therefore, whether Gentiles or Jews, were guilty 
in the sight of God. 

But the Jew had many pleas to urge against this sweeping condemnation, and 
the Apostle examines them in order. We, says the Jew, (ii. 17) are the chosen 
people of God, and have the Law and circumcision. But, answers the Apostle, you 
do not keep the Law, and have therefore broken the covenant, and lost the benefit of 
circumcision. What then, says the Jew, (iii. 1) is the use of the Law or cireum- 
cision? Paul replies, that the Jews, as God’s chosen people, were entrusted with the 
oracles in which was contained the promise of the Messiah, for though the Jew had 
broken the Law, God did not break his promise, nay, the unfaithfulness of the Jew 
made the faithfulness of God more prominent. Then, says the Jew, (iii. 5) if my 
transgression redounds to the glory of God, I have done no wrong. Nay, answers 
the Apostle, that proves too much, for all sin places the righteousness of God in a 
stronger light, and if there be excuse on that account, there would be no judgment 
day at all. But you admit, argues the Jew, (in. 9) that we are a privileged people, 
and if so we have an adyantage over the Gentile. Not, replies the Apostle, in 
respect of justification, for on the very assumption that you believe in the Law your 
mouth is stopped, for the Law itself says, “ There is none righteous, no not one.” 

He then (iii. 21) sums up his argument, and draws the conclusion that justification 
cannot be by works, but is the free gift of God by faith in Christ, and im (iv. 1) he con- 
firms this position by the instance of Abraham, on whom the Jews so much relied, 
and whose children they were, for Abraham was not justified by works but by faith: 
not by circumcision but while in a state of uncircumcision. 

In the four following chapters (v. to viii.), he deduces the consolatory con- 
sequences of the doctrine of faith, for if justification be the free gift of God, while 
man was a fallen creature, the love of God (now that we have been justified) will not 
stop short of first sanctifying, and then saving us. For (v. 12) what hath been the 
love of God hitherto? In Adam all died, but by the grace of God in Christ, all 
were made alive. From Adam to Moses there was no written law, and therefore sin 
would be imputed to the extent only of the natural law; but when Moses delivered 
the revealed Law, the sin of man was multiplied, yet the love of God superabounded, 
and justified us even from that degree of transgression. If such be the love of God 
(vi. 1), shall we continue in sin that his grace may be the greater in still saving us ? 
Far be it! exclaims the Apostle, for our baptism or submersion was a symbol of our 
death to sin, and of our resurrection to newness of life. Under the Law, the Holy 
Spirit was not given, and man could plead human frailty as an excuse; but under 
the Gospel the graces of the Holy Spirit have been shed upon us, and sin need not 
have the dominion over us. May we then (vi. 15) transgress because we are not 
under the Law, but under grace? Far be it! for the Gospel requires us to seek 
salvation by becoming the servants of righteousness. Under the Law, we were the 


παρ. 11. EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.p. 58] 45 


servants of sin, because we were not yet sanctified by the Spirit; but now that the 
Comforter is come, the sin that prevailed under the Law has ceased. What! exclaims 
the objector (vii. 7), was the Law sinful? No, answers the Apostle; the Law com- 
manded what was holy, but man was the sinner in not keeping the Law. The 
Apostle then (viii. 1) sums up the preceding discussion by inculeating that justifi- 
cation must be followed by sanctification, that is by a life of righteousness under the 
support of the Holy Spirit, and that sanctification will then be crowned with 
salvation, for although man cannot foresee the future, he may rest assured that 
nothing can separate him from the love of God. 

The three next chapters (ix. to xi.) are intended to soothe the wounded feelings 
of his countrymen, the Jews, who could not fail to be somewhat chagrined at the 
announcement of the abrogation of the Mosaic Law, and the call of the Gentiles to 
be the people of God equally with the Jews. He (ix. 1) solemnly assures them of 
his own deep mortification at the blindness of Israel. “1 say the truth in Christ, I 
lie not, my conscience also bearing me witness in the Holy Ghost, that I have great 
heaviness and continual sorrow in my heart; for I could wish that myself were 
accursed from Christ for my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh; who are 
Israelites ; whose is the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants, and the giving of 
the law, and the service of God, and the promises; whose are the fathers, and 
of whom as concerning the flesh Christ came, who is over all, God blessed for eyer. 
Amen.”* But he comforts them (ix. 6) by the reflection that all are not Jews who 
are so outwardly, and that the promises of God have not failed, for that numbers of 
the Jews had believed who were to be regarded as the true Israel. He then (xa!) 
adverts to the unbelieving Jews, and testifies that they had a zeal for God, though 
not regulated by sound judgment, for instead of wrath at the abrogation of the Law, 
they should have rejoiced in the Gospel as the fulfilment of it, for what the Law in 
vain attempted to do, the Gospel in Christ had accomplished. But, says the 
Apostle, (xi. 1) is it the fact that God hath rejected his people? No. Some of the 
branches have been broken off that the Gentiles might be ingrafted, but when the 
fulness of the Gentiles has arrived, the natural branches will again be grafted upon 
their own vine. 

In the second part, the Apostle having concluded the doctrinal, now (xii. 1) 
commences the practical part of the Epistle. He first (xii. 1) inculeates the moral 
duties of Christians generally towards God and towards each other. Then (xi. 1) 
the obligations affecting Christians in their political character, as allegiance to the 
Emperor, &e. He then (xiv. 1) refers to the differences amongst them as to the 
observance of the Jewish ceremonial, and impresses upon them the duty of mutual 
forbearance that he who adhered to the Law should not condemn him who departed 
from it, and he who asserted his freedom should not despise his brother whose 


39. Rom. ix. 1-5. 


46 [a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


(Cuap. I. 


conscience held him still bound. “1 know, and am persuaded in the Lord Jesus, 
that there is nothing unclean of itself; but to him that esteemeth anything to 
be unclean, to him it is unclean; but if thy brother be grieved by thy meat thou 
walkest no longer according to charity. Destroy not him by thy meat for whom 
Christ died.” *° 

The Apostle, in conclusion (xv. 14), excuses his freedom towards a church already 
so well instructed, by pleading his office, that he had been called to be an apostle of 
the Gentiles, and that through miracles which God had wrought by his hands, he had 
now planted the Gospel round about from Jerusalem up to the confines of Hlyricum. 
He then informs them of his intended route, that he was now going up to Jerusalem 
with the alms collected in Macedonia and Achaia, and that having disposed of that 
matter he proposed to visit Rome on his way into Spain. He closes the Epistle (xvi.) 


with numerous salutations and subjoins the usual benediction. 


The letter ran thus: * 


[The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 


thus [ 


(Gite Ie 


7, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] 


“ PauL, A SERVANT OF JESUS CHRIST, CALLED [ΤῸ BE] AN APOSTLE, SEPARATED 


2 unro THE GosPEL or Gop (which he had promised afore by his prophets in 


3 fhe Holy Scriptures, concerning his Son, who was born of the seed of David 
4 according to the flesh (Matt. i. 1),** who was declared to be the Son of God 
in power (Matt. xvii. 51), according to the spirit of holiness by the resurrec- 


40 Rom, xiv. 14, 15. 

‘| The date of the Epistle may be fixed as 
follows :— 

It was written from Corinth and not from 
Cenchrea, for Gaius, a Corinthian (1 Cor. i. 14), 
was the host of the Apostle at the time of writing 
the Epistle (Rom. xvi. 23); and while Paul men- 
tions Cenchrea by name, he refers to Corinth 
as “ the city,” viz. in which he was sojourning, 
τῆς ἐκκλησίας τῆς ev Keyxpeais (Rom. xvi. 1), 
ὁ οἰκόνομος τῆς πόλεως [of Corinth] (Rom. xvi. 
23); and the date of the Epistle was after the 
completion of the collection for the poor Hebrews, 
not only in Macedonia but also in Achaia, and 
indeed when Paul was on the eve of starting with 
the collection for Jerusalem. νυνὶ δὲ πορεύομαι 
eis ‘Iepovoadnp, κιτιλ. Kom. xy. 25. See Fasti 
Sacri, p. 919, No. 1854. The date of the Epistle, 
therefore, was about the beginning of March, 
A.D. 58. 

© κλητὸς ἀπόστολος, ἀφωρισμένος, κιτιλ. It has 
been suggested that Paul here refers to his 
ordination at Antioch as an Apostle of the 
Gentiles: ᾿Αφορίσατε δή μοι τόν τε Βαρνάβαν καὶ 


τὸν Σαῦλον. Acts xiii. 2. We may note three 


steps in the Apostleship of Paul: 1. The election 
of him as the Apostle of the Gentiles at his con- 
version, εἰς ods viv σε ἀποστέλλω. Acts xxvi. 16. 
2. His ordination as such Apostle by the church 
of Antioch. Acts xiii. 2. 38. The recognition of 
him as the Apostle of the Gentiles by the Hebrew 
church. Galat. ii, 19. After his conversion, 
and before his ordination as an apostle of the 
Gentiles at Antioch, he was known as a προ- 
φήτης and διδάσκαλος only. Acts xi. 1. Even 
after his ordination, and before his recognition 
by the Hebrew church, he did not in his Epistles 
assume the title of Apostle (see the two Epistles 
to the Thessalonians); but after that time his 
title was fully recognized, and his Epistles open 
with the address, “ Paul, the Apostle,” &e., with 
the exception, however, of the Epistles to the 
Philippians and to the Hebrews, in which were 
special grounds for the omission, viz. the first 
being rather a friendly letter than an Apostolical 
Epistle; and the second being addressed to a 
church not under the Apostle’s peculiar juris- 
diction. 

43 Mary, therefore, as well as Joseph, was of 
the lineage of David. 


σπᾶν. 11 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [4.}. 58] 47 


συ 


5 


15 
16 


21 


22 


tion from the dead, even Jesus Christ our Lord, by whom we have received 
grace and apostleship, wnto obedience to the faith among all nations for his 
name, among whom are ye also the called of Jesus Christ :) ΤῸ ALL THAT BE 
ΙΝ Rome, BELOVED OF GoD, CALLED [ΤῸ BE] SAINTS, GRACE TO You AND PracE 
From Gop our Farner AnD THE Lorp Jesus Curist. 

“First, I thank my God through Jesus Christ for you all, that your faith 
is spoken of throughout the whole world. For God is my witness, whom I 
serve with my spirit in the gospel of his Son, that without ceasing I make men- 
tion of you, always in my prayers beseeching *“* if by any means now at length 
I inay have a prosperous journey by the will of God to come unto you. ForI 
long to see you, that I may impart unto you some spiritual gift, to the end 
ye may be established—that is, that I may be comforted together with you by 
the mutual faith both of you and me.** Now I would not have you ignorant, 
brethren, that oftentimes I purposed to come unto you, (but have been hindered 
hitherto) that I might have some fruit among you also, even as among the 
other Gentiles. I am debtor both to Greeks and Barbarians,** both to the 
wise and unwise. So, as much as in me is, I am forward“ to preach the 
Gospel to you also that are at Rome; for Iam not ashamed of the Gospel of 
Christ. 

“For IT 15 THE POWER OF GOD UNTO SALVATION TO EVERY ONE THAT 
BELIEVETH, TO THE JEW FIRST, AND ALSO TO THE GREEK.“ 

* For susrmicarion * before Gop 15 REVEALED 7m tt FROM FAITH TO FAITH: 
as it is written, ‘The just shall live by faith.’ (Hab. ii. 4.)° For the wrath 
of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of 
men, who keep down*’ the truth by unrighteousness ; because that which may 
be known of God is manifest in them, for God hath shewed it unto them; for 
the invisible things of him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, 
being understood by the things that are made, even his eternal power and 
Godhead, so that they are without excuse, because that, when they knew God, 
they glorified him not as God, neither were thankful, but became vain in their 


imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened. Professing themselves to 


44 δεόμενον. In Eng. ver. “making request.” 

* Paul had not founded the Roman church, 
and having spoken of conferring spiritual gifts 
upon them he qualifies and softens the expression 
by speaking of their mutual faith. 

15 “Βλλησί τε καὶ BapBapors—a common phrase, 
as in Jos. Ant. xvi. 6, 8; Bell. pref. 5; and 
passim both in Josephus and Philo. The word 
BapBapos implied no degradation, for the Romans 
applied it to themselves as opposed to the 
Greeks. Thus: 


“ Huic nomen Grace est Onagos fabule. 
Demophilus scripsit, Mareus yertit Barbaré.” 
Plaut. Asin. Prolog. 10. 
Barbaré here means ‘ into Latin.’ 
of In Eng. ver. “ready.” 
48 This is the general proposition which he is 
about to prove. 


πρόθυμον. 


® δικαιοσύνη. In Eng. ver. “ righteousness.” 

® Cited verbatim from the LXX. 

| This is the literal meaning of κατεχόντων, as 
in 2 Thess. ii. 6, i.e. who by their unrighteous- 
ness prevent the upward buoyancy of truth. 


48 


Cu, 


23 


24 


Il. 


[a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cnap. I. 


be wise they became fools, and changed the glory of the uncorruptible God 
into the likeness of an image of corruptible man, and of birds, and four- 
footed beasts and reptiles. Wherefore God also gave them up to uncleanness 
through the lusts of their own hearts, to dishonour their own bodies between 
themselves, who changed the truth of God into a lie, and worshipped and 
served the creature more than the Creator, who is blessed for ever. Amen. 
For this cause God gave them up unto dishonourable passions ; °° for even their 
women did change the natural use into that which is against nature; and 
likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the woman, burned in their 
lust one toward another, men with men working that which is unseemly, and 
receiving in themselves that recompense of their error which was meet. 
And even as they did not like to retain God in their knowledge, God gave 
them over to a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not becoming,** 
being filled with all unrighteousness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, 
maliciousness, full of envy, murder, strife,’ deceit, malignity, whisperers, back- 
biters, haters of God, znsolent,°* proud, boasters, inventors of evil things, dis- 
obedient to parents, without understanding, covenant-breakers, without 
natural affection, implacable, unmerciful, who knowing the judgment of God, 
that they who practise *’ such things are worthy of death, not only do the same, 
but haye pleasure in them that practise them. 

“ Wherefore thou art inexcusable, O man, whosoever thou art that judgest, 
for wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest thyself, for thou that 


2 judgest doest the same things. But we know that the judgment of God is 


3 


according to truth against them that practise such things. And thinkest thou 
this, O man, that judgest them that practise such things, and doest the same, 
that thou shalt escape the judgment of God? Or despisest thou the riches of 
his goodness and forbearance and long-suffering, not knowing that the good- 
ness of God leadeth thee to repentance?®* but after thy hardness and 
impenitent heart treasurest up unto thyself wrath against the day of wrath 
and revelation of the righteous judgment of God; who ‘will render to every 
man according to his deeds’ (Ps. lxii. 12) °*°—to them who by patient continu- 
ance in well doing seek for glory and honour and immortality, eternal life, 
but unto them that are contentious, and disobey the truth, but obey un- 
righteousness, indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish, upon every 


® ἐν ὁμοιώματι εἰκόνος. In Eng. ver. “intoan same word is afterwards rendered in Eng. ver. 
image made like to.” in the same verse ‘do,’ which is the proper 
πάθη ἀτιμίας. In Eng. ver. “vile affections.” rendering of ποιοῦσιν. 
τὰ μὴ καθήκοντα. In Eng. ver. “not con- 3 This passage is referred to by St. Peter in 
venient.” 2 Pet. iii. 15. We may infer, therefore, that St. 
°° ἔριδος. In Eng. ver. “ debate.” Paul’s letters were in the hands of all the 
56 ὑβριστάς. In Eng. ver. “ despiteful.” churches as seripture. 
ὅτ πράσσοντες. In Eng. ver. “commit.” The 5° Cited verbatim from the LXX. 


od 


δά 


Cuap. IT.) 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.p. 58] 49 


10 
11, 12 


13 


soul of man that doeth evil, of the Jew first, and also of the Greek®; but 
glory and honour, and peace, to every man that worketh good, to the Jew 
first, and also to the Greek, for there is no respect of persons with God ; for 
as many as have sinned without Law shall also perish without Law, and as 
many as have sinned under the Law shall be judged by the Law, (for not the 
hearers of the Law are just before God, but the doers of the Law shall be 


14 justified ; for when the Gentiles, which have not a law, do by nature the 


15 


16 


17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 that preachest not fo steal, dost thou steal ? 
adultery, dost thou commit adultery ? 

23 commit sacrilege ? ™ 

24 gression® of the Law dishonourest thou God ? 


25 


things of the Law, these, not having a law, are a law unto themselves, who 
shew the work of the law written in their hearts, their conscience bearing 
witness, and their thoughts alternately *' accusing or else excusing,) in the 
day when God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ according to my 
Gospel.” 

“ But if thou art called a Jew, and restest in the Law, and makest thy boast 
of God, and knowest his will, and approvest the things that are excellent, 
being instructed out of the Law, and art confident that thou thyself art a 
guide of the blind, a light of them which are in darkness, an instructor of the 
foolish, a teacher of babes, holding the form of knowledge and of the truth in the 
Law ;—Thou therefore that teachest another, teachest thou not thyself? Thou 
Thou that ¢ellest not to commit 
Thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou 
Thou that makest thy boast in the Law, through trans- 
For ‘the name of God is 
blasphemed among the Gentiles through you,’ as it is written. (Js. li. 5.)*° 
For circumcision verily profiteth, if thou keep the Law: but if thou be a 


26 transgressor “ of the Law, thy circumcision is made uncireumcision. There- 


60 “Ἕλληνι. In Eng. ver. “Gentile,” which is 
the real, though not the literal meaning. 

Sl μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων. In Eng. ver. “the mean 
while.” The meaning is, that a man’s own 
thoughts inter se upbraid and defend. “A 
man audits the accounts of his own conduct as 
a session-holder in his own heart, which is a 
forerunner of the great session that is, to come.” 
Wordsworth. 

6 κατὰ τὸ εὐάγγελιόν pov. What Paul desig- 
nates emphatically as iis Gospel, is the doctrine 
so strongly inculcated by him, and which drew 
down upon him the bitter persecution of the 
Jews from his conversion to his death, viz. that 
the barrier between Jew and Gentile was com- 
pletely broken down. While the Twelve were 
the Apostles of the circumcision, Paul and Bar- 
nabas were the Apostles of the Gentiles. Galat. 
ii. 9. But even Barnabas was carried away by 
the Judaizers at Antioch, Galat. ii. 13; and 


VOL, I. 


Paul was then the only buttress of the truth 
against the pressure of Judaism. That Paul at 
the date of the Epistle was κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν the 
Apostle of the Gentiles, as Peter was of the 
circumcision, is evident from the Epistle itself, 
in which, writing to a church to which he was a 
stranger, he rests his apology on the ground of 
his office, that he was the Apostle of the Gen- 
tiles. Rom. xi. 13. 

88 This assumes the reading Εἰ δὲ instead of 
Ἴδε. In Eng. ver. “behold.” Griesbach, Scholtz, 
Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, all consider 
εἰ δὲ the true text, though ἴδε would be easier of 
interpretation. 

“ As by theft of tithes and offerings to God. 

86 παραβάσεως. In Eng. ver. “ breaking.” 

% τὸ yap ὄνομα τοῦ Θεοῦ δι᾿ ὑμᾶς βλασφημεῖται 
ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι. In the LXX.the wordsare: δι᾽ ὑμᾶς 
διὰ παντὸς τὸ ὄνομά μου βλασφημεῖται ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι. 

°7 παραβάτης. In Eng. ver. “ breaker.” 


H 


[a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cnap, II. 


Cu. IT. 


> OT 


-: 


fore if the uncireumcision keep the righteousness of the Law, shall not his 
uncireumcision be counted for circumcision? and shall not uncircumcision 
which is by nature, if it fulfil the Law, judge thee, who through the letter and 
circumcision dost transgress the Law? For he is not a Jew, which is one 
outwardly, neither is that circumcision, which is outward in the flesh: but he 
is a Jew, which is one inwardly, and circumcision is that of the heart, in the 
spirit and not in the letter; whose praise is not of men, but of God. 

“What then 18 the prerogative of the Jew? or what the use™ of cireum- 
cision ? Much every way. or firstly because unto them were committed the 
oracles of God. For what if some were unfaithful, shall their wnfaithfulness 
undo” the faithfulness of God? Far be it! yea, let God be true, but every 
man a liar; as it is written, ‘That thou mightest be justified in thy sayings, 
and mightest overcome when thou art judged.’ (Ps. 11. 4.) ” 

« But if our unrighteousness commend the righteousness of God, what shall 
we say? Is God unrighteous who beareth wrath? (I speak asa man.) Fur 
be it! 5. Hlse how shall God judge the world? For if the truth of God hath 
abounded through my le unto his glory, why yet am I also judged as a 
sinner? and not rather, (as we are slanderously reported, and as some affirm 
that we say) ‘ Let us do evil, that good may come ?’** whose condemnation is 
just. 

“What then? are we better than they ? No, in no wise, for we have before 
proved both Jews and Greeks, that they are all under sin; as it is written, ‘There 
is none righteous, no, not one: there 15 none that understandeth, there is none 
that seeketh after God; they have all gone out of the way, they have together 
become unprofitable; there is none that doeth good, no not one; their throat 
is an open sepulchre; with their tongues they have used deceit ; the poison of 
asps is under their lips ; whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness; their 
feet are swift to shed blood; destruction and misery are in their ways; and 
the way of peace have they not known there is no fear of God; before 
their eyes.’. (Ps. xiv. 3.) Now we know that what things soever the Law 
saith, it speaketh τ᾽ to them who are under the Law: that every mouth may be 
stopped, and all the world may become guilty before God. Wherefore by the 
deeds of the Law ‘there shall be no flesh justified in his sight:’™" for by the 
Law is the knowledge of sin. 


δ» τὸ περισσόν. In Eng. ver. “advantage.” against himself personally. The latter is the 
“Ὁ ὠφέλεια. In Eng. ver. “ profit.” more probable, as from the nature of the case 
” καταργήσει. the Judaizers must have charged him with im- 
τι See Vol. I. p. 348. piously breaking the Law of Moses in order to 
™ Cited verbatim from the LXX. make the Gospel palatable to the Gentiles. 

® See Vol. 1. p. 348. : *® Cited verbatim from the LXX. 

™ The Apostle may here be alluding to a Τὸ λαλεῖ, In Eng. ver. “ saith.” 


charge brought against Christians generally or 7 ἐξ ἔργων νόμου ov δικαιωθήσεται πᾶσα σὰρξ 


Cu. IV. 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [av 58] 51 


21 “ But now the justification of God hath been manifested without the Law, 

22 being witnessed by the Law and the prophets, even the justification of God 

which is by Faith of Jesus Christ unto all and upon all them that believe : for 

23 there is no difference, for all have sinned and come short of the glory of God ; 

24 being justified freely by his grace through the redemption that is in Christ 

25 Jesus, whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through Faith in his 

blood, to declare his justéfication through the remission of past sins through 

26 the forbearance of God—to declare, [I say] at this time his justification, that 

27 he might be just, and the justifier of him that is of Faith in Jesus. Where is 

boasting then? It is excluded. By what law? Of works? Nay, but by the 

28 law of Faith. Therefore we conclude that a man is justified by Faith without 

29 the deeds of the Law. Is he the God of the Jews only? is he not also of the 

30 Gentiles? Yes, of the Gentiles also, seeing that God is one which shall justify 

31 the circumcision by Faith, and the uncireumcision by Faith.”* Do we then 
make void the Law through Faith? Far be it! 7 yea, we establish the Law. 

“What shall we, then, say, that Abraham, our father, according to the 

2 flesh,*° hath found ? for if Abraham was justified by works, he hath whereof 

3 to boast (but not before God); for what saith the Scripture? ‘And Abraham 

believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness’ (Gen. xy. 6) ;*! 

4 now to him that worketh is the reward not imputed of grace, but of debt; 

5 but to him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, 

6 his faith is imputed for righteousness ; as David also describeth the blessedness 

of the man, unto whom God imputeth righteousness without works, [saying, ] 

7 ‘Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered: 

8, 9 blessed is the man to whom the Lord will not ¢mpute sin.’ (Ps. xxxii. 1.)™ 

[Cometh] this blessedness then upon the circumcision only, or upon the uncir- 

10 cumcision also? for we say that Faith was imputed to Abraham for righteous- 

ness. How was it, then, imputed? when he was in circumcision, or in uncircum- 

11 cision? Not in circumcision, but in uncireumcision ; and he received the sign of 

circumcision, a seal of the justification of the Faith which was in unctreumeision,* 

that he might be the father of all them that believe [that are] in uncireum- 

12 cision, that righteousness might be imputed unto them also, and the father of 


ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ. 


Ὁ κατὰ σάρκα. In Eng. ver. “as pertaining to 
the flesh.” 


In the LXX. (Ps. exliii. 2) the 


words are: ov δικαιωθήσεται ἐνώπιόν σου πᾶς ζῶν. 
The same text is quoted in Galat. ii. 16, but in 
a different order: οὐ δικαιωθήσεται ἐξ ἔργων νόμου 
πᾶσα σάρξ. 

78 The expression διὰ τῆς πίστεως is here sub- 
stituted for the ἐκ τῆς πίστεως just before, but no 
contrast appears to be intended between the ἐκ 
and the διά. 

See note, Vol. 1. p. 348. 


Ἢ Cited verbatim from the LXX., except 
that the Apostle changes the καὶ of the LXX. 
into δέ, (Gen. xv. 6.) 

® Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. xxxii. 1. 

88. τῆς ἐν τῇ ἀκροβυστίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “ which 
he had yet being uncircumcised.” 

δὲ. δι᾽ ἀκροβυστίας. In Eng. ver. “though they 
be not cireumcised.” 


H 2 


17 


18 


[a.D. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. IT. 


circumcision to them who are not of the circumcision, but who also walk in 
the steps of that Faith of our father Abraham which was in unetreumeision. 
For the promise that he should be the heir of the world, was not to Abraham, 
or to his seed, through the Law, but through the justdfication of Faith ; for 
if they which are of the Law be heirs, Faith is made void, and the promise 18 
done away, because the Law worketh wrath; for where no law is, there is no 
transgression. Therefore, it is of Faith, that it might be by grace, to the end 
that the promise might be sure to all the seed, not to that only which is of 
the Law, but to that also which is of the Faith of Abraham, who is the father 
of us all, (as it is written, ‘I have made thee a father of many nations,’ Gen. 
xvii. 5) in the sight of*° him whom he believed, even God who quickeneth 
the dead and calleth the things which are not as though they were—who 
against hope believed in hope, that he might become the father of many 
nations, according to that which was spoken, ‘So shall thy seed be.’ (Gen. xv. 
δ.) And being not weak in Faith, he considered not his own body now dead, 
(being about an hundred years old) and the deadness of Sarah’s womb. He 
staggered not at the promise of God through unbelief, but was strong in 
Faith, giving glory to God, and being fully persuaded that what he had 
promised he was also able to perform; wherefore, also, it was imputed to him 
for righteousness. Now it was not written for his sake alone, that it was 
imputed to him, but for us also, to whom it shall be imputed, if we believe on 
him that raised up Jesus our Lord from the dead, who was betrayed* for our 
offences, and was raised again for our justification. 

“ Therefore, being justified by Faith, we have peace with God through our 
Lord Jesus Christ, by whom also we have access by Faith wnto this grace 
wherein we stand, and rejoice in hope of the glory of God; and not only so, 
but we glory in tribulations also, knowing that tribulation worketh patience, 
and patience experience, and experience hope ; and hope maketh not ashamed, 
because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost which 


Ὁ is given unto us. For when we were yet without strength, in due time Christ 


died for the ungodly ; for scarcely for a righteous man will one die—yet per- 
adventure for a good man*® one would even dare to die—but God commendeth 
his love toward us, in that, while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. 
Much more, then, being now justified by his blood, we shall be saved from 
wrath through him ; for if when we were enemies we were reconciled to God 


®° Cited verbatim from the LXX. will be understood by turning to Gen. xv. 5. 
κατέναντι οὗ. In Eng. ver. “ before.” 88 παρεδόθη. In Eng. ver. “ delivered.” 

‘7 Viz. “as the stars of heaven, so shall thy 89. There is no antithesis between “a righteous 
seed be.” The words of the Apostle are not man” and “a good man,” but they are equivalent 
meant to be a citation verbatim, but are a refer- expressions. 
ence only to the passage in a general way. This 


86 


Cuap. IT.) 


11 
12 


19 
14 


10 


17 


[A.D. 58] δὲ 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


by the death of his Son, much more, being reconciled, we shall be saved by 
his life, and not only so, but also boastiny® in God through our Lord Jesus 
Christ, by whom we have now received the atonement. 

“Wherefore, as by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin, 
and so death passed upon all men, for that all have sinned,” for before the Law 
sin was in the world, but sin is not imputed when there is no law ;? neverthe- 
less, death reigned from Adam to Moses, even over them that had not sinned 
after the similitude of Adam’s transgression,’* who is the figure of him that 
was to come; but not as the offence, so also is the free gift ; for if through the 
offence of one many died, much more the grace of God, and the gift by grace, 
which is by one man, Jesus Christ, hath abounded unto many; and not as it 
was by one that sinned, so is the gift; for the judgment was by one to con- 
demnation, but the free gift is of many offences unto justification ; for if by 
one man’s offence death reigned by one, much more they which receive the 
abundance of the grace and of the gift of justification shall reign in life by 
one, Jesus Christ. Therefore as by one offence [judgment came] upon all men 
to condemnation, even so by one justification [the free gift came] upon all men 
unto justification of life. For as by one man’s disobedience many were made 
sinners, so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous. Now the 
Law supervened™ that the offence might abound; but where sin abounded 
grace did much more abound, that as sin had reigned im death, ** even so might 
grace reign through justification unto eternal life by Jesus Christ our Lord. 

“What shall we say then? Shall we continue in sin, that grace may 
abound? Har be it!** How shall we, that are dead to sin, live any longer 
therein? or know ye not, that so many of us as are baptized into Jesus Christ 
are baptized into his death? Therefore we are buried with him by baptism 
into death ; that like as Christ was raised up from the dead by the glory of 
the Father, even so we also should walk in newness of life; for if we have 
been planted together in the likeness of his death, we shall be also in the like- 
ness of his resurrection; knowing this, that our old man hath been crucified 
with him, that the body of sin might be destroyed, that henceforth we should 


90 


καυχώμενοι. In Eng. ver. “ we joy.” 


he violated it, and the sin was imputed. In the 


*! All, as the posterity of Adam, were affected 
by his transgression, and born of a sinful nature, 
and so subject to death. 

* Acts which by the Law of Moses were de- 
clared to be sinful were done by mankind in the 
interval between Adam and Moses, but were not 
imputed as sin, because as yet men had only the 
light of nature and not the Law of Moses, and 
therefore what was not contrary to the light of 
nature was excused. 

38. Adam received an express command, and 


interval between Adam and Moses, there was no 
express command, and therefore the sinful acts 
(where not forbidden by the light of nature) 
were not imputed. Nevertheless death reigned 
from the sin committed by Adam. 

** παρεισῆλθεν. Literally, ‘entered besides’ or 
‘by the way.’ In Eng. ver. “ entered.” 

ἡ ἐν τῷ θανάτῳ. Sin had exercised its do- 
minion in causing the death of mankind. 

56. See Vol. I. p. 348. 


[a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. (Cuap. 11. 


Cu. VIL 


2 


3 


4 


5 


not serve sin; for he that is dead is freed from sin. But if we be dead with 
Christ, we believe that we shall also live with him, knowing that Christ being 
raised from the dead dieth no more—death hath no more dominion over him ; 
for in that he died, he died unto sin once, but in that he liveth, he liveth unto 
God. Likewise reckon ye also yourselves to be dead indeed unto sin, but alive 
unto God through Jesus Christ.’ Let not sin therefore reign in your mortal 
body, that ye should obey** the lust thereof; neither yield ye your members 
as instruments of unrighteousness unto sin; but yield yourselves unto God, 
as those that are alive from the dead, and your members as instruments of 
righteousness unto God. For sin shall not have dominion over you, for ye are 
not under the Law, but under Grace. 

“What then? shall we sin, because we are not under the Law, but under 
Grace? Fur be it!* Know ye not, that to whom ye yield yourselves ser- 
vants unto obedience, his servants ye are to whom ye obey, whether of sin unto 
death, or of obedience unto justification? But thanks be to God that ye were 
the servants of sin, but ye have obeyed from the heart that form of doctrine 
which was delivered you.’ Being then made free from sin, ye became the 
servants of righteousness ; (I speak after the manner of men, because of the 
infirmity of your flesh): for as ye yielded your members servants to unclean- 
ness, and to iniquity unto iniquity, even so now yield your members servants 
to righteousness unto holiness. For when ye were the servants of sin, ye 
were free from righteousness. What fruit therefore had ye then in those 
things whereof ye are now ashamed? for the end of those things is death. 
But now being made free from sin, and become servants to God, ye have your 
fruit unto holiness, and the end everlasting life. For the wages of sin is 
death; but the gift of God is eternal life through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

“Or know ye not, brethren, (for I speak to them that know the Law,) 
how that the Law hath dominion over a man as long as he liveth? For the 
woman which hath a husband is bound by the law to her husband so long as 
he liveth; but if the husband be dead, she is loosed from the law of her 
husband. So then if, while her husband liveth, she be joined to another man, 
she shall be called an adulteress ; but if her husband be dead, she is free from 
that law, so that she is no adulteress, though she be jotned to another man. 
Wherefore, my brethren, ye also are become dead to the Law by the body of 
Christ, that ye should be married to another, even to him who was raised from 
the dead, that we should bring forth fruit unto God. For when we were in 


% The words τῷ Κυρίῳ ἡμῶν---“ our Lord’—_ Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 


have been rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lach- 99. See Vol. I. p. 348. 
mann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 10 More literally, ‘unto which ye were de- 


38. In Eng. ver. “ obey { in the lusts thereof;” —_livered.’ 


but the words αὐτῇ év— it in’—are rejected by 


Cuap. II.] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [4.Ὁ. 58] 55 


the flesh, the motions of sins, which were by the Law, did work in our 
members to bring forth fruit unto death. But now we are set free from the 
Law, that being dead wherein we were held: that we should serve in newness 
of spirit, and not in the oldness of the letter. 
7 “What shall we say then? Is the Law sin? Far be it!!" Nay, I had 
not known sin, but by the Law:"” for I had not known concupiscence except 
8 the Law had said, ‘Thou shalt not covet.’ (Hx. xx. 17.)'!% But sin, taking 
occasion by the commandment, wrought in me all manner of concupiscence ; 
9 for without the Law sin was dead. For I was alive without the Law once, 
10 but when the commandment came, sin revived, and I died; and the command- 
11 ment, which was [ordained] to life, this unto me was found unto death; for 


for) 


sin, taking occasion by the commandment, deceived me, and by it slew me. 
12 Wherefore the Law is holy, and the commandment holy, and just, and good. 
13 Did then that which is good become death unto me? Far be it! But sin, 
that it might appear sin, [was] working death in me by that which is good, 
14 that sin by the commandment might become exceeding sinful.’ For we know 
15 that the Law is spiritual, but I am carnal, sold wato sin: for that which I do 
16 I know not; for what I would, that do I not, but what I hate, that do 1. But 
if I do that which I would not, I consent unto the law that it is good. Now 
17, 18 then it is no more I that do it, but sin that dwelleth in me; for I know that 
in me (that is, in my flesh,) dwelleth no good thing; for to will is present 
19 with me, but how to perform that which is good I find not; for the good, 
20 that I would,I do not; but the evil which I would not, that Ido. But if I do 
21 that I would not, it is no more I that do it, but sin that dwelleth in me. I 
22 find then a law, that, when I would do good, evil is present with me. For I 
23 delight in the law of God after the inward man; but I see another law in my 
members, warring against the law of my mind, and bringing me into captivity 
24 to the law of sin which is in my members. O wretched man that Iam! who 
25 shall deliver me from the body of this death? I thank God,’ Through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. So then with the mind I myself serve the law of 
God; but with the flesh the law of sin. 
Cu. vu. “There is therefore now no condemnation to them which are in Christ 
2 Jesus, who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. For the law of the 
Spirit of life in Christ Jesus hath made me free from the law of sin and 
3 death; for what the Law could not do, in that it was weak through the flesh, 


1 See Vol. I. p. 348. > Το, It was not the Law, but sin, that caused 

12 ‘The law must be the perfection of holiness, my death—not the Law, which is good, but sin, 
for it, and it only, enables me to distinguish what which became more sinful through the Law, 
is sinful. which expressly prohibited it. 

0 Cited verbatim from the LXX. 1 Viz. that I am delivered. 

104 See Vol. I. p. 348. 


[4.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. (Cuap. II. 


4 
δ 


co ὍΝ “ὦ & 


God sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, and for sin,’ con- 
demned sin in the flesh, that the justification of the Law might be fulfilled in 
us, who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. For they that are 
after the flesh do mind the things of the flesh ; but they that are after the 
Spirit, the things of the Spirit. For the carnal mind is death; but the 
spiritual mind is life and peace. Because the carnal mind is enmity against 
God; for it is not subject to the law of God, neither indeed can be; for they 
that are in the flesh cannot please God. But ye are not in the flesh, but in 
the Spirit, if so be that the Spirit of God dwell in you. But if any man 
have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his. But if Christ be in you, the 
body indeed is dead because of sin; but the Spirit is life because of righteous- 
ness. But if the Spirit of him that raised up Jesus from the dead dwell in 
you, he that raised up Christ from the dead shall also quicken your mortal 
bodies by his Spirit that dwelleth in you. Therefore, brethren, we are 
debtors, not to the flesh, to live after the flesh; for if ye live after the flesh, 
ye shall die: but if ye through the Spirit do mortify the deeds of the body, 
ye shall live. For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, they are the 
sons of God; for ye have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear, 
but ye have received the spirit of adoption, whereby we ery, ‘ Abba Father !’1° 
The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are the children 
of God, and if children, then heirs, heirs of God and joint heirs with Christ, 
if so be that we suffer with him, that we may be also glorified together; for I 
reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared 
with the glory which shall be revealed in us; for the earnest expectation of 
the creation waiteth for the revelation of the sons of God, for the creation was 
made subject to vanity,’ not willingly, but by reason of him who subjected 
the same, in the hope, that the creation itself also shall be delivered from the 
bondage of corruption into the glorious liberty of the children of God. For 
we know that the whole creation groaneth and trayaileth in pain together 
until now; and not only so, but ourselves also,"° which have the first-fruits 
of the Spirit, even we ourselves groan within ourselves, waiting for the 
adoption, [to wit] the redemption of our body; for im hope!!! we are saved, 
but hope that is seen is not hope; for what a man seeth, how also can 
he hope for ? but if we hope for that we see not, then do we with patience 
wait for it. And likewise the Spirit also helpeth our infirmities, for we know 
not what we should pray for as we ought; but the Spirit itself maketh 


10 


7 περὶ ἁμαρτίας. On account of sin, and for tion. 


the purpose of destroying it. πο We Christians as opposed to the world at 
“8 The Apostle here alludes apparently tothe large. 
commencement of the Lord’s Prayer. nl τῇ yap ἐλπίδι. In Eng. ver. “ by hope.” 


109 τῇ 


ματαιότητι--- emptiness, the want of frui- 


Cnar. 1] 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


[a.p. 58] 57 


27 


28 


29 


30 


51 
32 


99 
94 


Cua. EX. 


intercession for us with speechless 113 groanings; and he that searcheth the 
hearts knoweth what is the mind of the Spirit, because he maketh inter- 
cession for the saints according to [the will of | God."* And we know that all 
things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are called 
according to his purpose ; for whom he did foreknow, he did also predestinate 
to be conformed to the image of his Son, that he might be the firstborn 
among many brethren; but whom he did predestinate, them he also called ; 
and whom he called, them he also justified; and whom he justified, them he 
also glorified."* What shall we, then, say to these things? If God be for 
us, who can be against us? He that spared not his own Son, but delivered 
him up for us all, how shall he not with him also freely give us all things ? 
Who shall lay anything to the charge of God’s elect? It is God that 
justifieth; who is he that condemneth? It is Christ that died, yea rather, 
that is risen again, who is even at the right hand of God, who also maketh 
intercession for us. Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? Shall 
tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or 
sword ? as it is written, ‘For thy sake we are killed all the day long; we are 
accounted as sheep for the slaughter.’ (Ps. xliy. 22.)"% Nay, in all these 
things we are more than conquerors through him that loved us; for I am 
persuaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor 
powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor 
any other creature, shall be able to separate us from the love of God, which 
is in Christ Jesus our Lord. 

“T say the truth in Christ, I lie not, my conscience also bearing me 
witness in the Holy Ghost, that I have great pain and continual sorrow in 
my heart; for I could wish™® that myself were accursed from Christ for 
my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh, who are Israelites,""* whose és 
the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants, and the giving of the law, and 
the service [of God], and the promises; whose are the fathers, and of whom 


M2 ἀλαλήτοις. 


In Eng. ver. “ which cannot be for excommunication from the pale of the Church. 


uttered.” 

NS The great Searcher of hearts knoweth what 
the Spirit prompts on our behalf, for it is by the 
will of God that the Spirit thus operates. 

m4 The Apostle is regarding the Gospel scheme 
as a whole, and assumes the final consummation 
of all things as already come to pass; for “in 
hope we are already saved,” ver. 24. 

τὸ Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. xliv. 22. 

US ηὐχόμην, the imperfect, not the perfect tense 
—‘I was ready, if it were possible, to wish.’ 

NT ἀνάθεμα ἀπὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ. Anathema, or 
Anathema Maranatha, was the expression used 


VOL, 11. 


1 Cor. xvi. 22; Galat.i.9. But because a person 
was excommunicated, it does not follow that he 
might not be saved on repentance. Thus, in the 
case of the incestuous person at Corinth, who 
was excommunicated (1 Cor. y. 4), he was again, 
on his repentance, admitted into the Christian 
community. 2 Cor. ii. 8. The Apostle, there- 
fore, in the passage under consideration, seems 
to say, ‘I could wish that even I myself were 
excommunicated and ejected from the church, 
if thereby my beloved fellow-countrymen could 
find their admission into it.’ 
us See note ante, 2 Cor. xi. 22. 


σι 


[a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. IT. 


συ 


21 


22 


as concerning the flesh Christ came, who is over all, God blessed for ever, 
Amen. 

“Not as though the word of God hath fallen away, for they are not all 
Israel which are of Israel; neither because they are the seed of Abraham are 
they all children; but, ‘In Isaac shall thy seed be called’ (Gen. xxi. 12) ae 
that is, they which are the children of the flesh, these are not the children of 
God, but the children of the promise are counted for the seed. For this is the 
word of promise, ‘At that time will I come, and Sarah shall have a son.’ 
(Gen. xviii. 10.) And not only this, but when Rebecca also had conceived by 
one, even by our father Isaac (for the children being not yet born, neither 
having done any good or evil, that the purpose of God according to election 
might stand, not of works, but of him that calleth), it was said unto her, 
‘The elder shall serve the younger’ (Gen. xxv. 3) ; 5 as it is written, ‘ Jacob 
have I loved, but Esau have I hated.’ (Mad. i. 2.) What shall we say then ? 
Is there unrighteousness with God? Far be it!’ For he saith to Moses, 
I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I will have compassion on 
whom I will have compassion.’ (Ez. xxxiii. 19.)'* So then it is not of him 
that willeth, nor of him that runneth, but of God that sheweth mercy ; for 
the Scripture saith unto Pharaoh, ‘ For this very purpose have I raised thee 
up, that I might show my power in thee, and that my name might be 
declared throughout all the earth.’ (Hz. ix. 16.) Therefore hath he mercy 
on whom he will have merey, and whom he will he hardeneth. Thou wilt 
say then unto me, Why doth he yet find fault? for who hath resisted his 
will? Nay, but, O man, who art thou that repliest against God? ‘Shall the 


_thing formed say to him that formed it, Why hast thou made me thus?’ (Is. 


xxix. 16.)!° Or hath not the potter (fig. 184) power over the clay, of the 
same lump to make one vessel unto honour, and another unto dishonour ?™ 
And what if God, willing to show his wrath, and to make his power known, 


09 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Gen. xxi. 12. 

1 Kara τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐλεύσομαι, καὶ ἔσται 
τῇ Sdppa vids. Here the Apostle apparently 
quotes from memory, or the LXX. text has suf- 
fered, as the words are varied. In the LXX. the 
passage is: Ἐπαναστρέφων ἥξω πρὸς σὲ κατὰ τὸν 
καιρὸν τοῦτον τῆς ὥρας, καὶ ἕξει υἱὸν Σάῤῥα ἡ γυνή 
σου. Gen. xviii. 10. ; 

121 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Gen. xxv. 28. 

™ Cited verbatim from the LXX., save that 
in the Septuagint τὸν Ἰακὼβ follows ἠγάπησα. 

128 See ante, Vol. I. p. 343. 

14 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ex. xxxiii 
19. 

13 "Oru εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐξήγειρά σε, ὅπως ἐνδείξω- 
μαι ἐν σοὶ τὴν δύναμίν μου, κατιλ. Here the Apostle 


varies from the LXX. version, which is: Kai 
ἕνεκεν τούτου διετηρήθης iva ἐνδείξωμαι ἐν σοὶ τὴν 
ἰσχύν μου, κιτιλ. Ex. ix. 16. In the rest of the 
passage, the citation agrees with the original. 

126 Τῇ the LXX. the passage is: Μὴ ἐρεῖ τὸ 
πλάσμα τῷ πλάσαντι αὐτὸ, Οὐ σύ pe ἔπλασας; ἢ τὸ 
ποίημα τῷ ποιήσαντι, Οὐ συνετῶς με ἐποίησας ; Is. 
xxix. 16. The first six words are cited verbatim ; 
the sense only of the latter part is given. 

127 The Apostle here is still referring to the 
same part of Isaiah, for the words cited above 
are preceded by the following : οὐχ ὡς πηλὸς τοῦ 
κεραμέως λογισθήσεσθε; The like figure is also 
found in Is. xly. 9. μὴ ἐρεῖ ὁ πηλὸς τῷ κεραμεῖ, 
Τί ποιεῖς ; 


Cuap. 11.} 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


[a.D. 58] 59 


endured with much long-suffering the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction, 
23 and that he might make known the riches of his glory on the vessels of mercy 
24 which he had afore prepared unto glory, even us whom he hath called, not of 


25 the Jews only, but also of the Gentiles ? 


As he saith also in Hosea, ‘I will 


call them my people, which were not my people; and her beloved which was 
26 not beloved.’ (Hos. ii. 23.) And it shall come to pass, that in the place 


Fig. 184.—A Potter at Work. From C. W. King’s ‘Antique Gems.’ The potter is turning the wheel with his foot while he is 
moulding the vessel with his bands. 


where it was said unto them, Ye are not my people; there shall they be called 


27 the children of the living God.’ (Hos. i. 10.) 159 


Isaiah also crieth concerning 


Israel, ‘'Though the number of the children of Israel be as the sand of the 
28 sea, the remnant shall be saved; for he is making up the account, and cutting 
it short in justification ; because a short account will the Lord make upon the 
29 earth.’ (Is. x. 22, 23.)'° And as Isaiah said before, ‘ Except the Lord of Sabaoth 
had left us a seed, we had been as Sodom, and been made like unto Gomorrha.’ 


30 (Is. i. 9.) 


What shall we say then ?—that the Gentiles, which follow not 


justification, have attained to justification, even the justification which is of 


31 Faith; but Israel, which followeth the Law of justification, hath not attained 
32 to the Law of justification. Wherefore? Because they sought it not by Faith, 

but as it were by the works of the Law; for they stumbled at that stumbling- 
33 stone, as it is written, ‘ Behold, I lay in Sion a stumbling-stone and rock of 


offence: and whosoever believeth on him shall not be ashamed.’ (Js. xxvii. 16.) 1° 


Cu. X. 


“ Brethren, my heart’s desire and prayer to God for Israel is, for [their] 


28 Καλέσω τὸν ov λαόν μου, Nady μου" Kal τὴν οὐκ 
ἠγαπημένην, ἤγαπημένην. Here also the Apostle 
varies slightly from the words of the LXX. 
which run thus: ᾿Αγαπήσω τὴν οὐκ ἠγαπημένην, 
καὶ ἐρῶ τῷ οὐ λαῷ μου, Aads μου εἶ σύ. Hos. ii. 23. 

29 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Hos. i. 10; 
except that for κληθήσονται καὶ αὐτοὶ in the latter, 
the Apostle writes, ἐκεῖ κληθήσονται. 

1899 The Apostle substitutes ᾽Εὰν ἢ ὁ ἀριθμὸς τῶν 
υἱῶν Ἰσραὴλ instead of ᾽Εὰν γένηται ὁ λαὸς Ἰσραὴλ 
in the LXX.; and again he substitutes ἐπὶ τῆς 
γῆς for ἐν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ ὅλῃ, the expression in the 
LXX. Is. x. 22,23. In other respects the cita- 


tion is verbatim. 

181 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. i. 9. 

2 Ἰδοὺ τίθημι ev Σιὼν λίθον προσκόμματος καὶ 
πέτραν σκανδάλου, καὶ πᾶς ὁ πιστεύων ἐπ᾽ αὐτῳ 
οὐ καταισχυνθήσεται.ι. In the LXX. the pas- 
sage runs somewhat differently, viz.: Ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ 
ἐμβάλλω εἰς τὰ θεμέλια Σιὼν λίθον πολυτελῆ, 
ἐκλεκτὸν, ἀκρογωνιαῖον, ἔντιμον, εἰς τὰ θεμέλια αὐτῆς, 
καὶ ὁ πιστεύων οὐ μὴ καταισχυνθῇ. Is. xxviii. 16. 
The expressions λίθον προσκόμματος καὶ πέτραν 
σκανδάλου are probably drawn from Is. viii. 14, 
where we read: Οὐχ ὡς λίθου προσκόμματι συναν- 
τήσεσθε οὐδὲ ὡς πέτρας πτώματι. 


1 


a 


60 


[a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. 11. 


2 
9 


4 
5 


19 
14 


15 


16 


117. 


18 


19 


20 


salvation; for I bear them witness that they have a zeal of God, but not 
according to knowledge; for they being ignorant of God’s justification, and 
going about to establish their own justification, have not submitted themselves 
unto the justification of God; for Christ is the end of the Law for justéfication 
to every one that believeth. For Moses describeth the justification which is 
of the Law, that ‘The man which doeth these things shall live by them’ 
(Lev. xviii. 5) ;1°* but the justification which is of Faith speaketh on this wise, 
Say not in thine heart, ‘Who shall ascend into heaven ?’ (Deut. xxx. 12)’* 
(that is, to bring Christ down); or, ‘Who shall descend into the deep? 
(Deut. xxx. 13)" (that is, to bring up Christ again from the dead); but 
what saith it? ‘The word is nigh thee, even in thy mouth, and in thy 
heart’ (Deut. xxx. 14): 5 that is, the word of Faith, which we preach— 
that if thou wilt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and wilt believe in 
thine heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved ; for 
with the heart man believeth unto justification, and with the mouth confession 
is made unto salvation ; for the Scripture saith, ‘Whosoever believeth on him 
shall not be ashamed’ (Js. xxviii. 16);'*" for there is no difference between 
the Jew and the Greek, for the same Lord over all is rich unto all that 
call upon him; for ‘Whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord shall 
be saved.’ (Joel 11. 32.)'°* How then shall they call on him in whom they 
have not believed ? and how shall they believe in him of whom they have 
not heard? and how shall they hear without a preacher? and how shall they 
preach, except they be sent? as it is written, ‘How beautiful are the feet of 
them that bring glad tidings of peace, and bring glad tidings of good things "Ὁ 
(15. lii. 7.) 8° But they have not all obeyed the glad tidings ; for Isaiah saith, 
‘Lord, who hath believed what he hath heard of us? (Is. liii. 1.) So then 
Faith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God. But I say, 
Have they not heard? Yes, verily, ‘Their speech hath gone unto all the 
earth, and their words unto the ends of the world.’ (Ps. xix. 4.)"" But I 
say, Hath not Israel known? First Moses saith, ‘I will provoke you to 
jealousy by them that are no nation, by a foolish nation I will anger you.’ 
(Deut. xxxii. 21.) But Isatah is very bold, and saith, ‘I was found of them 


138 Cited verbatim trom the LXX., Lev. xviii. 5. 

186. Cited verbatim from the LXX., Deut. xxx. 
12, except that the Apostle omits the word ἡμῖν. 

18 Τῇ the LXX. the corresponding expression 
is, Tis διαπεράσει ἡμῖν εἰς TO πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης; 
Deut. xxx. 1. 

‘85 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Deut. xxx. 
14, except that Paul writes: "Eyyis σου τὸ ῥῆμά 
ἐστιν, for Ἐγγύς oov ἐστὶ τὸ Ojpa σφόδρα. 

ST Tlas ὁ πιστεύων ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ οὐ μὴ αἰσχυνθήσεται. 
The LXX. runs: Ὁ πιστεύων οὐ μὴ καταισχύνθῃ. 
Is. xxvii. 16. 


188 Cited verbatim from the LXX. Joel, ii. 82. 

89 “Os ὡραῖοι of πόδες τῶν εὐαγγελιζομένων 
εἰρήνην, τῶν εὐαγγελιζομένων τὰ ἀγαθά. In the 
LXX. the words are: ‘Qs ὥρα ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρέων, ὡς 
πόδες εὐαγγελιζομένου ἀκοὴν εἰρήνης, ὡς εὐαγγελιζό- 
μενος ἀγαθά. Is. li. 7. 

0 74 ἀκοῇ ἡμῶν ---ἰ.6. ‘what he hath heard from 
us. Is. liii. 1. The citation from the LXX. is 
verbatim. 

141 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. xix. 4. 

1 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Deut. xxxii. 
21. 


Cuap., 11.] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.p. 58] 6L 


that sought me not; I was made manifest unto them that asked not after 
21 me’ (Js. Ixx. 1);** but to Israel he saith, ‘All day long I have stretched 
forth my hands unto a disobedient and gainsaying people.’ (18. Ixy. 2.)'* 
Cu. ΧΙ. “T say then, Hath God cast away his people? ar be it! for I also 
2 am an Israelite,'*® of the seed of Abraham,’ of the tribe of Benjamin:™* God 
hath not cast away his people which he foreknew. Or wot ye not what the 
Scripture saith of Elyah? how he intercedeth to God against Israel, saying, 
‘Lord, they have killed thy prophets, and digged down thine altars; and I 
4 alone am left, and they seek my life.’ (1 Kings xix. 10.)"° But what saith 
the answer of God unto him? ‘I have reserved to myself seven thousand 
men, who have not bowed the knee to the image of Baal.’ (1 Kings xix. 18.) 1°" 
5 Even so then at this present time also there is a remnant according to the 
6 election of grace ; but if by grace, then is it no more of works, otherwise grace 
is no more grace; [but if it be of works, it ¢s no more grace, otherwise work 
is no more work.]" What then? Israel hath not obtained that which he 
seeketh for; but the election hath obtained it, and the rest are blinded (ac- 
§ cording as it is written, ‘God hath given them the spirit of slumber, eyes 
that they should not see, and ears that they should not hear’ (Is. xxix. 10); 5) 
9 unto this very day. And David saith, ‘ Let their table be made a snare, and 
10 a trap, and a stumbling-block, and a recompense unto them; let their eyes 
be darkened, that they may not see, and bow down their back alway.’ (Ps. 
11 Ixix. 22, 23.)"* Isay then, have they stumbled that they should fall? Fur 
be τέ 115. but rather through their fall salvation is come unto the Gentiles, for 
12 to provoke them to jealousy. But if the fall of them be the riches of the 
world, and the diminishing of them the riches of the Gentiles, how much 
13 more their fulness? «(For I speak to you Gentiles, inasmuch as I am the 


oo 


πεῖ 


M8 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. Ιχχ.ἕ 1, 
except that the Apostle has reversed the order 
of the two parts of the passage. In the LXX. 
the words “ I was made manifest,” &ec., come first. 

™ Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. Ixy. 2, 
with a slight change in the position of the 
words. 

4% See ante, Vol. I. Ὁ. 348. 

46 See ante, Vol. 11. p. 28. 

147 See note ante, 2 Cor. xi. 22. 

MS Every Benjamite was proud of his tribe, 
from Saul, the first king of Israel, having be- 
longed to it. 

19. Cited verbatim from the LXX., 1 Kings 
xix. 10, except that here again the Apostle has 
reversed the order of the two first sentences. 
In the LXX.,‘they have digged down thine 
altars’ precedes ‘ they have killed thy prophets.’ 


150 Κατέλιπον ἐμαυτῷ ἑπτακισχιλίους ἄνδρας, οἴτι- 


ves οὐκ ἔκαμψαν γόνυ τῇ Βάαλ. In the LXX. 
the passage is: Καὶ καταλείψεις ἐν Ἰσραὴλ ἑπτὰ 
χιλιάδας ἀνδρῶν, πάντα γόνατα ἃ οὐκ ἔκλασαν γόνυ 
τῷ Βάαλ. 1 Kings xix. 18. 

11 ‘The words in brackets are omitted by Gries- 
bach, Scholtz, and Lachmann. 

2 "Edwxev αὐτοῖς 6 Θεὸς πνεῦμα κατανύξεως, 
ὀφθαλμοὺς τοῦ μὴ βλέπειν, καὶ. ὦτα τοῦ μὴ ἀκούειν. 
This passage appears to be taken, with some 
variation, from Is. xxix. 10: Πεπότικεν ὑμᾶς Κύριος 
πνεύματι κατανύξεως, καὶ καμμύσει τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς 
αὐτῶν. 

8 Cited from the LXX., Ps. Ixix. 22, 23, ex- 
cept that the Apostle writes Γενηθήτω ἡ τράπεζα 
αὐτῶν εἰς παγίδα καὶ εἰς θήραν, καὶ εἰς σκάνδαλον 
καὶ εἰς ἀνταπόδομα αὐτοῖς, instead οἵ γενηθήτω ἡ 
τράπεζα αὐτῶν ἐνώπιον αὐτῶν εἰς παγίδα, καὶ εἰς 
ἀνταπόδοσιν καὶ εἰς σκάνδαλον. 


1δ4 See Vol. I. p. 248. 


62 


[a.D. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. 11. 


Apostle of the Gentiles. I magnify mine office, if by any means I may provoke 
to emulation them which are my flesh, and may save some of them.) For if 
the casting away of them be the reconciling of the world, what shall the 


ἡ receiving of them be, but life from the dead? But if the first-fruit be holy, 


the lump is also holy; and if the root be holy, so are the branches. But if 
some of the branches be broken off, and thou, being a wild olive tree, hast been 
grafted in among them, and aré with them a joint partaker of the root and 
fatness of the olive tree, boast not against the branches; but if thou boast, 
thou bearest not the root, but the root thee. Thou wilt say then, ‘The 
branches were broken off, that I might be grafted in.’ Well; because of 
unbelief they were broken off, and thou standest by Faith. Be not high- 
minded, but fear; for if God spared not the natural branches, take heed lest 
he also spare not thee. Behold, therefore, the goodness and severity of God ! 
on them which fell severity, but toward thee, goodness, if thou continue in 


8 his goodness; otherwise thou also shalt be cut off. And they also, if they 


abide not in unbelief shall be grafted in; for God is able to graft them in 
again; for if thou wert cut out of the olive tree which is wild by nature, and 
wert grafted contrary to nature into a good olive tree, how much more shall 
these, which are the natural branches, be grafted into their own olive tree ὃ 


5 For I would not, brethren, that ye should be ignorant of this mystery, lest ye 


be wise in your own conceits, that blindness in part hath happened to Israel, 
until the fulness of the Gentiles be come in; and so all Israel shall be saved, 
as it is written, ‘There shall come out of Sion the Deliverer, and shall turn 
away ungodliness from Jacob; and this is my covenant unto them’ (Js. lix. 
20), Ὁ “when I shall take away their sins.’ (Is. xxvii. 9.)° As concerning the 
Gospel, they are enemies for your sakes; but as touching the election, they are 


) beloved for the fathers’ sakes ; for the gifts and calling of God are not repented 


of." For as ye in times past did not believe God, but have now obtained 
mercy through their unbelief; even so have these also now not believed that 
through your mercy they also may obtain mercy; for God hath concluded all 


3 in unbelief, that he might have mercy upon all. O the depth of the riches 


both of the wisdom and knowledge of God! how unsearchable are his judg- 
ments, and his ways past finding out! For ‘who hath known the mind of the 
Lord? or who hath been his counsellor ?’ (Js. x]. 13)!* or who hath first given 


ἡ to him, and it shall be recompensed unto him again? for of him, and through 


him, and to him, are all things—To him be glory for ever. Amen. 


Cu. XII. “TI beseech you therefore, brethren, by the mercies of God, that ye 


© Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. lix. 20, 7 ἀμεταμέλητα --ἴ.6. are not uncertain and 


21, except that the Apostle substitutes ἐκ Σιὼν revocable. 
for ἕνεκεν Σιών. 108. Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. xl. 18, 


® Cited verbatim from the LXX.,Is.xxvii.9, except that καὶ is changed into 7. 


except that the Apostle writes αὐτῶν for αὐτοῦ. 


Cuar, II.] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.p. 58] 63 


σι 


{ 
8 


14,15 


21 


present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, which is 
your reasonable service; and be not conformed to this world, but be ye 
transformed by the renewing of your mind, that ye may prove what is that 
good, and acceptable, and perfect, will of God. For I say, through the grace 
given unto me, to every man that is among you, not to think of himself more 
highly than he ought to think ; but to think soberly, according as God hath 
dealt to every man the measure of faith; for as we have many members 
in one body, but all members have not the same office, so we, being many, are 
one body in Christ, and severally members one of another. Having then gifts 
differing according to the grace that is given to us, whether prophecy [let us 
prophesy] according to the proportion of faith; or ministry [let us wait] on 
our ministry; or he that teacheth, on fontheh oe or he that exhorteth, on 

exhortation: he that giveth [let him do it] with liberality ; 159. he that ruleth, 
with diligence; he that showeth mercy, with cheerfulness. Let love be 
without dissimulation. Abhor that which is evil; cleave to that which is 
good. Be kindly affectioned one to another with brotherly love; in honour 
preferring one another; not slothful in business; fervent in spirit ; serving 
the Lord; rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation ; continuing instant in 
prayer; communicating to the necessities of saints; pursuing hospitality. 
Bless them which persecute you; bless, and curse not. Rejoice with them 
that do rejoice, and weep with them that weep; be of the same mind one 
toward another. Minding not high things, but having a fellow-feeling with 
men of low estate. Be not wise in your own conceits. Recompense to no 
man evil for evil. ‘Provide things honest in the sight of all men.’ (Prov. 
ui. 4.) If it be possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all 
men. Dearly beloved, avenge not yourselves, but give place unto wrath, for 
it is written, ‘Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord’ (Deut. 
xxxil. 35);"° therefore ‘If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give 
him drink: for this doing thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head.’ (Prov. 
xxy. 21.)* Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good. 


Cx. xu. “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers; for there is no 


2 


power except of God, but the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever 


169. ἐν ddoTnTt— with liberality —as in 2 Cor. xxxii. 35. The same words are again cited by 
vill. 2; ix. 11, 13. In Eng. ver. “with sim- the Apostle, Heb. x. 80, and yet the words vary 


plicity.” 
16° διώκοντες. In Eng. ver. “ given to.” 
συναπαγόμενοι. In Eng. ver. “ condescend words are ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ἐκδικήσεως ἀνταποδώσω. 


161 


to.” 


᾿ , Ἀπ 
182 προνοούμενοι καλὰ ἐνώπιον πάντων ἀνθρώπων. 


very considerably from the LXX., and are not 
much nearer to the Hebrew. In the LXX. the 


1 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Proy. xxv. 
21. The meaning is, By returning good for evil, 


In the LXX. the words are: προνοοῦ καλὰ ἐνώπιον {ποῖ wilt create in him a feeling of remorse, and 


Κυρίου καὶ ἀνθρώπων. 


Proy. iii. 4. so lead him to repentance. 


163 “Euolt ἐκδίκησις, ἐγὼ ἀνταποδώσω. Deut. 


64 


σι 


-ἢ 


ῷ Οὐ 


10 
i 


— 


12 
13 


14 


[a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. IT. 


setteth himself wp against the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they 
that resist shall receive to themselves condemnation ἢ for rulers are not a 
terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? 
Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the 
minister of God to thee for good; but if thou do that which is evil, be afraid, 
for he beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the minister of God, an avenger 
to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be 
subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. For for this cause 
pay ye tribute also ; for they are God’s ministers, attending continually upon 
this very thing. Lender therefore to all their dues; tribute to whom tribute 
is due; custom to whom custom;’® fear to whom fear; honour to whom 
honour. Owe no man any thing, save to love one another; for he that loveth 
another hath fulfilled the law. For this, ‘Thou shalt not commit adultery, 
Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not steal, Thou shalt not bear false witness, 
Thou shalt not covet;’'*’ and if there be any commandment, it is swmmed 
up*** in this saying, namely, ‘Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.’ 
(Lev. xix. 18.)"*° Love worketh no ill to his neighbour, therefore love is 
the fulfilling of the law. And this, knowing the time, that now ἐξ 7s the 
hour *" to awake out of sleep, for now is our salvation nearer than when we 
believed. The night is far spent, and the day is at hand; let us therefore cast 
off the works of darkness, and let us put on the armour of light; let us walk 
becomingly, as in the day ; not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering 
and wantonness, not in strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus 
Christ, and make not provision for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts thereof. 


Cu. Xtv. “Now him that is weak in the faith receive ye, [but] not to deter- 


2 minations of disputations.'"* One believeth that he may eat all things; 
3 another who is weak, eateth herbs. Let not him that eateth despise him that 
eateth not; and let not him, that eateth not, judge him that eateth, for God 
4 hath received him. Who art thou that judgest another’s servant? To his 
own master he standeth or falleth; but he shall be made to stand,‘™ for God is 
5 able to make him stand. One man esteemeth one day above another; another 
esteemeth every day alike. Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind. 
6 He that regardeth the day regardeth it unto the Lord ; and he that regardeth 
not the day, to the Lord he doth not regard it. He that eateth, eateth to the 
18° Make themselves lable to punishment 1 ὥρα. In Eng. ver. “ high time.” 
both in this world and in the next. ™ Not to the discussion of doubtful points. 
166 +é\os—custom in the sense of ‘ toll.’ ™ Tf a man eat with a clear conscience, God 
7 Cited verbatim, but in a different order, accepteth him (that is, finds no fault), and do 
and with omissions, from Exod. xx. 18. not thou, therefore, reject him. 
165. ἀνακεφαλαιοῦται. In Eng. ver. “it is briefly 18 σταθήσεται δέ. In Eng. ver. “he shall be 
comprehended.” holden up.” 


1 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Lev. xix. 18. 


Cuap. 11.} 


ioe) 


Cr. XV 


[a.p. 58] 65 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


Lord, for he giveth God thanks; and he that eateth not, to the Lord he 
eateth not, and giveth God thanks ; 175 for none of us liveth to himself, and none 
dieth to himself; for whether we live, we live unto the Lord, and whether we 
die, we die unto the Lord. Whether we live, therefore or whether we die, we are 
the Lord’s; for to this end Christ both died, and lived,'"° that he might be Lord 
both of the dead and living. But why dost thou judge thy brother? or why 
dost thou set at nought thy brother ? for we shall all stand before the judgment 
seat of Christ ; for it is written, ‘As I live,’ saith the Lord, ‘every knee shall 
bow to me, and every tongue shall confess to God.’! So, then, every one of 
us shall give account of himself to God. Let us not, therefore, judge one 
another any more; but judge ye this rather, that no man put a stumbling- 
block, or an occasion to fall, in his brother’s way. I know, and am persuaded 
in the Lord Jesus, that there is nothing unclean of itself; save that to him that 


5 esteemeth anything to be unclean, to him it is unclean. But if thy brother 


be grieved by thy meat, thou walkest no longer according to love; destroy not 
him by thy meat, for whom Christ died. Let not, then, your good be evil spoken 
of; for the kingdom of God is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and 
peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost; for he that in these things serveth Christ 
is acceptable to God, and approved of men. Let us, therefore, follow the things 
of peace, and the things of edification toward one another; for meat destroy not 
the work of God. All things, indeed, are clean ; 118 but it is evil fo that man 
who eateth with offence. It is good neither to eat flesh, nor to drink wine, nor 
any thing whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is offended, or is weak. Hast 
thou faith? Haveit to thyself before God. Happy is he that condemneth not 
himself in that thing which he approveth.“ But he that doubteth is self- 
condemned it he eat, because ἐξ is not of faith; for whatsoever is not of faith 
is sin, 

“We then that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and 
not to please ourselves. Let every one of us please his neighbour for his 
good to edification ; for Christ also pleased not himself: but, as it is written, 
‘The reproaches of them that reproached thee, fell on me.’ (Ps. lxix.9.)*° For 
whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our teaching that 


™ This shows how ancient the practice is of 
saying grace at meals. 


therefore been adopted by Griesbach, Scholtz. 
Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 


τὸ One eateth meat and another herbs, but he 
that eateth meat giveth thanks, and he that re- 
fraineth from meat and confineth himself to 
herbs, also giveth thanks. Both he that eateth 
and he that eateth not therefore do it with a 
pious heart. 

M6 ἔξησεν. The words ἀνέστη καὶ ἀνέζησεν are 
not found in the most ancient MSS., but the 
word ἔζησεν only, and the latter reading has 


VOL, I. 


"7 Ζῷ ἐγὼ, λέγει Κύριος: ὅτι ἐμοὶ κάμψει πᾶν 
γόνυ, καὶ πᾶσα γλῶσσα ἐξομολογήσεται τῷ Θεῷ. In 
the LXX. the words are: Ἐγὼ ὁ Θεός. ὅτι ἐμοὶ 
κάμψει πᾶν γόνυ, καὶ ὁμεῖται πᾶσα γλῶσσα τὸν Θεόν. 
Is. xlv. 21, 24. 

"8 καθαρά. In Eng. ver. “ pure.” 
™® δοκιμάζει. In Eng. ver. “ alloweth.” 

*° Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. Ixix. 9. 


K 


66 


15 


14 


15 


16 


i 


18 


19 


20 


[a.D. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. (Cuap. IT. 


we, through patience and comfort of the Scriptures, might have hope. Now the 
God of patience and consolation grant you to be like-minded one toward another 
according to Christ Jesus, that ye may with one mind and one mouth glorify 
God, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ! Wherefore, receive ye one an- 
other, as Christ also received you’ to the glory of God. For,'**I say, that Jesus 
Christ was a minister of the circumcision, for the truth of God to confirm the 
promises made unto the fathers ;*** and that the Gentiles might glorify God for 
his mercy ;*** as it is written, ‘ For this cause I will confess to thee among the 
Gentiles, and sing unto thy name.’ (Ps. xvi. 49.)'*° And again he saith ‘Rejoice, 
ye Gentiles, with his people’ (Deut. xxxii. 43),"*° and again, ‘ Praise the Lord, all 
ye Gentiles, and laud him, all ye people ’ (Ps. exvii. 1),'*7 and again, Isaiah saith, 
‘There shall be a root of Jesse, and he that riseth wp to reign over the Gentiles, 
in him shall the Gentiles hope’ (Is. xi. 10.)'** Now the God of hope fill you with all 
joy and peace in believing, that ye may abound in hope, through the power of the 
Holy Ghost! And I myself also am persuaded of you, my brethren, that ye also 
are full of goodness, filled with all knowledge, able also to admonish one another. 
But 1 have written the more boldly unto you, brethren, in some sort, as putting 
you in mind through the grace that is given to me of God, that I should be the 
minister of Jesus Christ to the Gentiles, ministering the Gospel of God, that 
the offering up of the Gentiles might be acceptable, being sanctified by the 
Holy Ghost. 
things which pertain to God; for I will not dare to speak of any of those 
things which Christ hath not wrought by me; to make the Gentiles obedient, 
by word and deed, in the power of signs and wonders,‘ in the power of the 
spirit of God; "°° so that from Jerusalem, and round about unto Ilyricum,!! I 
have fully preached the Gospel of Christ; yea, so have I striven to preach the 
Gospel, where Christ hath not been named, that I might not build upon another 


I have, therefore, whereof [ may boast in Jesus Christ in those 


1 In Text. recept. and Eng. yer. ἡμᾶς, but 
Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and 
Alford all adopt the reading ὑμᾶς. 

182 The true reading, according to Lachmann, 
Alford, and Tischendorf, is yap not δέ. 

8 Christ came to the Jews on account of the 
truth of God, for the purpose of fulfilling the 
promise made to Abraham and the fathers. 

18. Christ came to the Gentiles, not to fulfil 
the promises (which were made exclusively to 
the Jews) but out of the merey of God; and the 
Gentiles, therefore, who receive the Gospel, not 
by promise but by mercy, ought the more on 
that account to glorify God. i 

18 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. xviii. 
49, with the omission of the word Κύριε. 

186 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Deut. 


xxx. 49. 

87 Tn the LXX. the passage runs with the 
omission of the copulative. Ps. exvii. 1. 

88 Cited verbatim from the LXX., with the 
omission of the words ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ. Is. xi. 10. 

By the working of external miracles. 

1 By the inward operation of the Spirit, 
which has enabled me to preach with power. 

1 κύκλῳ μέχρι τυῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ. The Apostle 
views Jerusalem as the centre, and says that he 
had preached in concentric circles westward up 
to Illyricum, that is, throughout Macedonia up 
to the borders of Illyricum. See ante, p.36. He 
had still two concentric circles further in view, 
viz. first Rome and then Spain. The one he 
lived to accomplish certainly, the other probably. 


[4.p. 58] 67 


Cuavp. II.) EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


21 man’s foundation ; but as it is written, ‘To whom /¢ was not reported concerning 

him, they shall see ; and they that have not heard, shall understand.’ (Is. ]ii.15.)'* 

22 For which cause also 1 have been much hindered from coming to you; but 

23 now, having no more place in these parts,’ and having a yearning these many 

24 years to come unto you, whensoever I take my journey into Spain ᾿"ἢ 

[I will come to you]’*° for I trust to see you on my journey and to be for- 

warded on my way thitherward by you, if first I be somewhat filled with your 

company. But now I go unto Jerusalem to minister unto the saints ;!° for 

Macedonia and Achaia have been pleased to make a certain contribution for the 

27 poor of the saints which are at Jerusalem—they have been pleased verily, and 

their debtors they are, for if the Gentiles have been made partakers of their 

28 spiritual things, they ought also to minister unto them in carnal things. When, 

therefore, I haye performed this, and have sealed to them this fruit, I will 

29 go away’** by you into Spain; and I am sure that, when I come unto you, I 

30 shall come in the fulness of the blessing ’* of Christ. But I beseech you, 

brethren, by our Lord Jesus Christ and by the love of the Spirit, that ye strive 

31 together with me in your prayers to God for me, that I may be delivered from 

them that do not believe in Judea," and that my ministration 2° at Jerusa- 

32 lem may be accepted of the saints, that I may come unto you with joy by the 

33 will of God, aud may with you be refreshed. Now the God of peace be with 
you all. Amen. 

Cu. XVI. “JT commend unto you Phebe our sister, who is a deaconess*” of the 

2 church which is at Cenchrea,*” that ye receive her in the Lord, as becometh 


® Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. lii. 15. 

195. Having exhausted all Macedonia. See 
ante, p. 36. 

™® Paul at this time (a.p. 58) was intending a 
visit to Spain, and he may have visited it for a 
short time after his release from imprisonment 
at Rome in a.p. 63. But his imprisonment for 
four years from a.p. 59-63 disturbed all his 
plans, and he could only make a brief circuit in 
Spain, and was then obliged to make again the 
circuit of the churches which he had previously 
planted. In a.p. 66 he suffered martyrdom. 
See Fasti Sacri, p. 841, No. 1999. 

195 The words in brackets, ἐλεύσομαι πρὸς 
tpas—“T will come to you”—are rejected by 
Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, and Alford. 

6 Te. to take up the alms collected for the 
relief of the poor Hebrews. 

7 ἀπελεύσομαι. In Eng. ver. “I will come.” 

198 The words ‘ of the Gospel’ (τοῦ εὐαγγελίου) 
are omitted by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, 
Tischendorf, and Alford. 

% From his asking the prayers of the Ro- 


mans that he might be delivered from the Jews 
who did nct believe, we may collect that he was 
under no apprehension from those who did be- 
lieve; more particularly as he was charged with 
a liberal contribution from Macedonia and 
Achaia for the relief of the poor Hebrews of the 
church. 

200 διακονίας The Apostle alludes of course to 
the alms with which he was charged for the 
relief of the poor Hebrews of the church at 
Jerusalem. 

*01 Tn all ages the church has availed itself 
largely of the services of the female sex; and 
especially in the early ages of the church. The 
women thus employed were anciently known as 
‘deaconesses ᾿--διάκοναι, or in Latin ‘ ministre.’ 
Thus Pliny: “ Ancillis, que ministre dice- 
bantur.” Ep. x. 96,8. Their duties resembled 
in some measure those of the sisters of charity of 
the present day. 

*2 This was the eastern port of Corinth, in 
the Saronic Bay. See Vol. I. p. 299. 


K 2 


08 


[4.}. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuapr. II. 


oo 


saints, and that ye assist her in whatsoever business she hath need of you, for 
she hath been a succourer of many, and of myself also, Salute Priscilla and 
Aquila, my work-fellows in Christ Jesus (who have for my life laid down 
their own neck," unto whom not only I give thanks, but also all the churches 


5 of the Gentiles ;) and salute the church that is in their house.” 


Salute my 


6 well-beloved Epenetus, who is the first-fruits of As¢a* unto Christ. Salute 


7 Mary, who hath bestowed much labour on us. 
Junias,° my kinsmen,””" and my fellow-prisoners, 
8 the Apostles, who also were in Christ before me. 


Salute Andronicus and 
who are of note among 
210 my 


208 


309. Salute Amphas, 


9 beloved in the Lord. Salute Urbanus,? our work-fellow in Christ, and 


10 
11 


Stachys, my beloved. 


308. Paul probably alludes to the way in which 
Aquila and Priscilla had endeavoured to shield 
him from his enemies during the riot of Deme- 
trius at Ephesus. See Vol. I. p. 409. 

30. In the earliest stage of Christianity, the 
disciples used to meet in the private houses of 
the wealthiest converts. 

0° Ασίας and not ᾿Αχαΐας is now admitted to 
be the true reading, by Griesbach, Scholtz, 
Lachmann, Tischendorf,and Alford. The house 
of Fortunatus was the firstfruits of Achaia. 1 
Cor. xvi. 15. 

6 Ἰουνίαν, Which might no doubt be rendered 
as in Eng. ver. “Junia,” a woman. But Junias, 
a man, must have been intended, as Andronicus 
and Junias are said to have been of note among 
the Apostles—i.e. to have been Apostles of dis- 
tinguished rank. They were amongst the earliest 
converts, their conversion preceding that of Paul 
himself, as he here tells us; and they were per- 
haps the “apostles” or missionaries who first 
propagated the Gospel at Rome. Some, how- 
ever, would render the words “ of note amongst 
the Apostles,’ as meaning only that they were 
highly thought of by the Apostles, and were not 
classed as Apostles themselves. But this is not 
likely. 

*7 rods συγγενεῖς pou— my fellow-country- 
men,’ viz. Jews. See Jos. Bell. ii. 18, 4. 

8 συναιχμαλώτους pov. See note to Philem, 
v. 23. 

208 Andronicus and Junias were therefore con- 
verts before the spring of A.D. 37, when Paul 
was converted. See Fasti Sacri, p. 253, No. 
1515. As they were Jews, they may have been 
amongst the pilgrims from Rome who heard 
and were converted by St. Peter on the Day of 


Salute Apelles,** the approved in Christ. 
them which are of Aristobulus’ household. 


Salute 


213° Salute Herodion, my kinsman. 


Pentecost, A.D. 88. Acts ii. 10. 

210 The abbreviation of Ampliatus. 

2 Οὐρβανόν. In Eng. ver. “ Urbane,” the Old 
English form of writing Urban. But many 
English readers, not being aware of this, take 
Urbane to mean a woman, and read it as a 
trisyllable. 

22 A well-known Jewish name; as in Horace: 

« .. . Credat Judeus Apella.” 
Sat. i. 5, 100. 

23 One Aristobulus was the son of Herod of 
Chaleis, and, like his cousin Agrippa the 
younger, had been kept as a kind of hostage 
about the court at Rome. Jos. Bell. 11. 11, 6. 
Nero succeeded Claudius on the 13th of October, 
A.D. 54; and in the course of the first year of 
his reign, Aristobulus was made prefect of 
Lesser Armenia. Jos. Ant. xx. 8,4; Tac. Ann. 
xiii. 7. Fasti Sacri, p. 305, No. 1823. It is un- 
likely therefore that this Aristobulus would be 
residing or have a permanent establishment at 
Rome in A.p. 58, the date of the Epistle. 

Another Aristobulus was the brother of 
Agrippa L., and was living A.D. 39, Ant. xviii. 8, 
4: see Fasti Sacri, p. 262, No. 1569. Agrippa 1. 
died a.p. 44 at the age of 54, Ant. xiv. 8, 2 
(see Fasti Sacri, p. 280, No. 1678), and there- 
fore in A.D. 58 would have been sixty-eight. 
Aristobulus was a younger brother, and would 
not be so old, and might therefore very well be 
still living. 

As the household of Aristobulus, and not 
Aristobulus himself are saluted, we may con- 
jecture that Aristobulus was not a convert, 
though his household were. 

J. B. Lightfoot has pointed out another and 
very plausible meaning of the Apostle’s re- 


Cuap. II] 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


[a.p. 58] 69 


Sulute them that be of the household of Narcissus,”* which are in the Lord. 
12 Salute Tryphena and Tryphosa,”* who labour in the Lord. 
13 beloved Persis, who hath laboured much in the Lord. 
14 chosen in the Lord, and his mother and mine.*"" 


Salute the 
Salute Rufus,”® the 
Salute Asyncritus, Phlegon, 


15 Hermas,”!* Patrobas, Hermes, and the brethren which are with them. Salute 
Philologus, and Julia,?® Nereus, and his sister, and Olympas, and all the 


16 saints which are with them. 


Salute one another with a holy kiss.**° 
17 All*' the churches*”’ of Christ salute you. 


Now I beseech you, brethren, 


mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which 
18 ye have learned,”** and avoid them; for they that are such serve not our 
Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly, and by good words and fair speeches 


19 deceive the hearts of the simple; for your obedience is come abroad unto all 


markable expression, τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αριστοβούλου. 
‘ When” (he writes) “ the slaves of a household 
passed into the hands of a new master by cession, 
or inheritance, or confiscation, they continued 
to be designated by the name of their former 
proprietor. Thus a slave whom the Emperor 
had inherited by the will of the Galatian king 
Amyntas is described as Casuris Ser, Amyntu- 
nus. Gruter, p. 577, 5. In the same way in 
the imperial household we meet with Meecena- 
tiani, Agrippiani, Germaniciani, &c., where in 
like manner the names preserve the memory of 
their earlier masters. Now it seems not im- 
probable, considering the intimate relations be- 
tween Claudius and Aristobulus, that at the 
death of the latter his servants wholly or in 
part should be transferred to the palace. In 
this case they would be designated Aristohudiani, 
for which I suppose St. Paul’s οἱ ἐκ τῶν ᾿Ἄριστο- 
βούλου to be an equivalent.” J. B. Lightfoot on 
Philippians, p. 173. The like remark would be 
applicable to the expression that follows: τοὺς 
ἐκ τῶν Ναρκίσσου. 

214 Supposed to be the household of the cele- 
brated freedman who was Secretary of Letters 
(ab Epistolis) to Claudius. He was put to death 
in the course of the first year of Nero, who 
began his reign the 13th of October, a.p. 54. 
Tac. Ann. xiii. 1; Dion Cass. lx. 34. Seneca 
confirms this, for in the ‘ Vision of Judgment’ 
(AzvoxoX.) written by him, Narcissus is described 
as having glided down the back way to weleome 
his master’s arrival in Tartarus. The ‘ house- 
hold of Narcissus’ would not imply that Nar- 
cissus himself was living, but the expression 
τοὺς ἐκ τῶν Napxiooov would receive the like 
interpretation as the phrase τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ᾽᾿Αριστο- 
βούλου mentioned just before. See note “ἢ supra. 


The Apostle, therefore, would refer to the Nar- 
cissiani, or those who had been servants of 
Narcissus, and since transferred to another 
master. One of these Narcissiani is actually 
mentioned in an inscription: “ Ti. Claudio Sp. 
F. Narcissiano.” Muratori, p. 1150, 4. 

The Narcissus put to death by Galba (Dion 
Cass. lxiv. 3) was a different person, though he 
also was an imperial freedman and had attained 
great notoriety, but he was of a base character. 

415 Probably sisters. 

216 Probably Rufus, the son of Simon of Cyrene 
mentioned by Mark, xy. 21. As Mark wrote his 
Gospel at Rome, and identifies Simon as being 
the father of Alexander and Rufus, the Roman 
church must have been well acquainted with 
Rufus, and there is, therefore, strong ground 
for believing that this Rufus is the one alluded 
to by Paul. 

27 The Apostle, in calling her his mother, 
means that he had the same respect for her as 
if she were really his mother. 

18 Supposed to be the author of the work 
called ‘ The Shepherd.’ 

29 Probably man and wife. 

220 See note on 1 Thess. v. 25. 

21 The word πᾶσαι is adopted as the true read- 
ing by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischen- 
dorf, and Alford. 

222 Te. the churches of Achaia, whence the 
Apostle was writing at the time. 

23 The Apostle here warns the Romans against 
the Judaizers who for their own carnal ends had 
caused so much dissension in the Corinthian 
church (see ante, p. 42); and might at any 
time enter, and perhaps had already entered, 
into the fold of the Roman church. 


70 [4.p. 58] 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


[Cuap. II. 


men. 


I rejoice, therefore, on your behalf. But I would have you wise unto 


20 that which is good, and simple concerning evil; and the God of peace shall 
bruise Satan under your feet shortly. Tue Grace or our Lorp Jusus Curisr 


BE WITH you. AMEN.7*4 


24 The Apostle here concludes his letter with 
the usual benediction in his own hand, by 
which the genuineness of the letter was authen- 
ticated. See Vol. I. p. 284. What follows is a 
postscript. 

The preceding catalogue of salutations gives 
rise to the following remarks :— 

1. St. Paul here greets no fewer than twenty- 
six persons, all of them apparently known to 
him, besides the entire households of Aristo- 
bulus and Narcissus, and the church in the 
house of Aquila and Priscilla, and the brethren 
with Asyncritus and others (xvi. 14). How could 
Paul, whose ministry had been confined to Asia, 
Macedonia, and Achaia, have made so many 
acquaintances at the capital? We answer that 
wherever Paul preached he was still within the 
Roman Empire; and from Rome, the centre, 
radiated out in all directions channels of com- 
munication by sea and land, so that a constant 
flux and reflux was maintained between the 
capital and the provinces. Paul in his earliest 
days, and while under Gamaliel at Jerusalem, 
must have been familiar with Rufus, one of 
those now saluted, for Rufus and Alexander 
were the sons of Simon of Cyrene, who in A.p. 33 
had borne the cross of Christ. Mark xy. 21. If 
we follow the Apostle to Tarsus, his native city, 
it was the university from which were selected 
the tutors of the imperial family, and of the 
principal magnates of Rome. Strabo makes the 
striking remark “Rome is full of Tarsians ””— 
Ταρσέων (Ῥώμη) ἐστὶ μεστή. Strabo xiv. 5 (Ὁ. 231 
Tauchn.). Paul also resided for some time at 
Antioch, and here the Roman Prefect of Syria 
heid his state surrounded by his council and 
friends, with a Roman guard. At Ephesus, 
again, where the Apostle laboured for three 
years, the Proconsul of Asia gathered about 
him a host of Roman officials, not to mention 
that Ephesus was the great commercial port 
through which passed the trade between Rome 
and the East. It was no doubt at Ephesus that 
Paul was introduced to Epenetus, described as 
the first-fruits of Asia. At Corinth, again, the 
Apostle was stationary for more than a year and 
six months, and Corinth was the gate through 
which, especially in winter, travellers to and 


from Rome made their way to avoid the dan- 
gerous circumnavigation of the Morea. When 
Claudius issued his decree in the midwinter of 
A.p. 51-52 for all Jews to depart from Rome, 
they would flock in vast numbers to Corinth, 
which lay in the direct winter route from Rome 
to the East, and here Paul would make their 
acquaintance. It was here that Paul formed an 
intimacy with two at least of those saluted, viz. 
Aquila and Priscilla. 

2. The nationalities of those saluted are also 
very suggestive. The Roman names are only 
three, Urbanus, Amplias, and Julia, and the 
last is not brought forward independently, but 
as the wife of Philologus a Greek. Of the others 
some are evidently Jews, as Mary (Μαριάμ) and 
Andronicus, and Junias, whom the Apostle calls 
his kinsmen, and Herodion, connected, perhaps, 
with the Herod family, and Apelles, a common 
Jewish name. The rest are neither Romans nor 
Jews, but Greeks. If, therefore, we may take 
the whole group as a fair sample of the con- 
stitution of the Roman church at this period, it 
results that two-thirds of them were Greeks, 
and the remainder Jews, with a few Romans. 
This view tallies with other facts. Mark, who 
composed his gospel for the Roman church, 
wrote in Greek. Clement, bishop of Rome, wrote 
his Epistle to the Corinthians in Greek. Indeed 
all the primitive fathers of the Roman church 
used the same language, and the earliest bishops, 
with but few exceptions, were Greeks. 

3. When we examine more closely into the 
names saluted we are struck by the coincidence 
that almost all these names are found on inscrip- 
tions and columbaria, or sepulchral dovecots in 
connection with the household of the Czsars at 
this period. And as the Apostle in his letter to 
the Philippians sends a greeting from the house- 
hold of Czesar (Philipp. iv. 22), we are led to con- 
jecture that Paul’s acquaintances lay chiefly in 
that direction. This is natural, as the household 
was mainly composed of Greeks and Syrians, 
Jews and Samaritans. 

J. B. Lightfoot, to whom the author is indebted 
for the substance of this note, has given (on 
Philippians, p. 172) a curious analysis of the 
several names as follows :— 


Cuap. 11} 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [A.D. 58] 71 


21 « Timothy my work-fellow and Lucius,’ and Jason and Sosipater*? my 


22 kinsmen, salute you. (I, Tertius, who wrote this Epistle,’ 


21 


salute you in the 


23 Lord.) Caius, mine host and of the whole church, saluteth you. Erastus, 


AmpLias or AmpLIATus.—This name occurs 
often in connection with the household. Thus 
AMPLIATUS HILARI AUGUSTOR. LIBERTI SER. 
vinicus. Gruter, 62, 10. And so Murat. p. 1249, 
14 (comp. p. 1150, 7) and Accadem. di Archeolog. 
xi pp. 359, 374. 

Urpanus.—A name equally common in the 
household. Thus ΤΙ. CLAUDI. URBANI SER. MEN- 
SORIS HDIFICIORUM. Murat. p. 924, 8. CLAUDLE 
PHILETI AUG. L. LIBERT! HEURESI URBANUS ET 
SURUS FRATRES SORORI PHssIMH. Murat. p. 996, 5. 
URBANUS LYDES AUG. L. DISPENS. IMMUNIS DAT. 
HERMEZ ῬΑΤΕΙ. Murat. p. 920, 1. Τ΄ FLAVIUS 
AUG. LIB. URBANUS. Gruter, p. 589. 10. 

StacHys.—A person so called held an im- 
portant office in the household near the time 
when St. Paul wrote. sTACHYS MARCELL ME- 
picus. Corrisp. Archeol. 1856, p. 15, No. 44. 

APELLES.—One Cl. Apelles was a member of 
the household. Orell. 2892. 

TrypH#NA.—Found in the imperial household 
about the time when Paul wrote. Db. M. TRY- 
PHEZNH VALERIA TRYPHENA MATRI B. M. F. ET 
VALERIUS FUTIANUS. Accadem. di Archeol. xi. 
p. 375. And again, Q. VALERIO SALUTARI AUG. 
PUTEOLIS ET CUMIS ET VALERIE TRYFENE HE- 
ΒΟΡΕΒ. Gruter, p. 481, 3. And again, chAUDTA 
TRYPHENA FECIT ΑΒΙΑΤΙΟΖΕ FILIZ 501. Murat. 
p. 1150, 3. 

TryPHosA.—Not so common, but also found 
in the household. AGria TRYPHOSE VESTIFIO® 
LIVIUS THEONA AB EPISTOLIS GRHC. SCRIBA A. LIB 
PONTIFICALIBUS CONJUGI SANCTISSIMH B. D. 8. M. 
Gruter, p. 578, 6. Comp. ib. p. 446, 6. And 
again, DIS MANIBUS JULLE TRYPHOSE T. FLAVIUS 
FORTUNATUS CoNJUGI. Gruter, p. 796, 3. Comp. 
10. p. 1133, 1. And again, VALERI PRIMI ET JUN. 
TRYPHOSH VIVA FEC. Gruter, p. 893, 2. 


Rourvus.—Constantly recurring in the house- 
hold. 


335 Thought by some to be Luke, who was 
now,or at least had been lately, with the Apostle 
at Corinth, whence the Apostle was writing (pp. 
13 and 38). But according to others, Lucas is 
the contraction of Lucanus, which could scarcely 
pass into the form of Lucius. If so, then the 
Lucius here mentioned may be the Lucius of 
Cyrene, who was a colleague of St. Paul in the 


Hermues.—A score of them could be counted 
up in the household about the time of Paul. 

Hermas.—A contraction of Hermagoras, Her- 
meros, Hermodorus, Hermogenes, &e., and almost 
as common as Hermes. 

Patropas.—An abbreviation of Patrobius. A 
freedman of Nero by this name was put to death 
by Galba. Tac. Hist. 1.40; 1. 95. The name also 
appears in the inscription TI. CL. AUG. L. PATRO- 
BIus (not Patronus). Gruter, p. 610, 3. See ib. 
Ῥ. 1829, 3. 

PuitoLtogus.—The name occurs more than 
once in the household. ¢. JULIO C. L. PHILOLOGO, 
Murat. p. 1586, 3. DAMA LIVIE L. CAS. PHOEBUS 
PHILOLOGI. Mon. Livy. p. 168. τι. cLAUDIUS AU- 
GUSTI LIB. PHILOLOGUS AB EPISTOLIS. Murat. 
p. 2043, 2. TI. CLAUDIUS AUGUSTI LIB. PHILO- 
LOGUS LIBERALIS. Gruter, p. 630, 1. 

Nerevs.—Found in the household on a monu- 
ment at Ancyra. EUTYCHUS NEREI CSARIS AUG. 
SER. VIL. FILIO. Murat. $99, 7. 

These inscriptions show how extensive the 
Domus Augusta, or imperial household, must 
have been, and J. B. Lightfoot has made out a 
partial but curious list of the various officials. 
Pedagogus puerorum, dispensator rationis pri- 
vate, exactor tributorum, preepositus velariorum, 
procurator pregustatorum, prapositus auri es- 
earii, procurator balnei, villicus hortorum, «&e. : 
a lapidicinis, a pendice cedri, a frumentis, a com- 
mentariis equorum, a veste regia, a cura catelle, 
ab argento potorio, a supellectile castrensi, a 
veste forensi, a libellis, a studiis, ab epistolis, a 
rationibus, a bibliotheca Greci Palatina, &e.: 
architectus, tabellarius, castellarius, chirurgus, 
ocularius, dizetarchus, nomenclator, tesserarius, 
designator, vicarius, symphonizus, musicarius, 
pedissequus, lecticarius, cocus, argentarius, sutor, 
cubicularius, triclinarius, ostiarius, ornator, unc- 
tor, &e.: tonstrix, sarcinatrix, obstetrix, &e. 


church of Antioch. Acts xiii. 1. See Vol. I. p.115. 
226 No doubt Jason of Thessalonica and Sopater 
of Bercea, who were now with Paul at Corinth. 
See ante, p. 88. The words ‘my kinsmen’ 
apply to these two, but not necessarily to Lucius. 
27 At this period there were two modes of 
writing. One in general use amongst the Ro- 
mans was this: small tablets of the shape of a 


[4.0. 58] 


EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 


[Cuap. IT. 


24 the chamberlain of the city,”* saluteth you, and Quartus, ow brother. Tur 


GRACE OF ouR Lorp Jesus CHRIST BE WITH you ALL. ΑΜῈΝ. ΝΟΥ͂ ΤῸ HIM 


THAT IS OF POWER TO ESTABLISH YOU ACCORDING TO MY GosPEL”® AND THE 


PREACHING OF JESUS CHRIST, ACCORDING TO THE REVELATION OF THE MYSTERY 


26 


WHICH WAS KEPT SECRET FROM time eternal, BUT NOW IS MADR MANIFEST, AND 


BY THE SCRIPTURES OF THE PROPHETS ACCORDING TO THE COMMANDMENT OF THE 


EVERLASTING GOD IS MADE KNOWN TO ALL NATIONS unto OBEDIENCE OF FAITE— 


27 


TO THE ONLY WISE ΟΡ Ὁ BE GLORY THROUGH JESUS CHRIST FOR EVER. 


Amen.” 


The whole Epistle was dictated to Tertius, the amanuensis, with the exception of 


the benediction, which, as usual, was written with the Apostle’s own hand.?* 


4. We conclude with the remark that amongst 
the numerous names mentioned by St. Paul that 
of Peter does not occur. It is plain, therefore, 
that he was not at this time (A.D. 58) at Rome, 
nor is there any allusion to him in the Epistles 
written by the Apostle from Rome during his 
first captivity (Ephesians, Colossians, Philip- 
pians, and Philemon), Α.Ὁ. 62-63; so that neither 
was Peter then at Rome. Nor is he mentioned 


schoolboy’s slate, and one-fourth of the size, and 
strung together at the corner, were overlaid with 
wax in the hollow part within the frame. The 
writer then employed a stylus or metallic pen 
pointed at one end and flattened at the other, 
and with the point he wrote the word upon the 
wax, and if he wished to correct it, he turned 
the stylus and again flattened the wax (Sepe 
stylum vertas, &c.). The other mode of writing 
was with pen and ink, as at the present day, 
except that the pen was not a quill or of metal, 
but a calamus or reed, and the paper was not a 
composition from rags but from the papyrus of 
the Nile whence paper takes its name (fig. 189). 
The ink was prepared from various materials, 
and amongst others from the black liquid emit- 
ted by the cuttle fish. St. John wrote with pen 
and ink upon paper (διὰ χάρτου καὶ μέλανος, 2 
John ν. 12; διὰ μέλανος καὶ καλάμου, 3 John τ. 
13), and St. Paul in like manner employed pen 
and ink, as is evident from his address to the 
Corinthians: “ Ye are manifestly declared to be 
the epistle of Christ ministered by us, written 
not with ink, but with the Spirit of the living 
God.” 2 Cor. iii. 3. But from the reference in 
2 Tim. iv. 18 to parchments (μεμβράνας) it 15 
likely that the more important documents, such 
as the Epistles, were written upon parchment, 
as the more durable material. (See figs. 185, 186, 
187, 188.) 


in the Epistle written during the second cap- 
tivity, viz. the second to Timothy, about a.p. 66; 
so that either Peter was not then living, or was 
not at Rome. In short there is no trace of Peter 
having visited Rome, or of his having gone west- 
ward at all, except that he was martyred there, 
and was probably, like Paul, sent thither as a 
prisoner. 


8 «The city,’ 1.6. of Corinth, whence the 
Apostle was writing. Phoebe was spoken of 
as the deaconess of Cenchrea, and not of “ the 
city,” as Paul was not at Cenchrea at the time 
of writing, but at Corinth. The word οἰκόνομος 
would more correctly have been rendered 
* Questor’ than ‘ Chamberlain.’ Corinth was 
a Roman colony governed by two Duumviri 
(see Vol. I. p. 271), but besides these ordinary 
magistrates, there was another officer called in- 
differently Queestor, or Censor, or Quinquennalis 
(from the renewal of the office every fifth year), 
who exercised powers and discharged duties 
corresponding to those of the Questor and 
Censor at Rome, It would seem that Erastus, 
at the date of the Epistle, had the honour of 
holding this office. 

28 See note , ante, p. 49. 

20 In the Greek is the word ᾧ, ‘to whom,’ 
which is superfluous. The grammatical blemish 
may either be owing to the copyist or to the 
looseness of Paul’s style. 

281 Who was the bearer of the Epistle is un- 
certain. It is generally considered that Phcebe, 
the deaconess of the church of Cenchrea, took 
charge of it. But if so, Paul would most likely 
have noticed it at the mention of her name. “T 
commend unto you Phebe our sister,” ἄορ. It 
is evident, however, that she was either the 
bearer herself or accompanied the bearer, and 


Herculaneum. 


Fig. 186.—A youth reading a papyrus roll. From Rarre’s 


| 


Fig. 187.—A papyrus roll open, and written in columns. From 
Barré's Herculuneum. 


the left are a pen and inkstand with a roll. 


closed when the writing hus been finished. 


Fig. 188.— Writing materials From Barrés Herculanenm. On 


In the middle, a wax 


tablet with a stylus ready fer writing. On the right, a tablet as 


Fig. 189 —The Papyrus (or Paper-reed) of the Nile. From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary. 


74 [a.p. 58] 


ST, PAUL AT CORINTH. 


[Cuap. II. 


Paul was now ready to pass from Corinth to Cenchrea, the place for embarkation 
for Jerusalem. A prospect of peril was before him! If the Jews so persecuted him 
from place to place even in strange lands, what was he to expect at Jerusalem, the 
fountain-head of Judaism, where the report of his preaching against the law of 
Moses among the Gentiles was now rife, and resolute enemies had banded themselves 
together to take his life? He was fully apprised of the danger, and in his Epistle to 
the Romans he had solemnly implored their aid at the throne of grace: “TI beseech 
you, brethren, for the Lord Jesus Christ’s sake, and for the love of the Spirit, that ye 
strive together with me in your prayers to God for me, that I may he delivered from 
them that do not believe in Judea, and that my ministration at Jerusalem may be 


”232 He had once hesitated as to the propriety of visiting 


accepted of the saints. 
Jerusalem,2*? but the vow made after his providential escape at Ephesus was to 
be completed there, and Macedonia and Achaia had requested him to superintend the 
distribution of their alms, and after the liberality with which they had responded to 
his call he could scarcely refuse. 

He was just on the point of starting from Corinth, when all his plans were 
deranged by the discoyery of another conspiracy against his life. The Jews of 
Corinth on his former visit had attempted to procure his conviction before Gallio, the 
Proconsul, but instead of redress they had seen their own chief of the synagogue 
beaten before their eyes. Despairing of their object by legitimate means, they now 
had recourse to the work of assassins. What was the precise plot does not appear— 


whether to waylay the Apostle on his road to Cenchrea, or to fall upon him at sea in 


the course of his, voyage. Paul eluded his adversaries by a change of route. He 
determined, instead of crossing the sea direct, to go round by Macedonia. The 


better to escape a watchful foe, Paul and his friends divided *** themselves into two 
companies, and it was arranged that Timothy, Sopater of Bercea, Aristarchus, 
Secundus, Gaius of Derbe, Tychicus, and Trophimus should sail for Troas, the 
common resting-place, and there await the Apostle’s arrival, and that Paul himself, 
and Luke and Titus with Jason, should make a forced march by land up to and 
through Macedonia,”* and rejoin the others at Troas. Both companies were then 


the main object of her journey was the despatch 385. Tn some MSS. it is Sopater Πύῤῥου, or son 


of some urgent business that required her pre- 
sence at Rome, for the Apostle requests the 
Roman church to lend her their services in ac- 
complishing what she had in view, “that ye 
assist her in whatsoever business she hath need 
of you.” Rom. xvi. 2. 


558. Cor. xvi. 4. 

24 He had now about hima numerous retinue, 
as Luke, Titus, Jason, Timothy, Sopater of 
Bercea, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius of Derbe, 
Tychicus, and Trophimus. 


of Pyrrhus; and this reading is adopted by 
Griesbach, Scholz, Lachmann, and Tischendorf. 
Acts xx. 4. 

386. The words συνείπετο δὲ αὐτῷ, ἄο., Acts xx. 
4, have been taken by some to imply that Paul 
and his company set out together, and continued 
together as far as Philippi, where they separated, 
some of them starting first for Troas by land, 
and the others following by sea. However, if 
all were at Philippi, why did not all stay there 
during the Feast? It cannot be because they 
were Gentiles; for Luke, who stayed, was a 


or 


Cuap. 11] ST. PAUL AT CORINTH. [A.D. 58] 7 


to proceed together as far as Asia (Ephesus or Miletus), and were then to 
separate. 

Paul bade farewell to Corinth, the church he so affectionately loved and for 
which he had lately suffered so much mental anxiety, and at the beginning of 
March, a.p. 58,°*" set forth upon his journey. Jason probably stopped by the 
way at Thessalonica, his native place, but Paul, Luke and Titus arrived at Philippi 
just before the Passover, which this year was celebrated on the 27th of March.?* 
The feast lasted eight days, and Paul, who himself observed the Jewish law, though 
he forbade the Gentiles to do so, remained at Philippi during the solemnity. The 
festival closed on the 3rd of April, which fell on a Monday.’*** On Tuesday the 4th 
of April (for we can now trace the Apostle day by day) he started for Neapolis, the 
Port of Philippi, not perhaps without some warning of the troubles to be expected at 
Jerusalem—at least in the course of his voyage he tells the Ephesians, “ The Holy 
Ghost witnesseth in every city that bonds and afflictions abide me.”**° At Neapolis he 
was detained by contrary winds, or perhaps no yessel was ready to sail at the moment 


of his arrival.* 


At all events, he did not reach Troas until the fifth day after 


leaving Philippi, the day of starting included,** which brings us to Saturday the 


8th of April. 


Gentile, and Timothy, who went, was a Jew. 
From the words οὗτοι προελθόντες ἔμενον ἡμᾶς ἐν 
Τρωάδι, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐξεπλεύσαμεν, Acts xx. 5, it has 
been argued that Luke never quitted Philippi 
from the time when he arrived there in a.D. 
51 (see Vol. I. p. 221), until he sailed from 
Troas in a.p. 58; but we have seen that Paul 
sent him in a.p. 57 from Philippi to Corinth 
(see ante, p. 13); and in fact, the above passage 
shows it, for the word ἡμᾶς has relation to the 
προελθόντες, and assumes that Luke was himself 
at the place from which those who went before 
set out first on their journey—i.e. at Corinth. 
Luke, however, may have remained at Philippi 
from A.D. 51 to a.p. 57, when he was dispatched 
to Corinth. It is further argued that the word 
προελθόντες has reference to Philippi, and is 
placed in opposition to ἐξεπλεύσομεν, and so de- 
notes that Paul’s companions generally jour- 
neyed from Philippi to Troas by land (with the 
exception of the Hellespont), while Paul himseif 
and Luke sailed from Philippi to Troas. But 
this construction appears forced and fanciful. 

*87 For the proofs that the voyage was in this 
year, see Fasti Sacri, p. 1xxii. 

*8 See Fasti Sacri, p. 313, No. 1856. 

2 See De Morgan’s Book of Almanacks. 

40 Acts xx. 23. 

41 Tt has been supposed, and is not unlikely, 


that from Neapolis, or at least from Troas, to 
Patara, Paul and his company chartered a vessel 
of their own, for it waited for him at Assos, 
Acts xx. 13; and sailed by Ephesus without 
touching, for Paul’s convenience, Acts xx. 16; 
and again waited at Miletus till the members 
of the Ephesian church arrived. Acts xx. 17. 
At Patara he found a merchant vessel bound 
for Tyre, and embarked in it. Acts xxi. 2. 

22 ἄχρις ἡμερῶν πέντε. Acts xx. 6. The word 
ἄχρις denotes the full completion of five days, 
but they may be either inclusive or exclusive οἵ 
the day of starting; and the question, whether 
it was inclusive or exclusive must depend, as we 
shall see, upon the further inquiry whether 
Luke, by the statement of the sojourn at Troas 
(οὗ διετρίψαμεν ἡμέρας ἑπτά. 
σαββάτων, Acts xx. 6) means that the first day 
of the week was one of the seven, or was a dis- 
tinct day, making altogether eight days. ‘Thus 
Paul quitted Philippi at the close of the Pass- 
over on Tuesday, the 4th of April, and if the 
five days be inclusive, he would arrive at Troas 
on Saturday the 8th of April, and the seven 
days at Troas would expire on Saturday the 
15th of April; and as this would be the /ast and 
not the jirst day of the week, it is clear that on 
this hypothesis we must assume that under the 
words ἐν δὲ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων, Luke means 


LZ 


Ἐν δὲ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν 


76 [a.p. 58] 


ST, PAUL AT TROAS. 


[Cuapr. 11. 


At Troas (fig. 190, 191) he rejoined Timothy and the brethren, from whom he had 
separated at Corinth. Paul remained here a week ὁ“ and a day, that is, until Sunday, 


Fig. 190.—The Gymnasium of Alexandria Troas, 


The spectator is looking in a westerly direction, and opposite is seen the island of Tenedos. 


Fiom Choiseul Gouffier. 


The Gymnasium (sometimes 


called the Baths) is the most extensive aud striking relic of the ancient city. 


the 16th of April, the Christian sabbath,”* a sojourn the more remarkable, as we know 


that the Apostle was pressed for time. 


He had been obliged through the plot of the 


another day, the ninth. This appears to us the 
more probable supposition, and similar instances 
of Luke’s computation by fragments of time in 
this cumulative way will be found Vol. I. p. 296. 

If the five days be reckoned erclusive of the 
day of starting, then the case will stand thus: 
Paul set forth from Philippi on Tuesday, the 
4th of April, and the five days exclusive would 
end on Sunday the 9th of April, and the seven 
days at Troas would expire on Sunday the 16th 
of April. On this theory, therefore, the words 
ev δὲ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων, must denote not a 
separate day, but the last of the seven days. It 
is an objection to this view that it makes the 
passage from Neapolis to Troas five complete 
days, a voyage accomplished by Paul on a former 
occasion in two days, viz., from Troas to Samo- 
thrace in one day and on the next to Neapolis. 
Acts xvi. 11. On the present occasion the winds 
must have been contrary or four days could not 
have been consumed. But how can we believe 
that the voyage occupied so much as five days? 


As we here commence the long sea voyage of 
Paul from Neapolis to Czsarea, it may be proper 
to notice briefly the rate of sailing amongst the 
ancients. Scylax allows 500 stades for a day’s 
voyage, and the like fora night’s voyage, making 
1000 stades for the twenty-four hours, ἀντὶ τῶν 
φ΄ σταδίων ἡμεραῖον τὸν πλοῦν. Scyl. ad finem 
Descript. Europ. And so the old geographers, 
as recorded by Ptolemy: τοῦ Θεοφίλου τὸν 
TOU νυχθημέρου φόρον πλοῦν χιλίων ὑποτιθεμένον 
σταδίων οἷς καὶ αὐτὸς ἠκολούθησεν, ἄο. Ptolemy, 
1. 9. 1000 stades are equal to 125 miles Roman 
or somewhat more than 100 miles English, 
which would therefore be the rate for the 
νυχθημέρον, or night and day of twenty-four 
hours. This general statement will be found 
fully borne out by a number of instances col- 
lected by Greswell in his Dissertations, vol. iii. 
p. 809, Ist ed. 

48 οὗ διετρίψαμεν ἡμέρας ἑπτά. Acts xx. 6. 


OM ey δὲ τῇ μιᾷ Tov σαββάτων. Acts xx. 7. 


Cuap. II.] ST. PAUL AT TROAS. [a.p. 58] ae 


Jews to adopt a circuitous route, and he was now making all haste upon his road, so 
as “if possible” to reach Jerusalem before the feast of Pentecost, which would fall on 
the 17th of May. Perhaps the church planted at Troas on his former visit, when he 
was flying from Ephesus, might now from some peculiar circumstances imperatively 
require his presence. The delay, however, may have arisen from the mere necessity 
of attending upon the movements of the vessel. Troas was a city of considerable 
consequence, and the ship may either have unloaded there or taken a cargo on board, 
or adverse winds may have prevented her from sailing. 


Fig. 191.—Remains of the theatre of Alerandria Troas. From Choiseul Gouff er. 


In what manner the Christian sabbath was observed by the early disciples, is not 
very accurately known; but perhaps the most valuable hint upon the subject is 
derived not from any sacred writer, but from a Pagan, namely, the younger Pliny 
who, in his famous letter addressed to Trajan from Bithynia, an adjoining proyince to 
Troas, about fifty years after this period, acquaints him that the Christians “ were 
wont to meet together on a stated day (stato die) before ἐξ was light, and sing among 
themselves alternately a hymn to Christ as God, and bind themselves by an oath 
(sacramento) not to the commission of any wickedness, but on the contrary, not to be 
guilty of theft, or robbery, or adultery, never to falsify their word, nor to deny 
a pledge committed to them; and when these things were ended, it was their 
custom to separate, and then to come together again to a meal which they ate in 
common without any disorder.”*° From this account we may infer that the 


45 “Quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem πὸ adulteria committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne 
convenire, carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere depositum appellati abnegarent; quibus per- 
secum invicem ; seque sacramento, non in scelus  actis, morem sibi discedendi fuisse rursusque 
aliquid obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, coeundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum ta- 


ST. PAUL AT TROAS. 


κὶ 
ο 


[a.p. 58] [Cuar. IT. 


Christians met at break of day to celebrate our Lord’s resurrection, and again in the 


evening in commemoration of the last Supper.**° 


Fig. 192.—Bacchus visiting Icarus. 


From a sculpture in the British Museum. 


A Greek house with open windows and broad window-sills, affording ample room for sitting. It was from some 
such window-sill in the upper story of the house at Troas that Eutychus fell. 


The words of Luke are, ‘“ Upon the first day of the week when the disciples 
were come together*’ to break bread.” They were, therefore, not convoked by 
Paul, but had assembled in ordinary course, and that for the celebration either of 
And this was 
in the evening, for “there were many lights,”’*4* a remark introduced either to 
distinguish the open, undisguised and sober banquet of the Christians from the 
impure, nocturnal rites of the heathen gatherings, or to exclude any suspicion in 
the reader’s mind, that a deception or imposition could be practised with respect to 


the Eucharist, or the meal then commonly known as the Love Feast. 


the miraculous occurrence that followed.** The Trojan church was only a year old, 
and all the circumstances indicate an infant society. The place of meeting was a 
large upper room or attic on the third floor: light and air were admitted through 
windows, which were not glazed, and the shutters or casements were now remoyed 
for better ventilation (fig. 192, 193). 

Paul intending to take leave on the morrow, made an earnest and impassioned 
address, and, carried away by his feelings, dilated upon each topic that rose to his 


view, and, arguing, admonishing, comforting, and instructing, was little aware how 


men et innoxium.” Plin. Ep.x.96. In the above 
passage the writer seems to allude to the recita- 
tion of the ten commandments, which forbid 
stealing (furtum), murder (latrocinium), adul- 
tery (adulterium), false witness (ne fidem faller- 
ent), and coveting our neighbour’s goods (ne 
depositum appellati abnegarent). 

“45 That the Sunday was observed by the early 
Christians is well attested. See ante, Vol. II. 
p. 4. 


ΞΕ συνηγμένων τῶν μαθητῶν. Acts xx.7. This 


is the formal expression for a solemn conyvoca- 
tion, whence the word συναγωγή. 

248 Acts xx. 8. 

919. Kuinoel suggests also that many lamps were 
lighted in honour of the day, as candles are now 
lit in churches, and more particularly amongst 
Roman Catholics, to give the effect of greater 
solemnity. On the subject of lights, see Renan’s 
St. Paul, p. 263. 


Cuap. 117 ᾿ ST. PAUL AT TROAS. [a.p. 58] 79 


the precious moments flew. The hour of midnight arrived, and still the preacher 
instant in season and out of season was impressing upon his hearers the vast and 
paramount importance of the great cause he was advocating. In one of the window- 
sills was seated Eutychus,” a youthful convert, unaccustomed to so late an hour, and 
not perhaps of a sufficiently matured understanding to follow the masterly but 
sometimes difficult reasoning of the Apostle! The room was hot and suffocating, 
and nature was exhausted, when amid the profound silence of the audience as they 
listened to the preacher, Eutychus overcome by sleep, and losing all consciousness, 


SSS 


Fig. 193.—A Roman house with window. From T. H. Dyer's Pompeii. 


fell from the window and was precipitated from the third floor to the ground, and 
“was taken up dead.”2 A scene of confusion followed, and Paul, overflowing with 
emotion, and ever actuated by the warmest feelings, “ went down, and fell on him, 
and embraced him.”*** The mental suffering of the Apostle drew compassion from 
the skies, and he felt himself invested with supernatural power. ‘Trouble not 
yourselves,” he said, “for his life is in him. And they brought the young man 
alive, and were not a little comforted.” 35: 

Paul returned to the upper room, and as soon as the excitement produced by so 
startling an incident had been allayed, and order was restored, the Apostle “ broke 


2995 


bread,’ that is, administered the holy communion, and afterwards made a frugal 


** A common name for a domestic; and per- SST Acts xx. 10). 
haps Eutychus was a lad attendant upon some 4: Acts xx. 10519) 
one of the congregation. * κλάσας τὸν ἄρτον. Acts xx. 11. The article, 
*! Luke (Acts xx. 12) describes Eutychus as as observed by Wordsworth, is emphatic, and 
παῖδα, and therefore quite a boy. indicates the bread—i.e. the bread or loaf of the 


252 Acts xxvi. 9. sacrament. 


ST. PAUL AT TROAS. 


80 [a.p. 58] (Car. II. 


repast”°® to strengthen him for his intended journey (for the Eucharist and the 
Love Feast not unusually accompanied each other), and then arrangements were 
made for the departure. The vessel was to touch at Assos, otherwise Apollonia,” a 
town to the south-east of Troas, and was obliged to take the circuitous route of 
doubling the promontory of Lectum (fig. 196), which lay between Troas and Assos. 
The journey overland from Troas to Assos was considerably shorter, and there was a 
high road all the way, and as Paul was anxious not to part from his converts until 
the last moment, it was agreed that his fellow-travellers should embark at once, 
but that Paul himself should tarry a little longer, and then cross the country to 
Assos (fig. 194). The Apostle’s companions now took their way to the ship, while 


Paul continued amongst his friends, discharging to the last the duties of the high 


259 


office committed to him, The morning broke on Monday the 17th of April, when 


Tm τας 


Fig 194.—Car in common use in the Troad. From Clarke's Travels. 


the Apostle bestowing a parting benediction, and receiving perhaps in return some 
prophetic intimation of approaching peril at Jerusalem, bade them farewell, and 


pursued the road to Assos.7°° 
I 


*°5 γευσάμενος. Acts x. 11. This word is not 
to be connected with κλάσας τὸν ἄρτον, which is 
a formula for the sacrament, but is perfect in 
itself, and indicates a separate ordinary meal. 
Thus καθεζόμενός τε ἐγεύσατο. Appian, Bell. Civ. 
11. 98. συνηνάγκασεν [Saulum ] ἡ γυνὴ γεύσασθαι. 
Jos. Ant. vi. i4,3. Others, as Kuinoel, suggest 
that the words κλάσας τὸν ἄρτον καὶ γευσάμενος 
are to be taken together as indicating, not the 
eucharist or a love feast, but merely an ordi- 
nary meal taken by Paul before starting on his 
journey to Assos on foot. Kuinoel, Acts xx. 11. 
Certainly Paul only is expressly mentioned as 
breaking bread—«ddoas τὸν tprov—but this he 
would do as the officiating minister. 

*7 Assos eadem Apollonia. Plin. N. H. v. 82. 


*°8 Tt has also been suggested that it was to 
avoid any ambush of the Jews which might 
have been laid for him had he started with the 
rest. 

259 ἐφ᾽ ἱκανόν τε ὁμιλήσας ἄχρις αὐγῆς. 

380 The word in Greek is πεζεύειν, Acts xx. 13, 
which many have taken literally, and suppose 
that Paul walked all the way from Troas to Assos, 
which, though possible, is not very likely, as thus 
he would save no time. The word πεζεύειν is 
“to go or travel by land, as opposed to going 
by seu,” (Liddell and Scott ;) and clearly this is 
the sense here, for the contrast is between ἡμεῖς 
προελθόντες ἐπὶ TO πλοῖον, and Paul μέλλων αὐτὸς 
πεζεύειν. 


Cuap. IL] VOYAGE TO JUDEBA. [a.p. 58] 81 


This was distant about nineteen miles ** (fig. 195), and Paul would reach it easily 
in the course of the day. The city (now in a ruinous state, but then populous and 
splendid, as the remains of it amply testify) was perched upon a high rock, which 
somewhat resembled the Acropolis at Athens (figs. 198, 199, 200). There was a 


ALEXANDRIA. 


i) aS 
Ch OFFI 
[gene 


las \wavessou (rake 


Tt ae / δῇ 

QO Ζρεεσιυν 

Meda 
€@ τὰ 


aa δὰ 


τι κε 
ses, eran 


Yi, - 
a 


Bridjek “κει 


FB 


yn 
—“ 
Y 2 


"eas 


i 1 
: or Poty Μεοιυμε, 
eee TRS 


Fig. 195.—Map of the country between Alexandria Troas and Assos, with the principal roads. From Choiseul Gouffier. 


262 


sharp descent down to the sea where was the port,” protected by an excellent pier, 
but the slope from the town to the beach, more than a mile long, was so steep that it 
was a common proverb, “Go to Assos and break your neck.” If the unfortunate 


21 Peutinger Tables. From Alexandria Troas front of the hill a wilderness of ruined temples, 
to Smynthium iiii.; Assos xv.; making 19 miles. baths, and theatres, all of the best workman- 
22 In following the footsteps of the Apostle ship, but all of the same grey stone as the neigh- 
from Assos to the shore, Fellowes observes: “I bouring rock.” Fellowes’ Lycia. 
descended toward the sea, and found the whole 23 Ἔστι δὲ ἡ “Agoos ἐρυμνὴ καὶ εὐτειχὴς, ἀπὸ 


VoL. IU. M 


Fig. 196.— View of the Promontory of Lectum, the cape between Alexandria Troas and Assos, and which a ship would have to 
round in passing from Troas to Assos. 


Pig. 197.—Gateway in the outer wall of Assos, and through which is seen the acropolis or citadel. It was under this gateway that 
Paul passed. From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary. 


Crap. 11.] VOYAGE TO JUDEA, [a.p. 58] 83 


traveller chanced to verify the proverb there was conveniently found in the neigh- 
bourhood the famous stone called Sarcophagus, which was reported to possess the 


Fig. 193—Coin of Assos. From the British Museum. 
Obv. Head of Pallas.—Rev. Head of an ox with the legend Ασσιον (of the Assians). 


incredible property of consuming the whole body entombed in it, except the teeth, 
in less than forty days.** Assos was about halfway between Troas and Mitylene, 


Fig. 199.— View of Assos from the sea, i.e. froin the south. From a sketch in passing. 


and was a convenient resting-place in the track of the coasting trade. Paul entered 
Assos by the gateway which still remains (fig. 197), on Monday the 17th of April, 


θαλάττης καὶ τοῦ λιμένος ὀρθίαν Kai μακρὰν ἀνάβασιν of a warrior’s bragging speech to his advyer- 


Ἔ gO Yeon te ae ~ Ae 
ἔχουσα, ὥστ᾽ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς οἰκείως εἰρῆσθαι δοκεῖ τὸ τοῦ sary: 


͵ = = 

Στρατονίκου τοῦ κιθαριστοῦ, ἄσσον ἴθ᾽, ὥς κεν θᾶσσον ὀλέθρου πείραθ' ἴκηαι. 
ἼΑσσον ἴθ᾽, ὥς κεν θᾶσσον ὀλέθρου πείραθ᾽ ἵκηαι. il. vi. 143. 

ὁ δὲ λιμὴν χώματι κατεσκεύασται μεγάλῳ. Strabo, “Come near (ἄσσον), that thou mayest the sooner reach the 

waa aya = = ee cl borders of death.” 

xi. 1 (p. 126, Tauchnitz). The line of Strato- 


nicus is a piece of wit of the ancients, and a (Weare reminded of the similar boastful threats 
specimen of their punning. The verse is taken of Goliath: “Come to me, and I will give thy 
from the Iliad, in which it forms the conclusion flesh unto the fowls of the air and the beasts of 


‘ ast Plin. No ἘΠ᾿ ΣΧΣΥΣ δ]. 


ΕΞ j 
Village of \Bairam τι 


πεν ᾿ \ 
ΠΥ : 
2 ? mal ΤΣ sy 
ly 


aaieae eos) 
\ VLurkish 
> 88 eer eat p 
CVHELETY CA 3 
Cyn | 
ἊΣ a 
YyQr 


| 4 Three 
HUAN ip 


HN AN 


Fig. 200.—Plan of Assos. From Choiseul Gouffier, 


Cuap. 1.1} 


VOYAGE TO JUDEA. 


[a.p. 58] 85 


and, the vessel which carried his companions having sailed round the promontory 
and entered the port, the Apostle embarked. 


Fig. 202.—Plan of Mitylene with its two ports. From Admiralty Chart, 


They sailed the same day to Mitylene (figs. 201, 202, 203), a free city,?®* and the 
capital of Lesbos, the native country of Aleeus and Sappho (one the inventor of the 


the field.” 1 Sam. xvii. 44.) But Stratonicus ac- 
cents the word ἴΑσσον, and so applies it to the 
city. Assos is now Beahrahm. 

With respect to the present state of Assos, Leake 
tells us that there is a theatre in perfect pre- 
servation, with the remains of several temples, 
some of them dedicated to Augustus, and there- 
fore standing in the time of Paul. On the 
western side of the city, by which Paul ap- 
proached, are walls and towers, with a gate in 
complete preservation, and without the walls a 


cemetery with numerous sarcophagi, and some 
of gigantic dimensions. ‘“ The whole, perhaps,” 
he continues, “gives the most perfect idea of a 
Greek city that anywhere exists.” Leake’s Asia 
Minor, p. 129. The architectural details are 
given by Choiseul Gouftier, from whom the 
accompanying plan is taken; and he adds that 
the port is 150 toises deep, and protected from 
the south winds by a massive mole. Voyage 
Pittoresque, ii. 87. 
26° Et libera Mitylene. Plin. N. H. v. 39. 


VOYAGE TO JUDEA. (Cuap. II. 


86 [a.v. 58] 


Aleaic, and the other of the Sapphic metre), and also of Pittacus, one of the seven 
wise men of Greece. The city lay on the eastern side of the island, and was situate 
on a neck of land running out eastwards, and on each side of the peninsula was a 
port, the northern protected by a mole, and of convenient anchorage for ships of the 


largest burden.?** The town was handsomely built, but unhealthy. 


267 Mitylene, 


under the form of Mytilni,”* is still the name of the island and of the town. 


Fig. 203.—Coin of Mitylene. 


From the British Museum. 


Obv. Head of Apollo.—Rev. A lyre with the legend Murc (of the Mitylenians). 


On Tuesday, the 18th of April,*® they sailed from Mitylene and reached the eastern 


side of the Isle of Chios (figs. 204-209). 


On Wednesday, the 19th of April,”° they 


Fig. 204.— The Eastern coast of Chios. 


From a sketch by W. Simpson. 


266 ἔχει ἡ 
κλειστὸς τριηρικὸς ναυσὶ πεντήκοντα, ὁ δὲ βύρειος 
μέγας καὶ βαθὺς, χώματι σκεπαζόμενος. Strabo, xiii. 
2 (Ὁ. 187, Tauchnitz). At the present day the 
southern port is small and shallow, but the 
northern spacious and deep. The view in the 
annexed woodeut is of the northern port. See 
Laborde’s Voyage Pittoresque. 

*** Oppidum Mitylene magnificenter est sedifi- 


Μιτυλήνη λιμένας δύο, ὧν ὁ νότιος 


catum et eleganter, sed positum non prudenter. 
Auster cum flat, homines «grotant; cum 

Eurus, tussiunt; cum Septentrio, restituuntur in 
sanitatem, sed in angiportis et plateis non pos- 
sunt consistere propter vehementiam frigoris. 

268 The older travellers call it Castro. 

269 τῇ ἐπιούσῃ. Acts xx. 15. 

210 τῇ δὲ ἑτέρᾳ. Acts xx. 15, 


Cuar. ID] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [a.p. 58] 87 


crossed the bay of Ephesus and, steering in a south-easterly direction, put in at 
Samos *” (figs. 210, 211, 212). What must have been Paul’s emotions as the wind 
watted him in front of Ephesus! There, about the same season last year had 
occurred the uproar of the silyersmiths, when he had so narrowly escaped with his 
life. He must have yearned, as he passed, to visit the flourishing church which he 


Fig. 205.—Coin of Chios. From the British Museum, 


Obv. Head of sphinx with the legend Τρία ἀσσαρια (three asses, or the threepenny piece)—Rev, An amphora with the legend 
Ἐπι Ap. Ko. Ουλ. Πρειμου Xwov (under the archonship of Ὁ. Valer. Primus. Of the Chians). See 2 Eckhel, 566. 


Fig. 206.—Coin of Chios. From Pellerin. Fig. 207.—Coin of Chivs. From J. ¥. Akerman, 


Obv. Ασσαρια duw (two asses, or the twopenny piece). Obv. Χίων (of the Chians).—Rev. Ασσαριον (the as or penny). 
‘—Rev. Xtwy (of the Chians). 


Fig. 203.—Coin of Chios. From Pellerin. Fig. 209.—Coin of Chios.—From Pellerin, 
Obv. Head of sphinx. Rev. Διχαλκων (two farthings, or Obv. Head of sphinx.—Rev. Xwos. Acoxerms (Chios. 
the halfpenny). ZEschines). As the preceding coin was the δίχαλκων or 


rans or farthing, containing two hersd. "Ste note: Vol 

p. 336. 
had planted and watered with so much labour and anxiety, but Ephesus had almost 
lost her port, and the vessel did not touch there, but was bound for Miletus, whither 
trade was gradually shifting. 

Samos, where the vessel put in, was the capital of the island of that name. The 
port of Samos is now known as port Tigani, and had the same relation to the town of 
Samos (which lay chiefly inland on the site of the modern Chora) that the Pireus had 
to Athens. There was also another resemblance between Samos and Athens, viz. that 
as there was a sacred way from Athens to Eleusis, so there was a sacred way (which 


- ςς- 


“1 παρεβάλομεν. Acts xx. 15. So ὦ ὄπ, word may mean equally well ‘we crossed over. 
παραβαλοῦ. Aristoph. Rane, 180,269. But the 


τ ' t 
TL: Gemeente Ὁ 


Fig. 210.— View of the Port of Samos, now Tigani. The spectator is looking west. From Admiralty Chart. 


PORT 
ΠΕ ἘΊΙΟΑΝΙ. 


ΧΟ pate ἢ > Wi Yu The antient 
HARBOUR OF SAMOS 


“πῇ 
ταῦ ( " 
Rin ΚΕ 2 WS me ἢ) 
iN ΠΝ ANY Ft τὰ 


bik rigs 
Wy iy 


Τρ > “iui 
leet ἘᾺ WTR 


ΞΊ 
Middle ugh Ξμέωείπτιν»" 
ΞΕ : 


Fig. 212.—Coin of Samos. From the British Museum. 
Obv. Head of a lion—Rev. The head and shoulders of an ox with the legend Hynotavaé Sa. (Hegesianax, of the Samians). 


Cuar. II.) 


VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [a.p, 58] 80 


can still be traced) from Samos to Hereeum, or the Temple of Juno, the great goddess 
of the island which lay about two miles to the west, on the headland now called 
Cape Colonna, from the single column of the temple, which still remains. 

As Samos at this time was a celebrated port, the calling there may have been 
for landing passengers or merchandise, but the ship made no stay, and the business 
dispatched, she steered across the strait,”’’ between the island and the mainland, to 
the opposite promontory of Trogilium (fig. 213). Just off the promontory was a 
small island, with a port, of the same name, and here they cast anchor. 


Theopori1$ 
Anc! PstTon ἢ 


Fig. 213—Plan of Port Trogilium and the adjacent ports. From Admiralty chart. 


The three islands lying about Trogilium are referred to by Pliny by the names of Sandalion, Psilon, and Argennon. Nat. 
Hist. v.37. The port where Paul anchored is generally considered to be that sheltered by Sandalion, but the port now 
known as the port of St. Paul is that protected by the island of Nero, the ancient Argennon. 


The Apostle might no doubt have been landed somewhere on the coast and have 
found his way to Ephesus, or he might now travel thither from Trogilium, as he had 
done from Troas to Assos, but should he by any accident have been detained at 
Ephesus, or on the road, he might fail in reaching Miletus before the vessel again 
sailed, and so, losing his passage, might be disappointed of his great object —that of 
arriving at Jerusalem by Pentecost, the 17th of May. Paul therefore determined on 


Γ 


*2 This strait is about a mile wide. ὅσον ἑπταστάδιον πορθμόν. Strabo, xiv. 1 (p. 168, Tanchnitz). 


VOL. I. N 


90 [a.p. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. (Cap. 11. 


remaining on board, and continuing his voyage to Miletus, with the intention, as soon 
as he arrived there, of dispatching a messenger across the country to invite the 
Ephesian church to an interyiew.”™ 

On Thursday, the 20th of April, the ship weighed anchor from Trogilium and 
reached Miletus in the course of the afternoon (figs. 216,217). Miletus was originally 
a Carian city, but on the Ionic emigration was occupied by Neleus and his fellow- 
countrymen, and from that time it rose rapidly to great importance, trading with 
all the world and sending forth numerous colonies. It was the mother of no less than 
eighty cities on various coasts, more particularly in the Enxine and the straits leading 
to it. Miletus once the capital of Ionia, had previously borne several names, as 
Libyeis, Pityusa, and Anactoria, a proof of its great antiquity.” In 8.0. 494 it was 
captured by the Persians; and-again, in B.c. 334, by Alexander the Great, and never 
afterwards attained. to its pristine celebrity.”° But in the time of the Apostle it 
was still a considerable emporium of trade, with four ports, or docks, well filled with 
shipping. A little in front of it was a group of islands that served to harbour 
smugglers and pirates. Miletus stood on the south-western side of the Latmian Gulf; 
and opposite to it, in a direction due east, was the mouth of the Meander (fig. 214). 
Four miles up the river was Myus, anciently on the sea margin, but the soil poured 
down by the turbid stream had gradually extended the continent for many miles 
beyond.*" The Meander, indeed, was a common thief, and was indictable in the law 
courts for undermining and carrying away the land upon its banks, and the fines 


imposed were leyied upon the ferries. Miletus was at that time some miles from the 


278 


mouth of the Meander.** But what a change has occurred! The continued depor- 
tation of soil has since filled up the entire gulf, and not only so, but has pushed the 
land forward for several miles into the deep sea, so that Miletus, instead of being some 
miles in advance, is now eight miles in the rear of the embouchure of the Meander. 
The cluster of islands that lay off the city are now distinguishable only as gentle 
elevations rising out of the vast plain*’® (fig. 215). Thus, in the words of an old 
writer, the Meander has wrested the sea from the navigator and given it to the 
husbandman ; ridges of furrows have succeeded to the waves, and the kid disports 


where the dolphin gambolled. The same phenomenon still proceeds, and perhaps 


*3 The want of time is assigned by St. Luke 
as the motive. Acts xx. 16. But De Wette sug- 
gests that it was policy to avoid trouble from 
his enemies at Ephesus. Apostg. 153. 

ὅτε τῇ ἐχομένῃ. Acts xx. 15. 

* Miletus Ioniz caput, Lelegeis ante, et Pity- 
usa, et Anactoria nominata, super octoginta 
urbium per cuncta maria genetrix. Plin. N. H. 
v. dl. 

"τὸ See Dr. W. Smith's Geog. Dict. 
now a desolation (fig. 215). 

Ἐπ Tn the sketch, given at p. 92, and taken from 


Miletus is 


the Voyage Pittoresque, the reader will see de- 
picted the line of shore at six successive periods : 
1. At the time of the Ionic emigration; 2. In 
the time of Strabo; 3. In the time of Paul; 
4. In the time of Pausanias; 5. In an. 866; 
and 6. At the publication of Choiseul Gouffier's 
work, A.p. 1782. 

ἜΣ Strabo xiv. 1 (Ὁ. 167, Tauchnitz). 

*” 6 γὰρ Μαίανδρος διὰ τῆς Φρυγῶν καὶ Καρῶν 
ἀρουμένης ὅσα ἔτη ῥέων, τὴν μεταξὺ Πριήνης καὶ 
Μιλήτου θάλασσαν ἐν οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ πεποίηκεν 


ἤπειρον. Pausan. Aread. viii, 24, 5. 


Cuar, II.] VOYAGE TO JUDEA, [4.Ὁ. 58] 91 


some traveller in the next millennium may record the fact, that a natural bridge has 
been thrown across the sea from the mainland to the island of Samos. 

Paul, as soon as he arrived at Miletus, dispatched an envoy to Ephesus, a distance 
of thirty-six miles, to summon the elders of the church. He could not proceed 
thither himself without endangering his voyage to Judea; but he could not pass the 
coast without meeting (if it were possible) his Ephesian flock. He foresaw that trials 
awaited them, and he was anxious to warn them of the approaching danger. It was 
but too probable that the heretical doctrines disseminated by the Judaizers in 
Galatia and Corinth, would soon find, if they had not already found, their way into 
Ephesus. The Jews, whether believing or unbelieving, had through his whole life 
been his great antagonists. In the capital of Asia, as in all other quarters, he had 
been daily exposed to their insidious designs, but nothing had deterred him from 
preaching the great fruths, however unpalatable, that justification was not by the 
works of the Law, but by Faith in Jesus Christ, and was not confined to the Jews, 
but embraced the Gentiles also. “ Ye know,” he afterwards tells the Ephesians, “ how 
from the first day I came into Asia I served the Lord with many tears and temptations 
which befell me, by the lying in wait of the Jews. How I kept back nothing that was 
profitable unto you, testifying both to the Jews and also to the Greeks repentance 
towards God, and Faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ.”*** He was now going up to 
Jerusalem to bondage, and perhaps to death, a martyr to the same cause, but this did 
not discourage him from publishing the tidings of salvation, not by the Law, but by 
the Grace of God. ‘None of these things,” he says, ‘move me, neither count I my 
life dear unto myself, so that I may finish my course with joy, and the ministry which 
I have received of the Lord Jesus to testify the Gospel of the Grace of God.”**! He 
felt a strong impression that he should neyer see his Ephesian brethren again. 
Dangers awaited him at Jerusalem, and if he escaped them, his plan, now that he 
had evangelized Asia Minor and Greece, was, after visiting Jerusalem, to sail for 
Italy and then for Spain,*? and, with the prospect of a long ministry in those remote 
parts, he could scarcely hope to revisit the church of Ephesus. True that a tedious 
imprisonment of nearly five years deranged all his preconceived plans, and eventually 
brought him back to the Eastern churches, but this he could not foresee, and the fact 
that the presentiment which he now felt was not verified by the event, derogates 
nothing from the apostolic character. He had no foreknowledge of the future, beyond 
the discernment of a sound judgment, as he tells us himself, “I go unto Jerusalem, 
not knowing the things that shall befall me there. 


22283 


It was only on certain occasions, 


280 Acts xx. 18-21. (1 Tim. i. 3), Paul himself was not at Ephesus, 


81 Acts xx. 24. and did not there deliver the injunction, but 
282 Rom. xv. 28. sailed by Ephesus, and sent for Timothy to meet 


8 Wordsworth suggests that Paul never did him; just as, when Paul was sailing from Mace- 
visit Ephesus again; for that, when, on his way donia, before his first imprisonment, he passed 
from Crete to Macedonia after his first imprison- by Ephesus and sent for the elders to Miletus. 
ment, he charged Timothy to remain at Ephesus Acts xx. 17. Even, however, if this be admitted, 
n 2 


92 [a.. 58] VOYAGE ΤῸ JUDEA. [Cnae. II. 


and for adequate purposes, that he was divinely illuminated, as in predicting to the 
Thessalonians the coming of Antichrist. He was new to part from the Ephesians for 
many years, perhaps for ever, and his conscience did not reproach him, for he had 
fearlessly unfolded the catholic character of the Gospel. “ Wherefore I take you to 
record this day,” he tells the Ephesians, “that I am pure from the blood of all men ; 
for I haye not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God.”*** Paul felt 
assured that the Judaizing principles which were abroad would penetrate into the 


Tro gilimn Prom 


elt Thyabria* 


S” Vicits Cariz 


rp 
Yes 


Fig. 214.—Jap of Miletus and the parts adjacent. 
In the time of Paul the sea had free entrance into the bay of Latmus, from which it is now completely excluded by 


many miles of intervening land. The gradual changes ‘rom the earliest to the latest period are seen distinguished in the 

above plan, from Choiseul Gouffier. 
Ephesian church when he should not be present to meet the advancing tide, and his 
mind could not be at rest until he had solemnly impressed upon the pastors of the 
church the awful responsibility they had undertaken of guarding the flock against 
the ravages of the marauder. ‘I know,” he says, “that after my departure*® shall 
grievous wolves enter in among you; take heed, therefore, unto yourselves, and to all 
the flock over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers, to feed the church 


it is clear that Onesiphorus afterwards visited 284 Acts xx. 26; 27. 

him, and probably in prison at Ephesus itself 385. After his departure from them (ἄφιξιν), and 
(2 Tim. i.18); for the consolation thus adminis- ποῦ after his death. Meyer, Apostg. p 368. Paul 
tered by Onesiphorus cannot with any reason be was not then expecting his own end (ἀνάλυσιν, 2 
referred to a period prior to the Apostle’s first Tim. iv. 6), but believed that he was now parting 
captivity. from them not to return. 


Cuap. 111 VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [a.D. 58] 93 


of God. which he hath purchased with his own blood.”**’ This warning was not 
given without reason, as we learn from the melancholy announcement contained 
in the Apostle’s last letter, written shortly, and perhaps a few days only, before 
his death. ‘This thou knowest, that all they which are in Asia be turned away 
from me.” **? 

Another reason for the Apostle’s anxiety to see the Ephesian elders may have 
been that they had parted from him at a moment of peril, when Paul, from the 
disturbed state of Ephesus consequent on the riot of Demetrius the silversmith, had 
been prevented from delivering to them a solemn admonition upon the duties of their 


office. 


15.— View of the plain of the Meander in its present state. The spectator is looking west. From Choiseul Goufiier. 


The remains in the front ground on the left are those of Miletus, and beyond is the present Turkish village. In the plain 
are seen the wandering channels (some of them abandoned) of the Meander. ‘The eminence at the farther end of the plain 
is what anciently was the island of lade, and between that and the ruins on the le/t was the port in which Paul’s vessel 
east anchor. On the right is seen the Promontory of Mycale, and beyond it is the Isle of Samos. 


Fig. 216.—Coin of Miletus. From the British Museum 
νυ. Head of Apollo—Rev. A lion with a monogram of Miletus and the name of Alcon the chief magistrate. 


Paul had forwarded his message to them on Thursday, the 20th of April, and on 
the following Sunday, the 23rd of April, they arrived at Miletus. They now gathered 
round the venerable champion, and listened with deep attention to his impressive and 


786 Acts xx. 25-28. 287 LMNs LO: 


94 [4.p. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [Cuap. IT. 


affecting charge. Luke was present, and fortunately has preserved to us the sub- 
stance of his address. 

“Ye know,” he said, “from the first day that I came into Asia, after what manner 
I was with you the whole time,?** serving the Lord with all humility of mind, and 
with *® tears and temptations which befel me by the lyings in wait of the Jews, how 
I kept back nothing that was profitable unto you, but showed you and taught yon 
publicly from house to house, testifying both to Jews and also to Greeks, repentance 
toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ. 
in the spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befal me there, save 
that the Holy Ghost witnesseth in every city, saying, that bonds and aftlictions abide 


And now, behold, I go bound 


me. But I take account of nothing,”® neither count I my life dear unto myself, so 


291 


that I may finish my course with joy,*! and the ministry, which I have received of 
the Lord Jesus, to testify the Gospel of the grace of God. And now, behold! I know 
that ye shall not all of you, among whom I have gone preaching the kingdom of God, 


292 


see my face again. Wherefore I take you to witness this day, that Iam pure 
from the blood of all men; for I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel 
of God. Take heed, therefore, unto yourselves, and to all the flock, oyer the which 
the Holy Ghost hath made you bishops to feed the church of God which he purchased 
with his own blood; for this I know, that after my departing * shall grievous wolves 
enter in among you, not sparing the flock. Also of your own selves shall men arise, 
speaking perverse things, to draw away the disciples after them. Therefore, watch 
and remember, that for the space of three years “ἢ I ceased not to warn every one 
night and day with tears. And now, brethren, I commend you to God, and to the 
word of his grace, which is able to build you up, and to give you an inheritance among 


288 τὸν πάντα χρόνον. Acts xx. 18. 


*° The word πολλῶν, ‘many,’ is rejected by 
Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and 
Alford. 

*80 οὐδενὸς λόγον ποιοῦμαι. Acts xx. 94. 

“! The words μετὰ χαρᾶς are rejected by Lach- 
manu, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

ἊΣ καὶ viv ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ οἶδα, ὅτι οὐκέτι ὄψεσθε τὸ 
πρόσωπόν μου ὑμεῖς πάντες. Acts xx. 25. The 
strict literal interpretation is “and now behold 
I know that ye shall not all of you see my face 
again,” and some interpret this, that as his ab- 
sence would be long, it could not be expected 
that all of the presbyters whom he addressed 
would live to see him again; others that none of 
the presbyters would see him again, or in other 
words, that he should never return to Ephesus. 
From the dangers that awaited him at Jerusa- 
lem, and from the plans he had formed of visiting 
Italy and Spain, he might be fully persuaded 
that he should not return (as he did not for 


more than five years); but this presentiment 
would be the result of private judgment only, for 
he said himself that he did not know what should 
befall him. Acts xx. 22. That he did in fact 
revisit Ephesus cannot with reason be doubted. 
In the First Epistle to Timothy he tells him to 
stay on at Ephesus as Paul on his way to Mace- 
donia had charged him (1 Tim. i. 30), and to 
stay on until Paul arrived himself (1 Tim. iv. 18), 
which he hoped to do shortly (1 Tim. iii. 14); 
and these words cannot by any possibility be 
referred to any part of Paul’s life before his 
imprisonment at Rome. We shall see hereafter 
that Paul not only revisited Ephesus, but was 
imprisoned there; and during his captivity re- 
ceived great attentions from Onesiphorus (2 
Tim. i. 18), and was afterwards sent away from 
Ephesus to his martyrdom at Rome. 
#93 See note, p. 285. 
29: See Vol. I. p. 296. 


Cuap. Π.] VOYAGE ΤΟ JUDEA. [a.p. 58] 95 


all them which are sanctified. I have coveted no man’s silver, or gold, or apparel ; 
yea, ye yourselves know that these hands have ministered unto my necessities, and 
to them that were with me. I have showed you all things how that so labouring ye 
ought to support the weak,” and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how he 
said, ‘It is more blessed to give than to receive.’ ”?°° 

We cannot better describe the touching scene that followed than in the simple 
language of the sacred historian. ‘“And when he had thus spoken he kneeled down 
and prayed with them all; and they all wept sore, and fell on Paul’s neck, and kissed 
him ; sorrowing most of all for the words which he spake, that ‘they should see his 
face no more.’ And they accompanied him unto the ship.”2%7 


Fig. 217.— View of the theatre, the principal ruin of ancient Miletus. 
The spectator is looking in a south-eastern direction. 


The charge of the apostle was, perhaps, extended at Miletus, as before at Troas, 
deep into the night of the Sunday. On Monday, the 24th of April, the vessel 
sailed, and Paul tore himself from his beloved Ephesian flock. Many also of the 


faithful friends, who had come with him all the way from Corinth, could not accompany 


τῶν ἀσθενούντων --- the poor.’ 

*5 Acts xx. 18-35. This quotation of the words 
of our Saviour is not found in any of the Gos- 
pels. The crucifixion of our Lord had occurred 
only a quarter of a century before, and there 
must have been hundreds, or rather thousands, 
of his hearers still alive, who would fondly 
cherish his sayings and pass them on from 
mouth to mouth. This incidental notice of our 
Lord’s remarks falling so naturally from the 


Apostle’s lips, carries with it a strong argument, 
if any were needed, for the reality of the Gospel 
narrative. Paul was preaching at a period when 
multitudes could have confuted any misstate- 
ment. See a list of other sayings of our Lord 
not mentioned in the Gospels, in B. F. Westcott’s 
Introduction to the Study of the Gospels, p. 424. 

“7 Acts xx. 36. The harbour where the ship 
lay was probably at some little distance from the 
scene of the Apostle’s last charge. 


96 [a.p. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [Cuap. IL 


him beyond the coast of Asia,*** and here taking their leave and receiving his last 
embrace, returned to their different homes. Amongst those, who here left Paul, was 
probably Timothy, who returned with the elders of Ephesus to that city—at least, he is 


Vig. 218 — View af Cos, the spectator looking south-west. From Admiralty Chart. 


not mentioned as in Paul’s company at Jerusalem, and Ephesus appears to have been 
Σ , Ρ 


entrusted peculiarly to the care of Timothy. It is an ancient tradition that he was 
Bishop of it, and certainly, in Paul’s last circuit we find him stationed there, with an 


TOWN AND ROAD 


KOS 


(CALLED BY THE TURKS STANKO) 


kala or a 
“Landing Place ese 
ὡς 


Fig. 219.—Plan of Cos. From Admiralty Chart. 


injunction to remain,” 


and during Paul’s second imprisonment, and just before his 


death, Timothy was still either at Ephesus itself or in the immediate neighbour- 
hood.” Paul, and Luke, and Trophimus, the bearers of the alms from Macedonia 


395. συνείπετο δὲ αὐτῷ ἄχρι τῆς ᾿Ασίας, κιτιλ. Acts 


xx. 4. By Asia is here meant Lydian Asia, and 
the Apostle’s companions therefore did not part 


from him at Troas, but at Miletus. 
590. ΠΕ χη. ey 
8 See post. 


ὕπαρ. 117] VOYAGE ΤΟ JUDE4.- [a.v. 58] 97 


and Achaia, and such others as were bound for the Jewish capital, now proceeded on 


their voyage. 


—————— 


-- 


Fig. 220.—Coin of Cos. From the British Museum. 
δε, Head of Hercules with lion's -kin.—Rev. A crab with the legend Kwroy Mooxwy (of the Coians. Moschion tle chief magistrate) 
The wind was favourable, and the vessel the same day reached Cos, the garden of 
the Egean (fig. 218, 219, 220). The chief town,*"’ which was of the same name, lay 


on the eastern shore. 


Fig. 221.— View of Rhodes. From a sketch taken by the author from the high ground on the north-west of the city 


ed by vessels of any considerable burden. The harbour 


The harbour with the shipping on the left is that now commonly 6 
nehored. The famous Colossus stood at the 


with the shipping on the rieht is the ancient harbour in which Paul’ l 
entrance to this harbour on the spectator’s left, where is now the high tower or Pharos. The mainland of Asia Minor is seen 
in the distance, 


On Tuesday, the 25th of April,*°? they arrived at Rhodes (fig. 221, 222, 223). 
This city was delightfully situate at the western extremity of the island, on an 


οἱ Now Stanchio, from “Es τὴν Κῶ, as Stamboul (Constantinople) from “Es τὴν Πόλιν. 
δ τῇ ἑξῆς. Acts xxi. 1. 


VOL. I. ο 


98 [a.p. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. (Cuar. 11. 


eminence oyerlooking the famous port.*"* As Paul entered the harbour he must have 
gazed with curiosity on the greatest of the seven wonders of the world, the huge 


Colonna, Rock 


Cemetery. 


Mosques δ Ca 


~O THE MONIC! 5 
SeEOSED THIS" +) 
ponT BY A CHAIN 


j \ A 
- 5 ΕΙΣ Af 
Γξξεεξ αὶ 


= / 
τ Πα, 


Ἢ 


) Ἐβὴ χτα re of 
ὩΣ “Ποελα 


} “γν)}" 


Fig 222.—Plan of Rhodes. From Admiralty Chart. 


Fig. 223.—Coin of Rhodes. From the British Museum. 


Obv. Head of Apollo as the sun, —Rev. A rose with the legend Podwoy (of the Rhodians), and (Awecveas) the name 
of the chief magistrate. 


Colossus, the mighty effort of Chares the Lindian, once towering 105 feet into the 
air, then prostrate in the dust.*’* It was of brass, and had been erected in the third 
century B.c., and, after having stood for fifty years, the astonishment of the approach- 


508. There is another haven, more to the west, πὸ foundation. It was, however, long believed, 
which is also now used. The principal port is and Blount, in his Voyage to the Levant, men- 
fast fillmg up from neglect. tions “that the rocks where his footing was are 

80 Tt stood on the right of the port as the wide enough for two great ships to pass to- 
vessels entered. The fiction of after ages, that gether.” 
it strided across the mouth of the port, rests on 


Cuap. II.] 


VOYAGE TO JUDE4A., 


[A.p. 48] 99 


ing mariner, was thrown to the ground by an earthquake. The legs only as high as 


eigantic 


o°D 


the knees retained their upright posture, while the rest of the mass lay 


extended along the margin of the port.** It is a singular circumstance that for 
nearly nine hundred years superstition, or a better feeling, protected this wondrous 
monument of Rhodian art from the hand of the destroyer; but at length, in the 
seventh century, the barbarous Saracens, on becoming masters of the city, spared 
not a work which the world could not replace. They broke the mass into pieces, and 
In the city itself the Apostle 
might have gazed on the beautiful Pythium, or Temple of Apollo; and had he 


transported the materials on 900 camels to Egypt.*" 


inquired at whose expense so noble a structure was reared, the answer would haye 
been, at the sole cost of a Jew—one of his own countrymen—Herod the Great.” 


A Jew erecting a temple to an idol ! 


ΓΞΞ 


Fig. 224.— View of Patara. 


From Ionian Antiquities. 


The spectator is looking 10 the south-west. In the centre and to the right are the ancient ports, now marshes. Beyond 
the right-hand port is the sandy beach thrown. up by the sea, and blocking up the entrance to the harbour. Beyond the 
sand beach is the Mediterranean, bounded only by the horizon. The kiver Nanthus flows into the ancient port on the 
extreme right. 


The following day, Wednesday, the 26th of April, Paul and his company sailed 
to Patara, the port of Xanthus, the capital of Lycia** (fig. 224, 225, 226). Patara 


τὸν ἐν Ῥόδῳ Κολοσσὸν ὀκτάκις δέκα 


*05 See Plin. N. H. xxxiv. 18; Strabo, xiv. 2 
(p. 194, Tauchnitz); and Fellowes’ Lycia, &e. 


£05 


Λάχης ᾿ποίησε πήχεων ὁ Λίνδιος. 
Cedrenus, Hist. p. 431. 


Κολοσσὸν, μετὰ até (1365) ἔτη τῆς αὐτοῦ ἱδρύσεως" 
Ras ν ; , sin 

ὃν ὠνησάμενος ἔμπορος ἐννακόσια Kap Ava ἐφόρτωσε 
τὸν χαλκόν: καὶ γὰρ οἱ ἹῬόδιοι θαλασσοκρατήσαντες 
Seb ase AKoy TG Sri = (S() 
ἀνέστησαν ἀνδριάντα χαλκοῦν τῷ ἡλίῳ πηχῶν 7 (80), 
ς , Rie etna ἡ 

ὡς λέγει TO ἐν αὐτῷ ἐπίγραμμα 


Μαβίας καταλαβὼν τὴν Ῥόδον καθεῖλε τὸν £07 


Jos. Ant. xvi. 5, 3. 
8 Βροῦτος δὲ ἐς Πάταρα ἀπὸ Ξάνθου κατήει, 
App. 8.σ. iv. 81. 
Liv. xxxvii. 15. 


ἔθνους ὁ 


πόλιν ἐοικυῖαν ἐπινείῳ Ξανθίων. 
Patara caput gentis. 
τῆς μητροπόλεως τοῦ Λυκίων 
Boeckh, 4280, 4281, 4283. 


Πατάρων 


.- 
Onpos. 


o 2 


100 [a.D. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [Cuar. II 


stood seven or eight miles* to the east of the mouth of the Xanthus or Yellow river, 
and at the south-eastern extremity of the delta or triangular plain, irrigated by the 
muddy waters from which the stream took its name. Toward the east the city was 


Fig. 225.—Plan of Patara. From Ionian Antiquities. 


A. Theatre. 1. Horreum. 
B. Arch. G. Acropolis. 
C. Buildings (bath-?) H. Citadel. 
D. Column. ΠΟΙ temple. 1, Pharos. 


ΕΞ Tomb of Mr. Bedford. 


Fig. 226.—Coin of Patava. From the British Museum, 
Obv. Head of Apollo.—Rev. Πα. Avxwwy (Patara of the Lycians). 


overlooked by a commanding hill, which, running southward, divided the bay of 
Xanthus from the bay of Calamatia, two miles to the east. Patara had a convenient 
haven, frequented by the ships of all nations.*° At present Patara is a ruin. There 


ἊΝ Sixty stades. Stadiasm. Mar. Mag. But δι᾿ οὗ ἀνάπλους eis Πάταρα πόλιν. Scylax, Syria. 


Seylax places it on the Xanthus: ποταμὸς Ξάνθος 30 εἰς Πάταρα πόλιν" καὶ λιμένα ἔχει. Scylax, 


Cuar. II.] VOYAGE TO JUDEA., [a.D. 58] 101 


are still the remains of a theatre, and some massive walls and arches, and one of the 
gates of the city with three arches nearly perfect, and numerous sarcophagi scattered 
around. Near the theatre is a deep circular pit of singular appearance. A flight of 
steps leads to the bottom, and from the centre a square pillar rises above the surface 
of the ground. It is possible that this was the seat of the Oracle of Patareus Apollo. 
The insulated pillar may have supported the statue of the deity, and the pit may 
have afforded some secret means of communication for the priest. The town walls 
encompassed an area of considerable extent, and may be easily traced, as well as 
the site of a castle which commanded the harbour, and of several towers which 
flanked the walls. At the northern extremity, and facing the theatre, one of the 
gates is still erect"! The port is completely filled with sand, and is now ἃ pes- 
tiferous swamp. All communication with the sea is cut off by a straight beach, 
through which there is no opening, and the sand has not only filled up the harbour, 
but rises to a considerable height between the ruins and the river Xanthus on the 
west, lying in ridges, and the surface wrinkled like a sea-beach.* 

At Patara, fortunately, Paul and his company found a merchantman bound direct 
for Tyre, and thence to Acre. The ship in which he had arrived either stopped at 
Patara, or intended sailing along the coast of Pamphylia and Cilicia. The good luck 
of meeting with a passage at once to Tyre would not only enable him to reach Jeru- 
salem in time for the feast on the 17th of May, but would even place several surplus 
days at his disposal. 

On Thursday, the 27th of April, they set sail from Patara, and stretching across 
the open sea for Tyre passed Cyprus on their left. The distance was about 450 
Roman miles, and at the rate of 125 Roman miles for each day and night of twenty- 
four hours (the average of ancient navigation), they would arrive at Tyre (fig. 227, 
228, 229) on Sunday, the 30th of April. This city it is difficult to describe, or not to 
describe, for it is too famous to te passed over in silence, and it is not easy to say little. 
It had originally stood on the mainland, but the siege of Nebuchadnezzar drove them 
into the small island lying opposite. Here it attained a wonderful prosperity, and was 
the proudest of all the daughters of commerce till the time of Alexander the Great. 
Tyre made a manful resistance against the Macedonian, and he could only capture it 
at last by throwing a vast mound (which still remains) from the continent across the 
channel to the island.** Alexander showed his littleness of soul by destroying his 
gallant enemy, but such were the natural advantages of the spot that Tyre rose again 
into importance ; and at the time of the Apostle’s visit it competed with Sidon for the 


Lycia. μετὰ δὲ τὸν Ξάνθον Πάταρα, καὶ αὕτη μεγάλη tend rei, Samum reducit naves. Livy. xxxvii. 


πόλις, λιμένα ἔχουσα καὶ ἱερὰ πολλὰ, κτίσμα Πατά- Te 

pov. Strabo, xiv. 3 (p. 215, Tauchnitz). But 3 Karamania, by Capt. Beaufort, p. ὃ. 
the port was not very capacious, for, quum per- 2 Allen’s Dead Sea, i. 125. 

eunctatus esset [4imilius] utrumnam Pataris 18 Karamania, by Capt. Beaufort, p. 5. 
universa classis in portu stare posset, quum SIS ῬΊΟΝ Ἐν: 


respondissent non posse, causam nactus omit- 


102 [a.p. 53] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [Cuap. Il. 


supremacy of Phcenicia, and indeed was the principal resort of the Levantine trade. 
It was allowed by the Romans to retain its freedom. It was famous for its manu- 
facture of purple,?° and being a mercantile town, was full of Jews.°% The city 
stood on what had once been the island, but was then a peninsula, jutting into the sea 
for the length of a mile, narrow at the neck and widening towards the end, and of 
the average breadth of about one-third of a mile. The cirewit of the town itself 
was not quite three miles.*!8 The harbour was on the north, between the penin- 
sula and the mainland, and was protected by a mole, of which some remains have 
survived the buffeting of the waves. The vessel was here to unload and take in a 
fresh cargo, so that a week would elapse before the Apostle could resume his voyage. 

This was not Paul’s first visit to Tyre. Shortly after his conversion he had been 
conducted by the brethren from Jerusalem to Caesarea, whence he proceeded to Tarsus. 
Even if he embarked at Caesarea he might well have touched at Tyre; but as he 
tells us himself, that upon receiving his Apostleship he had preached successively at 
Damascus and at Jerusalem, and throughout all the country of the Jews,* he may 
have travelled from Caesarea to Tarsus by land, which would carry him through Tyre 
and then through Sidon, where we shall see presently that he also had friends.*” 
This, too, would exactly tally with the statement that upon his conversion he had 
gone to the parts of Syria and Cilicia,?** for such would be the order in which he 
would then visit those countries. Whether his route was by sea or land, Tyre lay in 


Fig. 227.—Coin of Tyre. From Pellerin. 


Obv. Lanreated head with the legend Tup[ov ] [M]ntpotoAews (of Tyre the metropolis)— Fev. Kowvou τῆς φοινίκὴς (com- 
munity of Phoenicia), with the date AKT (321) of the era of the Seleucide, answering to A.D, 10, and in the centre is tue 
Temple of Hercules, the deity most venerated at Tyre. 

the beaten track, and Paul may haye first planted that church. He must also have 
halted at Tyre on other occasions, for twice, as ambassador of the church of Antioch, 
he had gone to Jerusalem and back, and at the close of his second cirewit he had 
again proceeded from Jerusalem to Antioch. Luke, im relating the present voyage, 
22322 


mentions only that they “found the disciples,’*°’ but the expression clearly implhes 


a previous acquaintance. 


3 Strabo, xvi. 2 (p. 857, Tauch.); Jos. Ant. 319 Acts xxvi. 20. 


xy. 4, 1. $20 Acts xxvii. 3. 
516. ΡΊ Τὴ INE Εἰ’ ν᾿ If, abe, (5h); 84 τῆς Συρίας καὶ Κιλικίας. Gal. i. 21. 
3:1 Jos. Bell. 11. 18, 5. 822 καὶ ἀνευρόντες τοὺς μαθητάς. Acts xxi. 4. 


28 Oppidum ipsum xxii. stadia obtinet. Plin. The translation “and finding disciples” is in- 


ΝΈΕΣ ΝΣ accurate. 


Fig, 228,— View of Tyre from the land. 


The spectator is looking south-west. 


The city of Tyre is seen on the little peninsula which runs out to sea. 


From Cassas, 


The city was 


originally on an island, but Alexander the Great carried a dam across the narrow strait and so captured the city, whicu has 


ever since been peninsular. 


The aqueduct runs from the adjacent high ground on the east aloug the dam τὸ the 


ity. 


Numerous 
Columns 


« 


PROBABLE 


5 


ο 
aT reese 


2 Springs 
endoted ty ὍΘΙ 
6) soled masonry 1 


Sandhill f | 


fi | 


Nj 
δ 
¢ 
ῷ 


τὸ 
UNCULTIVATED 


PILAIN 


oSakieh 


WWumerous\, 
Sarcophag: 


PLAIN 


PARTIALLY 


oHoure 
is 
qa ten Hirams ToT = 
J Brite 
CULTIVATED ἢ 


— Plan of Tyre 


From Admiralty Chart. 


104 [a.p. 58} VOYAGE TO JUDEA. 


[παρ᾿ IL, 


Paul and his comrades remained at Tyre a week,** and at the end of that time 
he had so established himself in the affections of the brethren, whether his own 
conyerts or not, that with their wives and children they accompanied him out of the 
city down to the beach. They might never see him again, for here also it was 
announced to the Apostle that Jerusalem would be the scene of danger. Paul and 
the brethren knelt down together upon the sea shore and offered upa fervent prayer, 
and then, with a warm embrace, parted from each other. Paul embarked on board 
the vessel, and the Tyrians returned to their homes. 

The ship sailed on Monday the 8th of May, and the same day arrived at Ptolemais, 
or Acre (fig. 230, 231, 232). Here closed the sea voyage of the Apostle—either the 


; Fig. 230.—} 


The spectator is looking north-west. The ancient port (not now used) is seen on the left, to the south of the city. 


iew of Acre. From Vandevelde. 


vessel did not sail any farther, or a land journey to Jerusalem from this point was 
more conyenient. Acre must be familiar to most readers. Here fought Richard 
Coeur de Lion; here Sir Sidney Smith first rolled back the tide of conquest on the 
French invader; and here, still more recently, the gallantry and skill of our fleet 
silenced in an hour the fortress which had defied Napoleon. Acre was a city of 
Pheenicia,** and was invested by the Romans with the privileges of a colony.* It 


28 ἡμέρας ἑπτά. Acts xxi. 4. It is implied coast, and is said to have extended sometimes to 
that it was a full week from the expression: Mount Carmel (Jos. Bell. iii. 3, 1), and some- 
ὅτε δὲ ἐγένετο ἡμᾶς ἐξαρτίσαι τὰς ἡμέρας. Acts times to Dora (Jos. Vit. 8), and sometimes even 
XX1. 0. to Ceesarea (Ant. xx. 9, 6). 

“4 Phoenicia was a narrow slip along the s5' Plin: Nat. Hist. v. 17. 


ξ 
NS 
δι 
s 

y 
ΠῚ 


᾿ Ba rracks@ 


~ de 
ζω μὴ 
- Road to Abilin 


Fig. 231.—Plan of Acre. From Admiralty Chart. 


Fig. 232.—Coin of Ptolemais or Acre. From Pellerin. 


Obv. Head of Claudius with the legend [Claudius] Cw. P. Max. Cos. iv. Imp. xiii, and therefore struck in A.p. 47, when 
Claudius was both Consul iv. and Imperator xiii. See Fasti δὶ p. 286. 
Rev. Two oxen striking the boundary line of the colony, with four standards bearing the numbers of the legions to which 
they belonged, viz., 6, 9,10, and 11. The colony was planted by the veterans of these four legions. 
Round the margin are the words Divos [ClJuujdius], the divine Claudius, shewing that divine honours were paid to the 
emperors even in their lifetime. At the foot of the reverse is the wore IIroA. (Ptolemais or Acre), and in the centre are the 
itizens saved). 


letters Col. C. C. S., Colonia Claudia cives servati (Claudian colony. 


VOL. I. 


ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. 


106 [a.v. 58] [Cuap. 11. 


stood on a promontory, the north-western horn of the crescent-like bay, of which the 
projecting rock of Mount Carmel formed the south-western horn. At the north of 
the bay, but to the south of the city, was a roadstead protected by a mole, now in 
ruins, running out from the south-western point of the promontory toward the 
coast.“ At the present day the sea at this part is not of sufficient depth for vessels 
of large tonnage, but on the south of the bay, under the shelter of Carmel, is 
anchorage for ships of the heaviest burden, which is the modern anchorage. 

At Acre was a numerous colony of Jews, as may be inferred from the fact that at 
the outbreak of the Jewish war 2000 were slain, besides those that were imprisoned,°* 
A church also had been planted at Acre, and Paul and his companions were evidently 
acquainted with the members of it, for Luke remarks that “we saluted the brethren 


and abode with them one day.” ἢ 


Czesarea was forty-four miles, or two days journey 
from Acre,*” and on Wednesday the 10th of May they reached Caesarea. Here also a 
Christian society had been formed, and was under the happiest auspices, as Philip the 
Evangelist, who had been one of the seven deacons, was residing there with his family. 
Meyer suggests that Philip must before this have resigned his office of deacon.*** But 
the fact is that, on the persecution in the time of Stephen, all the disciples were 
dispersed from Jerusalem with the exception of the Apostles.**! The deacons themselves 
therefore were amongst the fugitives, and indeed had they remained, their office would 
have been a sinecure on the breaking up of the church at Jerusalem. On their office 
becoming nugatory the deacons went about preaching the Gospel, not in the character 
of apostles, which they did not assume to be, but by the name of Evangelists. Philip, 
one of the seven, was long occupied in spreading the Gospel throughout Samaria,*” 


but eventually fixed his residence at Caesarea. 
333 


Philip had four daughters, who were 
virgins,’ and, touched with the zeal of their father, were prophetesses,* or ex- 
pounders of the sacred yolume. Paul took up his abode with him, and the communi- 
cation between them must have yielded the highest gratification, as they were both 
impressed with the same enlarged views of Christianity, Philip being the Evangelist 
of the Samaritans, and Paul the apostle of the Gentiles. 

The distance of Cxsarea from Jerusalem was, according to Josephus, six hundred 


seal or seventy-five miles,*” or according to Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum pee 


“6 See Robinson’s Palestine, 1856, p. 91. 

327 Jos. Bell. ii. 18, 5. 

B20 NCTE EXCL ie 

“8 The distance from Ptolemais or Acre in 
Anton. Itin. 1s Sycamina xxiiii, Cesarea xx., 
making together xliv. But in Itin. Hierosol. the 
distance is, 


MutatioCalamon ....... xii 
MansioSicamenos . ..... ~. ii. 
Mutatio Certa .. .. AG ἘΠῚ 


Civitas Czesarea Palestina, Gal ἘΠ Judea viii. 


XXX1. 


In the Peutinger Table, the distance is, Thora 
xx. Cresarea xxviii., making together xlviii. 

“0 Apostg. 376. 

$31 Acts viii. 3. 

$32 Acts vill. 5, 

*8 Philip had foilowed the advice of the 
Apostle, 1 Cor, vii. 87. 

84 See note ante, 1 Cor. xi. 5. 

8% Jos. Ant. xiii. 11,2; Bell. i. 3, 5. 


Cuap. II.] ST. PAUL AT C4iSAREA. [a.p. 88] 107 


eight miles, and was about a three days journey ; and as the feast of Pentecost was to 
occur on the 17th of May at 6p.a., Paul had several days to spare, which he might 
either pass at Jerusalem or at Cesarea. He preferred the latter,**° and this with a 
view to his own safety, for though it was his fixed resolution to be present at the feast 
at Jerusalem, he could not but be conscious that a sojourn there of any long continu- 
ance might lead to some popular commotion, and he proposed to reach it only just in 
time for the celebration of the Feast. 

While the Apostle was thus lingering at Caesarea, Agabus, a prophet of the Hebrew 
church, who had some years before predicted at Antioch the famine which occurred in 
the reign of Claudius,**’ came down from Jerusalem to Cesarea, and, with the symbolical 
action of the East, took Paul’s girdle and binding with it his own hands and feet 
exclaimed,*** “Thus saith the Holy Ghost, so shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the 
man that owneth this girdle, and shall deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles.” Ὁ 
Such was the gloomy announcement, and Luke and his other companions, and even 
the brethren of Caesarea, alarmed for his safety, used the most earnest entreaties that 
he would forego his visit to Jerusalem. But Paul, though warned of danger, had not 
been prohibited from the journey. Indeed, his sufferings at Jerusalem were eventually 
to be the means of transferring his labours to Rome, which for so many years he had 
been desirous of visiting. It pained an affectionate heart to refuse compliance with the 
wishes of dear friends, but Paul was resolute in the path of duty. ‘“ What mean ye,” he 
said, “to weep and to break mine heart, for I am ready not to be bound only, but also 
to die at Jerusalem, for the name of the Lord Jesus?” Upon this the disciples resigned 
themselves into the hands of Providence, saying, ‘‘ The will of the Lord be done.” **° 

On Monday the 15th of May, Paul and his friends, having packed up their baggage **! 


88 ἐπιμενόντων δὲ ἡμῶν ἡμέρας πλείους. Acts power of resistance into the outer or lower court. 


xxi. 10. 

$7 Acts xi. 28. 

*8 Symbolic action of this kind was a common 
usage with the prophets. See similar instances, 
Is. xxii. 2; Jer. xiii. 1; xxvii. 2; Ezek. iv. 1; 
ΚΤ τὸν OSs 1: ὦ. 

δῦ This may mean in a general sense that the 
Jews should be the cause of Paul’s imprisonment 
by the Romans, who should bind him hand and 
foot, which they did at all events when Paul 
was about to be put to the rack. However, the 
literal prophecy is that the Jews should bind 
Paul both hand and foot at Jerusalem before he 
was delivered to the Gentiles, and though the 
fulfilment of this prediction has not been re- 
corded by St. Luke, it may be surmised that 
when the Jews set upon Paulin the court of the 
women (a place deemed too sacred to be the 
scene of assassination), they at once bound him 
hand and foot in order to drag him without the 


It is said expressly that they laid violent hands 
on him: ἐπέβαλον τὰς χεῖρας ἐπὶ αὐτὸν, Acts xxi. 
27 ; and proceeded to drag him along: ἐπίλα- 
βόμενοι τοῦ Παύλου εἷλκον, Xxi. 80, and the Rab- 
binical instruction was to tie the hands and feet 
first. Thus: Postquam ad lapidationem con- 
demnatus est... veniunt testes; manus ac 
pedes ips‘us liyant ; ipsumque in locum lapida- 
tionis deducant. Tanchuma, fol. 39, 3, cited 
Schoettgen’s Hore Hebraic, i, 441. When 
Lysias came down he would naturally order 
the temporary bands of the Jews to be un- 
loosed, and direct Paul to be secured by two 
chains in the Roman fashion—de@nvar ἁλύσεσι 
δυσὶ (Acts xxi. 83)—viz. one from each wrist to 
the wrist of a soldier. 

*° An allusion perhaps to the words of the 
Lord’s prayer—* Thy will be done.” 

* Τὴ the Text. recept. the word is ἀποσκευα- 
σάμενοι (Acts xxi. 15), which the Eng. ver. 

Ρ 2 


108 [a.b. 58] ARRIVAL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuap. II. 


and taking with them the contributions of Macedonia and Achaia for the poor saints at 
Jerusalem, set out upon their ominous journey. The company of brethren must have 
been almost as numerous as a caravan, for Paul was not only attended by Luke, 
Trophimus, and others, but many of the brethren of Caesarea also accompanied him to 
the feast. 

They arrived at Jerusalem on Wednesday the 17th of May, when Paul was con- 
ducted by his Cesarean companions to the house of their acquaintances Mnason, a 
Cyprian,” and an ancient disciple,“ with whom the Apostle was to lodge.*** The 
Pentecost was to begin at six o'clock the same evening. 

Having thus traced Paul to Jerusalem, we must resume our sketch of the civil 
state of Judea, as the interesting occurrences we are about to relate have a close connec- 
tion with political events and historical personages. That Paul, however long on his 
journey, had not come to Jerusalem before the very day of the festival, is evident 
from his afterwards reminding Felix that only twelve days had elapsed since his 
arrival, as Felix, he continues, who was familiar with the time of the Feast, must be 
aware,**? and of course Felix could only judge of the duration of Paul’s sojourn on 
The Feast of 


Pentecost lasted one day only, that is, from 6 p.m. one day to 6 p.m. the next day, as 
346 


the supposition that he came to Jerusalem on the day of the Feast. 


appears from Josephus. 


renders: ‘ we took up our carriages,’ or things to 
he earried, i.e. ‘our baggage.” But ἀποσκευασά- 
μενοι is rather ‘we unpacked our luggage’; and 
some take Luke to mean that they disencum- 
bered themselves of their heavy baggage and 
left it at Ceesarea. However, there is a great 
variety of readings ; as besides ἀποσκευασάμενοι 
we meet with ἀποταξάμενοι and ἐπισκευασάμενοι. 
The last appears the best, aud is adopted by 
Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, and then 
the proper meaning is, ‘having packed up our 
baggage and put it upon the beasts of burden.’ 
See Kuinoel, Acts xxi. 15. 

‘2 And therefore a fellow-countryman of 
Barnabas, and perhaps converted by Pauli and 
Barnabas on their first circuit. But as he is 


called an old disciple, be may have been one of 
those residents at Jerusalem who were dispersed 
from Jerusalem more than twenty years before, 
on the persecution by Saul. Acts xi. 19. 

38 ἀρχαίῳ μαθητῇ. Acts xxi.16. Perhaps an 
original disciple, but certainly an old disciple, 
as opposed to a neophyte. See 1 Tim. iii. 6. 

Ἢ There are two interpretations of Acts xxi. 
16: one that Mnason was at Czesarea and went 
up with them to be their host at Jerusalem ; 
the other, that he was at Jerusalem, and that 
Paul was conducted to his house by his fellow- 
travellers from Cresarea. See Kuinoel, Acts xxi. 
16. The latter view is adopted in the text. 

#5) Acts xxiv. 11. 


46 Jos. Ant. xiii. 8,4. See p. 142, post. 


109 


CHAPTER ΤΙ. 


Review of Jewish History, from the Death of Agrippa sv. 44 to ap. 58—Sketeh of 
Jerusalem, and of the Leading Public Characters at the time of Paul's arrival. 


Bitter is bondage to the freeborn mind, 
Evyn where the lord would fain make service light. 
But, oh! how bitter where the cords that bind 
Are drawn the tightest! Where the oppressor’s might, 
Spurning at law and trampling upon right, 
Rushes, like wolf, on its defenceless prey. 
Such, land of Judah, thy unhappy plight! 
The crafty freedman who has fawned his way 
From servitude to power, now rules with ruthless sway. 
Anon. 


We parted from the thread of Jewish history at the death of Agrippa the Great, who, 
in a.v. 44, after a reign of seven years, expired in agony at Caesarea, while celebrating 
the games there in honour of the Emperor Claudius, on his return from the conquest 
of Britain. He left four children, Agrippa the younger, his only son, and: three 
daughters, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla. Agrippa was at that time seventeen 
years of age, and was in detention as a kind of hostage at Rome, at the court of 
Claudius, who took charge of his education. Bernice was sixteen, and a little before 
had married her paternal uncle, Herod of Chalcis. Mariamne at her father’s death 
was only ten years of age, and Drusilla was six. The latter grew up to be one of the 
most celebrated beauties of the day. The young Agrippa had learnt the vices of the 
age at the Imperial Court, but profligacy is the only charge that history has recorded 
against him. He is described by Josephus as a man of extraordinary accomplish- 
ments.! His three sisters were all of them but indifferent characters, and, indeed, 
the single favourable trait mentioned of any one of them is, that at the commence- 
ment of the Jewish war Bernice, as the representative of her family, in the absence of 
her brother Agrippa, had the courage and patriotism to present herself barefooted as 
a suppliant before the tribunal of Gessius Florus, the tyrannical Procurator, to inter- 
cede for the lives of her countrymen, whose blood he was then recklessly shedding." 

Agrippa, the late king, had received a solemn promise from the Emperor Claudius 
that Agrippa, his son, should inherit his crown, and the Emperor, who, with many 


%* Jos. Bell. ii. 15, 1. 


1 “Ἢ θαυμασιώτατος Βασιλεὺς “Aypinras. Jos. ¢. Apion. i. 9. 


110 [a.p. 44] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Curap. I]. 


faults, had much kindness of heart, was now desirous of redeeming his pledge. How- 
ever, he had neither decision of character nor talents for business, and was entirely 
under the government of his wife Agrippina, and some favourite freedmen. They 
represented, and not without some plausibility, that the feeble hands of a stripling 
like Agrippa were little capable of swaying the sceptre of such a rebellious province 
as Judea; that the wisest course, at least for the present, would be to appoint a Pro- 
curator, whose experience and known talents would furnish some security for the 
maintenance of tranquillity. Claudius succumbed to the advice (calculated no doubt 
to answer the private ends of the counsellors), and Agrippa was retained about the 
court for the amusement of the Emperor who had a partiality for him, atid the 
kingdom of Judea again became a Roman province, annexed, as before, to Syria, but 
governed by a separate Procurator. 

Cuspius Fadus was the first to fill the office, and during the short continuance of 
his administration, the wisdom of his rule justified the appointment. Amongst other 
beneficial acts, he captured and put to death Tholomeus, the notorious captain of 
banditti, who had infested the south-western parts of Judea for many years. 
Throughout the province also, by the prudent measures that were taken, the 
marauders were dragged from their hiding-places, and public security was for a time 
restored.” 

The next matter that engaged the Procurator’s attention may appear trifling at 
first sight, but had a strange importance in the eyes of the Jews. The pontifical 
robes worn on the great festivals had originally been kept in a vestry built on the 
mount a little to the north of the Temple, afterwards the site of Fort Antonia. When 
the vestry was fortified by Herod, the robes were still preserved in the garrison, and 
upon the banishment of Archelaus, and the reduction of Judea to a Roman province 
(a.v. 6), they came under the custody of the military Governor of Antonia, by whom, 
the day before a feast,’ they were delivered out to the High Priest, and on the con- 
clusion of the ceremony were again restored to their repository, and laid up under 
the seal of the treasurers of the Temple. Thirty-one years after the banishment of 
Archelaus, Vitellius the Prefect of Syria, being present at Jerusalem at the Pass- 
over, A.D. 97,3. and pleased with his welcome, granted the Jews the boon of taking 
the robes under their own charge, and so it continued until the death of Agrippa the 
elder. Cuspius Fadus, on being appointed to the province (a.p. 44), had received 
orders from the Emperor to withdraw the pontifical robes, and also the crown of Agrippa, 
from the custody of the Jews and keep them in Fort Antonia, under the surveillance 


2 ἐκαθάρθη τε λῃστηρίων a ὑντεῦθεν ἡ θωμά νων τῷ €6 ύτῳ διὰ τῆς 
ἄρθη ηστηρίων ἅπασα τοὐντεῦθεν ἡ κατορθωμάτων γινομένων τῷ ἔθνει TOUTE ὰ τῆ 


Ἰουδαία φροντίδι καὶ προνοίᾳ τῇ Φάδου. Jos. Ant. σῆς προνοίας πάντῃ τε καὶ πανταχοῦ. Acts 
xx. 1,1. Felix also cleared the country of rob- xxiv. ὃ. 
bers; and Tertullus’s compliment to him upon 3 Tn another place, Josephus says “seven days 


the occasion is conveyed in nearly similar lan- before.” Cf. Ant. xviii. 4, 3, and Ant. xy. 11, 4. 
guage: Πολλῆς εἰρήνης τυγχάνοντες διὰ σοῦ, καὶ 8. See Fasti Sacri, p. 248, No. 1495. 


παρ. IIT.] HISTORY OF JUDEA, [a.p. 45] 111 


of the Romans. As the execution of the injunction would, as was foreseen, throw all 
Jerusalem into a ferment, the Procurator took no steps until Longinus, the Prefect 
of Syria, had arrived with an overwhelming force. Fadus then issued the command, 
and the utmost consternation followed. To resist by arms was hopeless, but by the 
most earnest importunities, the Jews at length prevailed that on giving their 
children as hostages, they might be permitted to send ambassadors to Rome, to lay 
the case before the Emperor. Young Agrippa, who was still at the Imperial Court, 
was of great service in introducing his countrymen, and obtaining for them a favour- 
able hearing. The request was granted, and as the rescript of Claudius does honour 
to Roman liberality, and shows the friendly feeling entertained by Claudius towards 
the Jews generally, and the family of Agrippa in particular, we shall transcribe it 
entire. 

“ Crauprus Cxsar Grermantcus, TripuNE OF THE PEOPLE THE FIFTH TIME, ConsUL 
ELECT THE FOURTH TIME, IMPERATOR THE TENTH TIME, THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY—TO 
THE MaGistRavTEs OF JERUSALEM, THE SENATE, THE PEOPLE, AND ALL THE NATION OF 
THE JEWS, GREETING. 

“ My Agrippa (whom I have educated, and retain with me as most dutiful) haying 
introduced to me your ambassadors who came to thank me for the care I had taken 
of your nation, and earnestly and anxiously entreated that the holy vest and the 
crown might be in your custody, I grant it, as was done by the most noble and 
excellent Vitellius, and I am of this mind, first from my own sense of religion, and my 
desire that all men should live according to the customs of their fathers, and next, 
because I know that in so doing I shall highly gratify King Herod himself, and Aris- 
tobulus the younger,* with whose loyalty to myself and zeal for your interests I am 
well acquainted, with whom I have the greatest friendship, as they are most worthy 
and esteemed by me. I have also written about these matters to Cuspius Fadus, my 
Procurator. 

“ The bearers of the letter are Cornelius, son of Keron, Typhon son of Theudion, 
Dorotheus son of Nathaniel, John son of John. Dated the 4th before the kalends of 
July, in the Consulship of Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus ” (28th June, a.p. 45).° 

The Herod and Aristobulus referred to in the rescript, were Herod, King of 
Chalcis, and Aristobulus his son. As Claudius was in this good humour, Herod of 
Chalcis now preferred a request of his own, which also was complied with, viz., that 
he, as representative of the royal family during the minority of young Agrippa, 
might have (1) the appointment of the High Priests, (2) the superintendence of 
the Temple, and (3) the regulation of the Corban, or sacred treasure. This triple 
favour was one of no little magnitude, especially the last, as may be conceived from 
the fact that every Jew, both in and out of Judea, paid annually to the Temple a poll- 


4 Aristobulus, the son of Herod of Chalcis, 5 Ant. xx. 1,2. See Fasti Sacri, p. 283, No. 
and called the younger to distinguish him from 1691. 
Aristobulus the brother of Herod of Chalcis. 


112 [a.p. 46] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuar. ILI. 


tax of two drachmas, about seventeen pence, so that a continual stream of contributions 
was pouring into Jerusalem from all quarters of the globe.’ This wealth, as it flowed 
in, was expended for the present on the repairs of the Temple, according to the 
magnificent design projected by Herod the Great. That monarch had commenced 
the undertaking after a year’s preparations, about the eighteenth year before the 
Christian era, and it was proceeding when our Saviour visited it with His disciples in 
a.p. 29. “ Forty and six years,” said the Jews, “ has this temple been building, and 
wilt thou rear it up in three days?”? Though eighteen thousand men were constantly 
employed upon the work, the fabric was not fully completed until a.p. 65, only five 
years before its destruction by the army of Titus.* 

Herod of Chalcis, being invested with these honours, lost no time in exercising 
his prerogative, for he forthwith deposed Elonzus, called Cantheras, who had been 
left in the high priesthood by Agrippa the Great, and appointed Joseph, the son 
of Cami, in his stead ;° and not long after, being displeased with the latter, deprived 
him of the office to make room for Ananias, of whom we shall hear more presently.” 

Cuspius Fadus, having governed Judea for two years, was succeeded in a.p. 46 by 
Tiberius Alexander, the son of Alexander the Alabarch of Alexandria, and the 
nephew of Philo, the celebrated philosopher.’ Tiberius was a renegade, and had 
abandoned the religion of his fathers to further his worldly interests." He was now 
rewarded for his subserviency by being appointed to the province of Judea. Unprin- 
cipled as he was, he seems to have retained some of his better feelings, for during the 
whole period of his administration he committed no gross or flagrant violation of the 
Jewish constitution. At the end of two years he was recalled, but still continued on 
the road to preferment, for he afterwards succeeded to the Prefecture of Egypt,’* and 
in the Jewish war was the generalissimo of the forces under Titus at the destruction 
of Jerusalem.’ His conscience must have smitten him as he witnessed, partly by his 
own instrumentality, the conflagration of that Temple, which he had been taught in 
his childhood to regard as the Holy of Holies. On the fall of Jerusalem, he was com- 
pensated for his services by the erection of a triumphal statue in his honour at Rome, 
much to the disgust of the public, as we learn from the Satirist :— 

“ Atque triumphales, inter quas ausus habere 


Nescio quis titulos Hgyptius atque Alabarches.” 
Juv. Sat. 1. 129. 


Oh! shame amongst the Roman great, to mark 
That mountebank, th’ Egyptian Alabarch. 


5 See Vol. I. p. 31. 1 Jos. Ant. xviii. 8,1. See Fasti Sacri, p. 285, 
7 John ii. 20. See Fasti Sacri, p. 94, No. 745. Νο. 1701. 
5 Jos. Ant. xx. 9,7. See Fasti Sacri, p. 336, BeOS PAM te eXX. ὦ, ὧι 

No. 1978. 18 Tac. Hist. i.11; ii. 74,79. Jos. Bell. 11. 15,1. 
2 Joss Anta xx. 15,9. Fasti Sacri, p. 348, No. 2004. 
10 Jos. Ant. xx. 5, 2. M4 Jos. Bell. iv. 10, 6; vi. 4, 3. 


Cuap. IIT.) HISTORY OF JUDEA, Ta.p. 48] 113 


The united administrations of Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alexander, the two 
first Procurators of Judea, occupied a period of four years, and during that interval 
(a.p. 44-48) prevailed the great famine,’® which, in the words of Luke, “ came to 
pass in the days of Claudius Casar.”* It was foretold by Agabus, as we have seen, 
and Paul and Barnabas, in anticipation of it, had carried up to Jerusalem the 
collection of the Antiochian church for the relief of the Hebrew Christians. 

The successor of Tiberius Alexander was Ventidius Cumanus, who was appointed 
in A.D. 48,7 a man cold and unfeeling, regardless of human suffering, a rigid exacter 
of vengeance where it endangered not his power, and shamelessly blind to the 
violation of law where the accused had the means of influencing the scales of justice 
by the offer of a bribe. 

Cumanus had no sooner arrived in his province than Herod, the brother of Agrippa 
the elder and King of Chalcis, died, leaving three children, Aristobulus by a former 
wife, and Bernicianus and Hyreanus by Bernice.'*  Aristobulus had attained to 
manhood, and a few years after (a.p. 55) was promoted to the government of the 
lesser Armenia.!? The two others were infants, as Bernice their mother was still only 
twenty. Agrippa the younger, who, at the death of his uncle, had reached the age of 
twenty-one, was now invested with the kingdom of Chalcis, a high-sounding title, 
but conferring little extent of territory, and a very moderate income. Agrippa, 
therefore, still remained at the imperial court, and Bernice his sister, the widow of 
Herod of Chalcis, seems to haye joined him at Rome, and to have resided at his house. 
Indeed, scandal was very busy with her character, and we learn from the Satirist that 
the fashionable world in the capital had shrewd suspicions of too great a familiarity 
between her and Agrippa— 

“ Adamas notissimus et Berenices 
In digito factus pretiosior : hune dedit olim 


Barbarus inceste, dedit hune Agrippa sorori.” 
Juy. Sat. vi. 156. 


See what a brilliant doth Bernice wear ! 
Sparkling itself—more sparkling on the fair! 
This to his sister young Agrippa gave, 

Of men a monarch, but to lust a slave! 


18 ἐπὶ τούτοις δὴ καὶ τὸν μέγαν λιμὸν κατὰ THY γὰρ ἐκείνους περιβεβλημένους ὠκεανὸν, καὶ τῆς καθ᾽ 
Ἰουδαίαν συνέβη γενέσθαι. Jos. Ant. xx.5,2. The ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης οὐκ ἐλάσσονα νῆσον οἰκοῦντας, 
words of Luke are nearly the same: ἐσήμανε διὰ πλεύσαντες ἐδουλώσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι. Bell. ii. 16, 4. 

. τοῦ Πνεύματος, λιμὸν μέγαν μέλλειν ἔσεσθαι ἐφ᾽ ὅλην Cf. Ant. viii. 13, 4; and see Fasti Sacri, p. 109, 
THY οἰκουμένην. Acts xi. 28. τὴν οἰκουμένην here No, 835. 


means, not the world, but Judea, as in Luke xxi. 16 Acts xi. 28. 

26; Acts xi. 28. Josephus also occasionally ap- ‘7 Fasti Sacri, p. 287, No. 1719. 

plies ἡ οἰκουμένη to Judea only; thus Agrippa the 18. Jos. Ant. xx. 5,2. See Fasti Sacri, p. 287, 
younger, who honours us with the mention of No. 1720. 

Britain, dissuades the Jews from rebellion by the 9. Jos. Ant. xx. 8,4. See Fasti Sacri, p. 305, 


following argument: σκέψασθε δὲ kai τὸ Βρεττανῶν ΝΟ. 1825. 
τεῖχος οἱ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμων τείχεσι πεποιθότες" καὶ 


VOL. I. Q 


114 [a.v. 48] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuar, III. 


At the same time that Agrippa was installed in the kingdom of Chalcis, he was 
also invested with the prerogative of appointing the High Priests and with the 
wardenship of the Temple and the disposition of the Corban. As Josephus expressly 
mentions the exercise of these powers by Agrippa from this period, it must have 
been an oversight when he wrote that the same privileges continued till the end of 
the war with the descendants of Herod of Chalcis—he must have meant with his family 
in the collateral line.” 

The Procuratorship of Cumanus was from beginning to end (from a.p. 48 to 
λον, 52)?! one continued scene of bloodshed. The first occurrence of the kind threw 
At the great Jewish festivals, namely, the Passover, 
Pentecost and Tabernacles, there were wont to be congregated at Jerusalem vast 


half Jerusalem into mourning. 


multitudes of people from all quarters, amounting, it is said, to the almost incredible 
number of nearly 3,000,000 males.** These, in the course of their devotions, were 
daily streaming into the Temple,a square area, measuring a furlong on each side, and 
encompassed by a high wall, with an open colonnade round the interior. Upon the 
roof of the cloister, on the western side, a body of Roman soldiers was usually 
stationed at the festivals, and was kept under arms to repress, at the instant, any 
outbreak amongst thé turbulent mass below, and whom the guard, from their elevation, 
could narrowly watch. At the Passover of a.p. 49," when Cumanus had been not a 
year in office, one of the Roman soldiery upon the portico offered a gross insult by his 
indecency to the worshippers in the Temple, and the dense multitude was at once 
thrown into a ferment, and bitter invectives were uttered against Cumanus, who was 
accused of haying prompted the affront. The Jews, despairing of redress from the 
Procurator, were for taking vengeance themselves. Stones began to be thrown at 
the soldiers, as heavy drops of rain betoken the impending storm. Cumanus saw that 
a conflict was at hand, and doubting the sutliciency of the force posted on the cloister 


and at Antonia, with which the porticoes communicated, marched down his whole 


#0 Jos. Ant. xx. 1,3: 


τὴν πληθὺν ἐξαριθμήσασθαι. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐνστάσης τῆς 
+l See Fasti Sacri, p. 296, No. 1775. 


ἑορτῆς (πάσχα καλεῖται) Kal? ἣν θύουσι μὲν ἀπὸ 


32 In the time of Nero, Cestius ordered the 
priests to calculate the population from the 
number of sacrifices at the Passover. It was 
found that the sacrifices were 256,500; and 
allowing ten persons (there were sometimes 
twenty) to join together in offering each sacri- 
fice, the worshippers alone would exceed two 
millions and a half. To these would be added 
such as were excluded from participating—as 
the Jews that were unclean and the Gentiles. 
The passage in Josephus is so curious that we 
transcribe it: °Os (Κέστιος), τὴν ἀκμὴν τῆς πόλεως 
διαδηλῶσαι Νέρωνι βουλόμενος καταφρονοῦντι τοῦ 
ἔθνους, παρεκάλεσε τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς, εἴ πως δυνατὸν εἴη, 


ap a , 5 ἢ “ ὃ ; 
ἐννάτης ὥρας μέχρι ἐνδεκάτης, ὥσπερ δὲ φρατρία 
περὶ ἑκάστην γίνεται θυσίαν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἀνδρῶν 
δέκα (μόνον γὰρ οὐκ ἔξεστι δαίνυσθαι, πολλοὶ δὲ σὺν 
εἴκοσιν ἀθροίζονται), τῶν μὲν οὖν θυμάτων εἴκοσι 
Ε ; sip : 
πέντε μυριάδας ἠρίθμησαν, πρὸς δὲ ἑξακισχίλια καὶ 
πεντακόσια. Τίνονται δ᾽ ἀνδρῶν, ἵνα ἑκάστου δέκα 
δαιτυμόνας θῶμεν, μυριάδες ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ διακόσιαι 
καθαρῶν ἁπάντων καὶ ἁγίων, οὔτε γὰρ λεπροῖς, οὔτε 
> P 
yovoppotois, οὔτε γυναιξὶν ἐπαμμήνοις, οὔτε τοῖς 
τ , Vas Ξ ; 
ἄλλως μεμιασμένοις, eEnv τῆςδε τῆς θυσίας μεταλαμ- 
βάνειν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις ὅσοι κατὰ θρησκείαν 
παρῆσαν. Bell. vi. 9, 3. 
*8 See Fasti Sacri, p. 290; No. 1736. 


Cuap. IIL] HISTORY OF JUDEA, [a.p. 51] 115 


army from the barracks round the Preetorium in the Upper City. No sooner did his 
troops appear in sight than a sudden panic seized the defenceless multitude, and 
fearing an instantaneous onslaught, the cry was “Fly, Fly.” They struggled to 
extricate themselves from the crowded court of the Temple, but in vain. Such was 
the throng, and so narrow the outlets, that in their efforts to escape they only 
trampled down each other, and in one fatal hour there perished within the four walls 
of the Temple more than ten thousand, or according to another account as many 
as twenty thousand, persons. Thus a day of rejoicing was converted into one of 
lamentation and woe. 

This disaster was followed by another of much less magnitude in its actual conse- 
quences, but which nearly involyed the nation in a general insurrection. Jerusalem 
being the Jewish, as Caesarea was the Roman, capital of the province, couriers of the 
Emperor and the Procurator were continually passing along the high road, connecting 
the two. It ran through Bethoron, which was a few miles from Jerusalem. One of 
the Imperial messengers was travelling with property of considerable value under his 
charge, when at Bethoron he was suddenly set upon by some banditti, and plundered of 
the treasure. Cumanus was in a fury at such an outrage against the meanest servant 
of the divine Cesar, and the miscreants having escaped, he commanded his troops to 
lay waste the adjoining villages, and bring the principal inhabitants in chains before 
him. In the execution of this tyrannical order, one of the soldiers in ransacking a 
village came upon a copy of the Holy Scriptures, when, in the face of the people, he 
tore it to pieces, and with much blasphemous language committed it to the flames. 
The whole nation was in a tumult, and pouring down to Cesarea, and throwing 
themselves at the feet of the Procurator, implored him to avenge the insult offered to 
the God of Israel. Cumanus was staggered at their state of excitement, and fearing 
an instantaneous rebellion, called his council together, and, fortunately for the nation, 
determined on sacrificing one life for the general safety. The soldier was put under 
arrest, and hurried to execution.” 

The next event possesses unusual interest, as it led to the expulsion of the Jews 
from Rome by Claudius, and the appointment of Felix in the room of Cumanus. 

Samaria lay between Galilee and Judea, and at the principal feasts the Galilean 
worshippers, on their road to Jerusalem,** were wont to pass through the hostile 
country, and were, of course, on their route exposed to all kinds of insult, and, not 
unfrequently, were waylaid and assassinated. It will be remembered that a village 
of the Samaritans would not receive our blessed Saviour, “‘ because his face was as 
though he would go to Jerusalem,”*’ and that Jesus in consequence turned to the 


% Jos. Ant. xx. 5, 3; Bell. ii. 12, 1. ἀπὸ Ταλιλαίας ἔνεστιν οὕτως eis Ἱεροσόλυμα κατα- 
35 Jos. Ant. xx. ὅ, 4; Bell. ii. 12, 2. λῦσαι. Jos. Vit. lii. 
35. From Galilee to Jerusalem through Samaria ὅτ Luke ix. 53. 


was only a three days’ journey: τρισὶ yap ἡμέραις 
δ ys J Y= τρισὶ y 


lho 


Q 


116 [a.p. 51] HISTORY OF JUDEA, (Chap. IIT. 


east, along the borders of Samaria,” and crossing the Jordan, descended the left bank 
till he reached the confines of Judea. At the time of which we are speaking, under 
the administration of Cumanus (4.D. 51), some Galileans were going up to the feast 
of Tabernacles, through Samaria, and had reached the village of Ginwa, when a 
skirmish ensued, and several of the Galileans were slain. The Jews rushed open- 
mouthed to Cumanus and demanded the instant punishment of the offenders. The 
Samaritans, however, were no less active on their side, and, anticipating an appeal 
to the Procurator, had secured impunity at his hands by an adequate bribe. The 
complaint of the Jews was slighted, and it was evident that a false weight had been 
furtively placed in the balance. 

The tumultuous assemblage no sooner received the intimation that the Procurator 
was deaf to their cries, than they resolved on taking reprisals into their own hands, 
and the rising passions of the people were fomented by many high-spirited but short- 
sighted patriots, who sought an opportunity of trying the fortune of war against the 
Roman power. The wiser part of the community saw how hopeless would be the 
struggle, and exerted their utmost to withstand the force of the rising tide; but 
Ananias, the High Priest, and his son, Ananus, then captain of the Temple, were 
injudicious enough to lend their secret countenance to the movement, and they shortly 
afterwards paid the penalty of their imprudence. The congregated multitudes of 
Jerusalem, without leaders, and following only a blind fury, now streamed down into 
Samaria, and there united themselves to a numerous band of robbers, under the 
command of Eleazar, a bandit, who had for the last eighteen years been the terror of 
the neighbourhood.** The blended mass began devastating the villages of Samaria, 
burning all before them, and sparing neither age nor sex in their promiscuous 
slaughter. 

Cumanus regarded this (and not without some reason) as an open revolt against 
the Imperial Government, and with all haste marched from Czsarea with four legions 
and the Augustan horse to the relief of the Samaritans. He soon came up with the 
disorderly host, and gave them battle, when the discipline of the regular troops pre- 
vailed, and many of the insurgentswere slain and more were taken prisoners. Cumanus 
forwarded a dispatch to Rome (and doubtless with much exaggeration) that the whole 
province was in a state of revolt, but that for the present he had achieved a victory. 

Claudius, an excitable and timid character, was, upon the receipt of the intelli- 
gence, at the very beginning of a.p. 52,*° thrown into a panic, and apprehensive that 
the many thousands of Jews who were domiciled in his capital might, from sympathy 
with their countrymen, be led to some act of treason, issued an edict that all of the 


> Luke (xvii. 11) writes: διήρχετο διὰ μέσον in early life to the ‘Christian Remembrancer, 
Σαμαρείας καὶ Ταλιλαίας, which must mean διὰ and signed B. B P. 
pecopiov, through the borders of Samaria and *9 See Fasti Sacri, p. 247, No. 1491. 
Galilee or the parts lying between them. See an © See Fasti Sacri, p. 295, No. 1774. 
article on this subject contributed by the author 


Cuap. III.) HISTORY OF JUDEA. [a.D. 52] 117 


Jewish race should depart from Rome.*' It was in consequence of this proclamation 
that Aquila and Priscilla, who were of the proscribed class, set sail for Corinth, where, 
as we have seen, they encountered the Apostle Paul. 

In the meantime the magnates of Jerusalem were appalled at the threatening 
aspect of the horizon. Romans and Jews had met on the field of battle, and un- 
less every effort were strained a general war would ensue, which must terminate 
in the destruction of their country. With this dread before their eyes they hastened, 
regardless of their own safety, to the scene of action, and in sackcloth and ashes, 
implored their misguided countrymen not to pursue the gratification of their revenge 
for the death of a few Galileans, at the imminent risk of laying their holy city, and 
still hoher Temple, in the dust This earnest expostulation prevailed, the more 
readily, perhaps, from the insurgents haying already sustained a check, and most of 
the disorganized multitude returned to their own homes. The ringleaders, however, 
and such as had compromised themselves too deeply to hope for mercy, retired with 
the banditti to the fastnesses in the mountains, and from that time the adjoining 
country was constantly overrun by their ravages. 

The violence of the storm had passed, but the serenity of the heavens was not to be 
restored in a moment. Quadratus, the Prefect of Syria, and to whom the Procurator of 
Judea was amenable, had, on the first intelligence of the revolt, moved with his forces 
from Antioch, and was already arrived at Tyre, on the high road to Judea. The 
leading Samaritans now presented themselyes before him, and charged the Jews with 
treason against the Emperor, in having levied war against the friendly state of 
Samaria. The Jews, on the other hand, retorted the murder of the Galileans, and 
the corruption of the Roman Procurator. Their cause was ably advocated by Jonathan, 
the son of Annas, a powerful speaker, who had formerly been High Priest, and was 
in the utmost credit both from his political abilities and private virtues. Quadratus 
adjourned the hearing until he should reach the neighbourhood of the conflict. He 
then marched to Cesarea, where he crucified the prisoners who had been taken by 
Cumanus. 

At the opening of the next year (a.p. 52) he pursued the high road to Jerusalem, 
as far as Lydda, where the trial was resumed. Being satisfied upon a full and appa- 
rently an impartial investigation, that Ananias, the High Priest, and his son, Ananus, 
the captain of the Temple, were implicated, he placed them both under arrest. 
Eighteen Jews of the inferior sort were beheaded. Cumanus was convicted of haying 
taken a bribe, and Celer, his tribune, was found equally guilty. Quadratus resolved, 
therefore, on sending Ananias and Ananus, and Cumanus and Celer (the two first 
in fetters) to Rome, to be dealt with at the Emperor’s pleasure. He at the same time 


3 The expulsion of the disaffected from Rome xii. 52, xiii, 25; Suet. Tib. 36, Claud. 25, 23, 
or from Italy was a common practice. See Dion  Vitell. 14. 
XXxvii. 9, lvi. 23, lvii. 21; Tac. Amn. ii. 85, iv. 15, 


118 [a.v. 52] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [παρ᾿ III. 


dispatched thither some of the most influential men amongst the Jews, including 
Jonathan, their adyocate, and also the chiefs of the Samaritans, to settle their dis- 
putes with each other at the Imperial tribunal. He then proceeded himself to 
Jerusalem, but finding the people in perfect repose, and engaged in celebrating the 
feast of the Passover, he returned to Antioch.” 

We must now transfer the scene to Rome, where the controversy between the 
contending parties was to be finally decided. The Emperor Claudius was a man little 
adapted to the exercise of any judicial functions. He was still in the vigour of age, 
being in his sixty-second year, but was dull of intellect, and from his very infancy 
had been the butt of the court. He was entirely governed by his wife for the time 
being (and he had married four in succession), and by his favourite freedmen. Of 
the latter no one was more prominent or influential than Pallas. He and his brother 
Felix had been imported as slaves, perhaps from Arcadia, and had been purchased 
by Antonia, the mother of Claudius. Pallas was evidently gifted by nature with an 
excellent understanding, and soon became the most useful and confidential of Antonia’s 
domestics, and was employed by her upon all matters of unusual importance.** He 
and his brother were afterwards rewarded for their services by manumission, and on 
the death of Antonia, in a.p. 37, they attached themselves to Claudius, and of course 
they did not desert him on his elevation to the Imperial purple. Pallas was now set 
over the accounts, or was comptroller of the household, an office not very different 
from our First Lord of the Treasury; and Felix (who had adopted the prenomen of 
Antonius,” in honour of his late mistress, and recently the name of Claudius,** out 
of compliment to the Emperor) was advanced in the army; but to avoid giving 
unnecessary offence to the Roman pride, he was made colonel, not of a legion, but of 
one of the cohorts of auxihary foot, and afterwards, by way of promotion, of a troop 
of auxiliary horse.*’ Pallas and Felix were at this time (the beginning of a.p. 52) 
basking in the full sunshine of royal favour. On the death of Messalina, the late 
wife of the Emperor, in a.p, 48, Claudius had announced his intention of marrying 


Jos. Ant. xx. 6,2; Bell. ii. 12,5. As some Antiquities. | Wars. 

have attempted to impugn the truth of the 20s- τ Many ‘Peal iba are” killed | One Galilean a8 killed; Cu- 
Sanete Ξ Ξ . Cumanus refuses to interfere | manus refuses to interfere, from 

pels by pointing out apparent discrepancies 1 from having recetved a bribe. | having more weighty business 

minute particulars between the diferent Eyan- | on hand. 

gelists, it may be useful to see how the same — Cumanus takes from Cesarea | Cumanus takes a troop of 

historian, Josephus, who professes the greatest Sa og cre Mpa Hiei plots ober 

exactness, and is considered, and justly, a high ‘He comes to Samaria, where The same scene is laid at 

authority, is occasionally at variance even with he Ree ae naa (03: ea. ΔῈΝ 

himself. In his two accounts of the outbreak ἜΣΕΙ as lathes yr ihe wasaeeeae 


in Samaria (and this may be taken as a sample) 
there are the following diversities within the 
compass of two short chapters. 


Se ΤΠ λο. Ann. xii. 53. 
* Josephus calls him ὁ mordétatos τῶν δούλων. 
Ant. xviii. 6, 6. 


Antiquities. | Wars. δ é 
35 das, KA 2 
The village where the out- It is called Gema. ἘΣ Bee Suidas, αὔδιος. 
break began is called Ginwa. | See Tac. Hist. v. 9. 


It is said tu be on the confines 


It is suid to be in the Great 37 Suet. Claud. xxviii. 
of Sumaria and the Great Plain. 


Plain. 


Cuap, 111. HISTORY OF JUDEA, [a.D. 52] 119 


again, and, several Roman ladies contesting the honour, Pallas had fortunately 
advocated the pretensions of Agrippina, the successful candidate.” 

The most important personage in the civilised world at this time (a.p. 52) was 
Agrippina, and next to her was Pallas, and if Jonathan and the Jewish party could 
only wind themselves into the good graces of these two, their cause was won. They 
had opportunely the means of doing this by the instrumentality of young Agrippa, 
who now of the age of twenty-five, and recently invested with the petty kingdom of 
Chaleis, was still lingering about the Imperial Court, in the hope (which was shortly 
afterwards gratified) of attaining to some higher dignity. Agrippa, ever ready to 
assist his countrymen, introduced Jonathan to Pallas, and though history has not 
preserved the particulars, it is evident from what followed that a kind of compact 
was entered into between the Jewish advocate and the pampered freedman. Pallas 
was to use his influence with Agrippina and the Emperor in behalf of the Jews, and 
in return Jonathan, as the representative of his nation, was to petition the Emperor 
to confer on Felix, the brother of Pallas, the Procuratorship of Judea. 

Cumanus and the Samaritans, on the other side, were equally active in endeavour- 
ing to bias the mind of the Emperor, through the instrumentality of his freedmen, 
and as Cumanus was a Roman and well connected, he had peculiar facilities for 
pushing his interests. The machinery, however, which he put in motion, was not, 
as we shall see, attended with success. 

Claudius sat on such occasions in the Temple of Apollo, within the Palace, on the 
Palatine Hill, or in some neighbouring Temple, as of Hercules * or Mars. The stupi- 
dity of the man was proverbial, and yet he seems to have prided himself on his legal 
abilities—at least no Emperor was more laborious in this department of the Imperial 
duties.“° In external appearance, indeed, as he sat on the tribunal he commanded 
the respect of the by-standers, for he was tall of stature and of portly person, with 
regular features and a profusion of hair, bleached by the hand of time. He had, 
however, a tremulous motion of the head, was rather hard of hearing,’ and when he 
opened his lips, though gifted with a tolerable command of words, he betrayed a thick 
and faltering speech, and the oracles that fell from him were not always prompted by 
the god of wisdom.” He once gravely pronounced that he “ gave it in favour of those 
who were in the right.”** At another time it is said that, as he was sitting on the 
tribunal near the Temple of Mars, the savoury fumes of a banquet just served up for 
the priests of the god of war were so irresistible an attraction to the Imperial appe- 


$8 Pac. Ann: xii: 1: Senee. "AvoxoA. Even in the hot months of July 
8° Ego eram qui tibi [Herculi] ante templum and August. See preceding note. 
tuum jus dicebam totis diebus mense Julio et ‘1 Ut etiam Claudius audire posset. Senec. 
Augusto, Seneca, ᾿Αποκολ. ᾿Αποκολ. 
40 Suet. Claud. xiv.; Senec. ᾿ΑἌποκολ. He was #2 Suet. Claud. xxx.; Senec. ᾿Ἄποκολ. 
said to sit all the year round without any holi- 4 Suet. Claud. xy. 


days. Quis nunc judex toto lites audiet anno ? 


120 [a.p. 52] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuap. III. 


tite, that he hastily quitted the bench, and to the astonishment of the court which 
he left, and the company which he joined, took his seat at the repast.** He did not 
always, however, escape so easily, for the gentlemen of the long robe are reported to 
have taken strange liberties with him, sometimes keeping him at his post by holding 
the skirts of his vest, or even seizing him by the leg.*° He was, no doubt, utterly 
devoid of pride, and never cared to maintain his dignity, but this must have been one 
of the jokes of the Bar. The Emperor, while on the bench, was assisted by a panel 
of judices or jurymen, ranged on either side of the tribunal, and who, at the con- 
clusion of the case, delivered their written opinions; Claudius, however, paid but 
little attention either to the verdicts of the assessors or to the law itself, but regu- 
lated his sentence according to his own notions of right and wrong, softening the 
penalty where it appeared too severe, and straining it where it did not reach what he 
considered the standard.‘ This, of course, was only when his wife or his freedmen 
left him at large, without prescribing the judgment beforehand. His natural dispo- 
sition was compassionate, and yet he often practised great cruelties. He was kind- 
hearted eyen to visiting his sick friends,” yet such was the hardening effect of the 
eladiatorial fights of which he was dotingly fond, that he took pleasure in human 
suffering, and was the delighted spectator of the execution of a criminal.** Such was 
Claudius, before whom the great cause of The Jews v. The Samaritans was now to be 
tried. 

The day was fixed, and the Emperor took his seat on the tribunal, and the learned 
counsel on both sides opened the case for their clients, and all legal forms were duly 
observed. The picture of a Roman trial has been drawn by the pen of Philo: “The 
judge,” he says, ‘takes his seat with the assessors. The litigants, with their counsel, 
stand one on one side and the other on the other. The indictment and the defence 
are heard by turns, for the time allowed by the hour glass. The judge deliberates 
with the assessors, and then delivers the verdict.”** But what a solemn mockery was 
all this display of legal procedure! Claudius had entered the court with a foregone 
conclusion. Agrippina (who sometimes even sat by his side on the tribunal) had 
dictated the sentence to be pronounced. The Samaritans were cast, and three of the 
most influential condemned to death. Cumanus was found guilty of corruption, and 
was banished. Celer, the tribune, as a person of inferior note, was made the principal 
seapegoat, for he was delivered over to the Jews, to be carried to Jerusalem, and there 
dragged round the city and then beheaded.*® Ananias and his son Ananus, as their 
party was triumphant, returned to Jerusalem, and the proud High Priest Ananias 


* Snet. Claud. xxxiii. στῆναι τοὺς ἀντιδίκους μετὰ τῶν συναγορευόντων, ἐν 
τῷ Suet. Claud. xv. μέρει μὲν ἀκοῦσαι τῆς κατηγορίας, ἐν μέρει δὲ τῆς 
τὸ Suet. Claud, xiv. ἀπολογίας πρὸς μεμετρημένον ὕδωρ, ἀναστάντα Bou- 
47 Dion Cass. lx. 12. λεύσασθαι μετὰ τῶν συνέδρων, TL χρὴ φανερῶς 
15. Suet. Claud. xxxiv. ἀποφήνασθαι γνώμῃ τῇ δικαιοτάτῃ. Phil. Leg. ad 


19. Δικαστοῦ μὲν γὰρ ἔργα ταῦτα ἦν, καθίσαι μετὰ  Caium, 5. 44. 


συνέδρων ἀριστίνδην ἐπιλεγομένων . . . ἑκατέρωθεν 0. Jos. Ant. xx. 6, 8; Bell. ii. 12, 7. 


Cua. IIL] NISTORY OF JUDEA. [a.p. 52] 121 


resumed again the exercise of his office, and became a greater potentate than he had 
been before, 

Jonathan now, in accordance with the previous arrangement, petitioned the 
Emperor to confer on his nation the favour of sending a Procurator of their own 
choice, Felix, the brother of Pallas, a request which was graciously conceded!*! At 
the same time, if not earlier, Claudius recalled the edict for the expulsion of the Jews 
from Rome. It was not in force for any long period, and as the intelligence of the 
outbreak in Samaria had caused it to be issued, it is likely that when the fears of the 
Emperor were found to be groundless the prohibition was removed, or was no longer 
enforced. These proceedings before the Emperor at Rome occurred about the middle 
of A.D. 52. 

Judea had now for many months, during the absence of Cumanus, been without a 
Procurator, and Felix (fig. 233) hastened to his province, not a little anxious, perhaps, 
to dazzle the eyes of the multitude by a display of his newly-acquired honours. Tacitus, 
in his usual pithy language, has summed up the prefecture of Felix in the compen- 
dious sentence, ‘“‘ He wielded the sceptre of a monarch with the soul of a slave.” ™ 
He was not a Roman by birth, and he had none of the Roman qualities; artful and 
perfidious, and stirred by revenge, even to the use of the assassin’s knife, a votary 
of pleasure, and regardless of the feelings he wounded in the pursuit of it, osten- 
tatious and extravagant, and feeding his wasteful indulgences by peculation and 
extortion. 


Fig. 233.—Coin of Feliz. From Sir Ε΄ Madden. 
Obv.—A palm branch with the legend Καίσαρος L. ε. (of Cesar in year 5), 1.6., in the 5th year of Nero, and there- 
fore struck by Felix some time between 13th October, a D. 58 and 13th October, A.p. 59.—Hev. The legeud Νέρωνος (of 
Nerv) within a wreath. 


At the beginning of his career he put himself under some restraint, and even bid 
for popularity by promoting the public security. He was a soldier, and took the 
field with his forces against the numerous banditti that now infested the country. 
Eleazar, the arch-robber, who had headed the disorderly rabble of the Jews in 
the late Samaritan disturbance, for the present eluded his search, but great numbers 
of the predatory bands were captured or slain, and the peaceful inhabitants once 
more began to feel the protecting arm of the law. It was no idle compliment 
which Tertullus afterwards paid to him, “Seeing that by thee we enjoy profound 
peace, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence.” ** 

Felix had been about a year in office, when Agrippa the younger, who had 
continued at Rome, and was now about twenty-six, received from the Emperor, 


δι See Fasti Sacri, p. 297, No. 1777. dinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit. Tac. 
® Antonius Felix per omnem sievitiam ac libi- Hist. τ. 9. 8 Acts xxiv. 2. 


VOL, I. R 


122 [a.p. 53] HISTORY OF JUDEA. (Cuap. III. 


A.p. 53, an accession of dignity. He was removed from the Kingdom of Chalcis, 
which he had held for four years, and was promoted to the Tetrarchy of Herod 
Philip, comprising Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, Batanea, and Iturea, with the addition 
of Abilene.®? These yielded him an income of one hundred talents, or about 
£25,000 per annum,°* a moderate sum for royalty, but not so contemptible if we 
take into account the high value of money at that day. Agrippa now took leave 
of the Emperor, and embarked for his kingdom. He fixed his ordinary residence at 
Cesarea Philippi, the capital, but he had also a palace, the patrimony of his family, 
at Jerusalem, on the brow of Sion, opposite the Temple, and frequently made his 
abode there, particularly at the celebration of the principal festivals. It seems that 
Bernice also accompanied her brother Agrippa from Rome, and scandal, whether 
justly or not, still followed her into her own country. To put an end to these 
injurious reports, she made an offer of marriage to Polemo II. (fig. 234) king of an 
outlying part of Cilicia, provided he would submit to circumcision ; and that poten- 
tate, attracted by her great wealth, was induced to comply. However, their union was 


Fig. 234.—Coin of Polemo 11. Krom Pellerin. 
Obv. Head with legend, βασιλεως ἸΤολεμωνος (of King Polemo.)—Rev. Head of Agrippina with legend ce (or 15, ie. in 


the 15th year of his reign). Polemo IT. was made king of Pontus in A-p. 38 (see Fusti Sacri, p. 250, No. 1533), and in A.p. 41 

and therelore in A.D. 62 when Haul was at Gortsth with Aquila acd Prisedign, "as mck |” the 251R year τ 
very short-lived, for Bernice soon eloped from him to pursue more agreeable amours, 
and Polemo, deserted by his wife, renounced the religion he had adopted for her 
sake.’ Bernice, many years afterwards, won the heart of Titus, and became an 
inmate of his palace at Rome; and report said that the handsome Jewess was to 
be Empress, and no doubt Titus was much infatuated with her, but the jealousy 
of the Roman public was roused, and Titus was obliged to send her away énvitus 
invitam, as much against his own will as hers. This, however, occurred many 
-years afterwards. About the time of which we are speaking (a.v. 53), Agrippa 
gave his two youngest sisters in marriage, viz., Mariamne to Archelaus, son of 
Helcias, and Drusilla to Azizus, King of Emesa, now Hems, a city of importance, a 
little to the north of Damascus. 

Agrippa had occupied the throne of Trachonitis about a year and a half, when on 
the 13th of October, a.p. 54, his patron Claudius died, and it is said by poison 


5 Fasti Sacri, Ὁ. 299, No. 1788. Ὁ OS AME xX: AIO: 


Jos. Ant. xx.7,1; Bell. 11,19, 8. Fasti Sacri, 8 Suet. Tit. vii.; Dion Ixvi. 15 and 18; Tac. 
p. 299, No. 1788. Hist. ii. 2. 


ὅδ Jos. Ant. xvii. 11, 4. 


Cuap. III.] Tap, 54] 123 


HISTORY OF JUDEA. 


administered by the wife on whom he had doted. The youthful Nero now mounted 
with alacrity the throne of the Caesars, and little did the world dream what a 
monster had been nurtured under the auspices of the moral philosopher Seneca. 
Agrippa, who had so long resided at the Roman court, was familiarly acquainted 
with the young Emperor, and no doubt transmitted or carried personally his congra- 
tulations on the occasion, and this mark of attention was soon followed by a reward, 
not, perhaps, wholly unexpected, viz., the extension of Agrippa’s dominions by the 
annexation of the four important cities of Abila and Julias in Perea, and Tarichea and 


Tiberias in Galilee (fig. 235).*% 


Fig. 235.—Coin of Herod Agrippa II, Fiom Sir FP. Madden. 


Obv. Head of Nero, laureated, with the legend Νέρων Και. (Nero Casar).—Rev. Within an olive crown is the legend 
emt βασιλε. γριππ. Νερωνιε (under King Agrippa Neronias, ie. Cwsarea Philippi. called Neronias in honour of the 


Emperor Nero). 


from that Emperor. See Fasti Sacri, p. 305, No. 1823. 


The coin, therefore, was probably struck in a.D. 55, when Agrippa II. received an accession of territory 


Agrippa and Felix had known each other at Rome, and in Judea their acquaintance 


was renewed. As Agrippa’s sisters were not unfrequent visitors at their brother’s 
to} 


palace, it was not long before Felix was introduced to these attractive ladies. 


The 


unprincipled Procurator became an ardent admirer of the beautiful Drusilla, the 
Queen of Emesa, and looked anxiously about him for the means of gratifying his 


passion. Simon the Magian was his ready instrument. 


Some sixteen years before, 


this impious wretch, a Cypriot" by birth, had settled in one of the cities of Samaria, 


5 Jos. Ant. xx. 8,4; Bell. ii. 13,2; iii. 9,7; 
Vit. 9. 

Ὁ Κύπριον δὲ γένος. Ant. xx. 7,2. Justin 
Martyr (Apol. i. 16) calls him Σαμαρέα τὸν ἀπὸ 
κώμης λεγομένης Τιττῶν (Apol. i. 34), and see 
Winer’s Bibl. Real. ‘Simon’ It is, however, 
conjectured that this ancient father has con- 
founded Τιττῶν with Citium in Cyprus. This 
Simon, the father of heretics, was a phenomenon 
of the age in which he lived, and put forward 
pretensions which, if we had not witnessed an 
Agapemone in our own day, would have sur- 
passed belief. He gave himself out as the 
Supreme Being, clothed with humanity for a 
time for certain mysterious purposes. He called 
himself the Almighty, the Christ, the Paraclete. 
Hieron. Opera iv. 14 in Matt. Tertull. adversus 
Heres. c 1; de anima. c. 34. At Tyre he met 
with a courtesan called Helena, and he carried 
her about with him and exhibited her as an 
Emanation, according to the Gnostic phantasies, 
from his own godship. Justin Mart. Apol. ο. 34; 
Tertull. de Anima, c. 34; Irenzus, i. 20. His 


familiarity with Felix the Procurator we have 
noticed in the text. Afterwards, in the reign of 
Claudius, he passed to Rome, where he continued 
to practise his sorceries until, according to the 
traditions of the Church, he was encountered by 
Peter, and came to an untimely end by the mira- 
culous intervention of that Apostle. Euseb. H. EB. 
ii. 14, 15; Acta Petri et Pauli. Justin Martyr 
goes so far as to say that Simon was worshipped 
as a divinity at Rome, and that he (Justin) him- 
self had seen a statue erected to him in the island 
of the Tiber, with the inscription “ Sruont DEO 
SANCTO. ὃς ἀνδριὰς ἀνεγήγερται ἐν τῷ Τίβερι 
ποταμῷ μεταξὺ τῶν δύο γεφυρῶν, ἔχων Ῥωμαϊκὴν 
ἐπιγραφὴν ταύτην ΣΙΜΩΝΙ AEQ: ΣΆΓΚΤΩι." Just. 
Apol. xxxiv. However, it is now commonly 
thought, and appears likely, that the good father 
in this has fallen into a mistake; for in recent 
times, on this very island of the Tiber, which 
anciently communicated with two bridges, a 
block of marble has been found, with the inscrip- 
tion ‘‘Semoni Sanco Deo”—viz. to the Sabine 
god of contracts, called Sancus, derived from 


R 2 


124: [a pv. 54] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuap. III. 


and bewitched them with his sorceries, and when Philip the Evangelist proclaimed 
the tidings of the Gospel in that quarter, Simon heard him, and, amazed at the 
mighty miracles wrought by his hand, attached himself closely to Philip, and received 
the rite of baptism. Peter afterwards came down and confirmed the disciples, and 
laying his hands upon them imparted many spiritual gifts, and Simon’s offer of 
a bribe to the Apostle on this occasion, as if the power of communicating the Holy 
Spirit could be purchased like a magician’s secret, is too well known to be here 
repeated. Simon, as a clever impostor, continued to push his fortunes, and was now 
(a.p. 54) the bosom friend of Felix, par nobile fratrum! The intelligent heathen 
were perfectly conscious that their whole mythology was a baseless fabric, and often 
when in the journey of life they encountered a Jew possessing the knowledge of the 
true God, they detained him by the way to amuse their understandings, though not 
to correct their lives, by the light of revelation. Thus Sergius Paulus, the Pro- 
consul of Cyprus, retained about his court Barjesus, called Elymas, or the sorcerer, 
and now Felix, a man of good natural capacity, was entertaining at his palace Simon 
the Magian, an instrument the more useful to him, as the Jew, though versed not 
only in Mosaic, but even in Christian truth, had so seared his conscience, that he was 
ready at any moment to pander to the pleasures of his profligate master. Such was 
Simon, whom Felix set to work for the seduction of Drusilla. The artful Magian, by 
soothing flatteries, and the most unbounded promises, soon wrought upon the 
credulity of the youthful bride, and Drusilla eloped from a king, to throw herself 
into the arms of aslave."’ Azizus did not long survive his loss, but died the following 
year, perhaps of a broken heart. 

Another act of baseness will brand the name of Felix with eternal infamy. He 
had been warring for many years, and not unsuccessfully, against the numerous 
bands of robbers by which the country was overrun; but Eleazar, who in the late 
disturbances under Cumanus, in Samaria, had taken the command of the Jewish 
marauders, had eluded the utmost vigilance of the Procurator, and still maintained 
himself in his fastnesses, to the great terror of the neighbourhood, and more 
particularly of the Romans and their partisans, to whom Eleazar was a deadly 
enemy. Felix, having failed to capture the bandit by open war or legitimate 
artifice, now had recourse to the most atrocious perfidy. He pretended to abandon 
the pursuit, and as if honouring the valour and skill which he could not subdue, 
invited Eleazar to become his guest, on the most solemn pledges for his personal 
safety. The frank-hearted robber confided on the word of a Roman Procurator, and 


‘sanciendo.’ Justin had no knowledge of the here was a statue to his honour. See further on 
Sabine divinities, and perhaps was not too well the subject, Burton’s Heresies of the Apostolic 
acquainted with the Latin language; and the Age, Van Dale de Oraculis, and Salmasius ad 
inference certainly is that, with his mind full of | Spartianum. 

Simon Magus and his successful sorceries at CEOS PAM ty OX. ἡ 

Kome, he at once jumped to the conclusion that 8 Jos. Ant xx. 8, 4. 


Cuap. IIL] HISTORY OF JUDEA. 


[a.p. 57] 125 


accepted the proffered hospitality, but no sooner was Eleazar within the grasp of 
his enemy, than Felix put him in chains and sent him a captive to Rome." 

Felix had now been about five years in office, and the firmer he felt himself 
in his seat, the more indifferent he became to the character of his administration ; 
his exactions grew daily more exorbitant, and his peculations and sale of justice 
more flagrant. Jonathan, the ex-High Priest, who, as the representative of his 
nation, had petitioned the Emperor for the appointment of Felix, being stung to 
the quick by the reproaches of his fellow-countrymen for having subjected them to 
such a tyrant, ventured to approach Felix and urge upon him the adoption of more 
prudent measures. The admonition was of course slighted, and served only to 
irritate the Procurator against the unwelcome monitor. Felix pursued his wonted 
career, and the expostulation was renewed, when Felix, to rid himself of so trouble- 
some an interruption to his vices and pleasures, resolved (a.p. 57) on the death of 
the ex-High Priest. He corrupted Doras, a friend of Jonathan, and by the promise 
of a large bribe, induced him to undertake the removal of the officious meddler out of 
his way. Doras upon this employed some of the bandits for the purpose, and at one 
of the annual festivals they entered Jerusalem in the garb of inoffensive worshippers, 
but secretly armed with poniards or sica (whence the name of Sicarii, afterwards so 
infamous), and mingling with the crowd, gathered round Jonathan, and at a con- 
venient moment gave the fatal stab. The blow was so dexterously struck that it 
was impossible to say who was the ruffian. By the connivance of Felix no inquiry 
was instituted, and the crime passed unpunished ; and from this time the Sicarii were 
a word of terror to all at Jerusalem, for in the streets of the city, and even in 
the Temple itself, numerous assassinations followed, some from hire, and some for 
the gratification of private pique.® 

The last event we shall mention, and which immediately preceded the arrival of 
Paul at Jerusalem, was the overthrow of the Egyptian false prophet. This man, 
though a native of Egypt, was probably a Jew, and had come to Jerusalem at the 
passover A.D. 58, and on announcing himself as commissioned by the Most High to 
restore the kingdom of Israel, had deluded four thousand of the meanest rabble 
to accompany him into the wilderness.®° Still as he advanced the multitude was 
swelled from the adjoining villages, till he found himself at the head of thirty thousand 
followers. With this incongruous multitude he returned to Mount Olivet and 
proclaimed that now they should see the walls of Jerusalem fall down before him, 
when he would make his triumphant entry into the holy city, expel the Romans, and 
re-establish the dominion of God’s chosen people. All Jerusalem was in a state of 
alarm at the approaching onslaught, but Felix (who at least acted with spirit) sallied 
forth at the head of his disciplined troops, both horse and foot, with the assistance 


6&3 Jus, Ant. xx. 8, 5. st Jos. Ant. xx. 8,5; Bell. ii. 18. 3. 
® Acts xxi. 38. 


126 [a.p. 58] 


HISTORY OF JUDEA. 


[Cuap. III. 


of the Jews themselves, who had no sympathy with the invader, and making a 
furious attack upon the disorderly mass, soon put them to the rout, slaying four 
hundred of them and capturing others. The Egyptian himself contrived to escape, 
and the whole city was prosecuting a diligent search after him, at the very time 
when Paul was beset in the Temple, and Lysias, seeing the fury of the people 
against their defenceless prisoner, might well fall into the mistake, “Art not thou 
that Egyptian 2” Felix was still exulting in this success, when Tertullus so happily 
opened his accusation against Paul before the Procurator by the pleasing flattery, 
“ Seeing that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence.” ἢ 

We would now gladly return to the history of the Apostle himself, but as the 
scene of his persecution will be laid at Jerusalem, we must still detain the reader a 
few minutes by a brief sketch of the principal localities,” with some particulars of 
the living personages at this interesting period. 

The site of Jerusalem must, in its general outline, be familiar to all. The city, 
which was four miles round, stood on two twin hills, descending from the north in a 
parallel direction, and divided from each other by a depression or hollow, the western 
hill terminating in a mount or elevation of a quadrilateral form, and the eastern hill 
tapering down like a wedge, and ending in a point at the Pool of Siloam. 

The most ancient part of Jerusalem was that which occupied the southern ex- 
tremity of the Western Hill, and was anciently called Jebus, then the Castle, and 
afterwards the High Town or Upper Market. It was a parallelogram in shape, 
and was, so to speak, the aristocratic quarter, and contained the mansions of the 
great. It was fenced on all four sides by precipices, and was encompassed by a 
strong wall. Within the circuit, at the angle formed by the northern and western 
walls of this the High Town, stood the magnificent palace erected by Herod the Great, 
and afterwards called the Pratorium, the residence of the Roman Procurator. Τί 
was a vast rectangular space, defended on the north and west by the city walls, and 
on the east and south by a wall of its own, crowned with towers at regular intervals. 
The most wonderful part of the whole was the cluster of three fortresses or towers 
in the wall at the north of the palace, namely, Hippicus, Phasaelus and Mariamne, 
all of them of immense strength and of the finest workmanship, and Mariamne so 
beautifully fitted up, that it rather resembled a separate and independent palace 
than a military station. As to the interior of the Pretorium, on the north side and 
next the wall connecting Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mariamne, was the royal palace, 
consisting of two distinct wings, the Casareum and Agrippeum."* These were the 


66 


κατορθωμάτων ywopevav τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ διὰ 
τῆς σῆς προνοίας. Acts xxiv. 3. 
ὅτ For a fuller description of ancient Jcerusa- 
lem see the author’s Siege of Jerusalem by Titus. 
88 αὐλὴ 6 ἐστι πραιτώριον. Mark xv. 16. So 
Philo tells us expressly that Herod’s palace, 
Ἡρώδου βασίλεια (Leg. ad Caium, ὃ 38), was the 


house of the Procurators—oikia τῶν ἐπιτρόπων 
(Leg. ad Caium, § 39), and by the Procurator 
here he means Pontius Pilate. It is therefore 
clear to demonstration that what is now called 
the House of Pilate has no just claim to that 
name, but occupies the site of Fort Antonia. 

89. 05. Bell. 1.2]. Wives 


"OBL 'F I OA 22ufor “Twas ΑἸ 10 ary Jo < 


10 τον 


“OPV WY UIING apvy Ik Of popnasaag ‘no, SOP S,4OUIND IY} Ut 7: 
ἬΜΠΟΒ FHL WO WATVSoNar 


Cuap. IIT] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [4.0. 58] 127 


private apartments, and in magnificence of architecture and costliness of furniture, 
exceeded the Temple itself. Round the other three sides of the quadrangle of the 
Pratorium were ranged the barracks of the soldiers, for the Pretorium was not only 
a palatial residence, but also an impregnable citadel, and here was quartered the 
numerous garrison by which Jerusalem was overawed. Round the interior of the 
quadrangle was a handsome colonnade, and to the south of the palace were the 
gardens laid out in plantations and walks, and fountains and running streams, from 
which some idea may be gathered of the extent of the whole precincts.” The 
entrance to the Pretorium was on the east toward the Temple,” and in front of the 
Pretorium was the Gabbatha, or raised tesselated pavement, on which, when the 
Procurator sat in judgment, the tribunal was erected”? The Pretorium cannot fail 
to possess an interest to every Christian, for here was enacted the trial of our 
Saviour before Pontius Pilate. It was at the gate of the Preetorium (translated the 
Judgment Hall) that the chief priests, and elders, and scribes, when they first 
brought Jesus in bonds to the Governor, stood clamouring for his death. They 
would not enter in, “lest they should be defiled, but that they might eat the 
Passover,”’* 7.e., keep the feast, which had begun at six o’clock the preceding 
evening, for they could not join in the celebration of the festival if guilty of 
pollution, by entering the house of a Gentile. It was the idle soldiery quartered 
in the barracks of the Pretorium who amused themselves by mocking Jesus when 
led within, by crowning him with thorns, and putting on him a purple robe, and 
bending the knee before him, saying, “ Hail, King of the Jews!” It was on the 
tribunal called Gabbatha before the Pretorium that Pilate, when reluctantly pre- 
vailed upon to try Jesus, went through the forms of legal procedure, and haying 
found, on examination, that he had done “ nothing worthy of death,” condemned him 
to die! 

At the eastern extremity of the northern wall of the High Town or the upper 
market, was the Xyst, on reaching which the principal wall deflected to the south 
and ran round the High Town; but at the Xyst, where the principal wall made this 
elbow, a branch wall was carried across the ravine to the opposite eastern mount,” 
and after passing the Council Chamber (which lay to the south of the branch wall. 
on the site of the present Mehkimeh or Town Hall) joined the western cloister 
of the Temple.” It was in the Council Chamber that the senate of Jerusalem met, 
while in the Xyst were held the assemblies of the people. The whole nation, 
indeed, were in subjection to the Romans, but when Judea was conquered, the 


© Jos. Bell. v. 4,4. The gardens are still used xxxvi. 60, 64. 


as such, and belong to the Armenian convent. τὸ John xviii. 28. 

™ ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑσπερίοις μερέσι τοῦ περιβόλου [ Viz. ™ Jos. Bell. vi. 6,2; vi. 3, 2: ii. 16, 3. 
of the Temple] πύλαι τέσσαρες ἐφέστασαν, ἡ μὲν τὸ Jos. Bell. v. 4, 2. 
εἰς Ta βασίλεια τείνουσα. Jos. Ant. xy. 11, 5. 76 Jos. Bell. ii. 16,3; iv. 8, 10. 


@ Jos. Bell. ii. 14,8; John xix. 13; Plin. N. H. 


128 [a.p. 58] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Cuap. IIT. 


victors shaped the constitution after the pattern of their own; and thus in imita- 
tion of the well-known “:Senatus Populusque Romanus,” the Jewish polity was 
made to consist of a Senate and the People.*? However, the Jews were allowed 
to legislate in municipal matters only, and any attempt at the exercise of political 
power to the prejudice of their masters, would, of course, be immediately resented. 
To the west of the Xyst, on a commanding site within the High Town, stood the 
palace of Agrippa,”® and near it was the house cf Ananias." They were both burnt 
at the commencement of the Jewish war. 

The Eastern Hill, which, as we have said, was of a wedge-like shape, the point of 
the wedge tapering to the south, was of a lower level than the western hill, and the 
quarter of the city which stood upon it was called the Low Town, or (as it was after- 
wards known) the Acra, from the Aera or fortress built upon it by the Macedonians, 
but which had been long since demolished by the Maccabees. The southern part of 
the wedge was called Ophel, and the northern part, the Temple plateau, was Mount 
Moriah, on which Abraham had sacrificed, and on which the Temple was afterwards 
erected. This Temple plateau was an enclosure nearly rectangular, about 1500 feet 
long from north to south, and 900 feet from east to west, and at the south-west 


corner stood the Temple itself, a square of 600 feet.*° To the west of the Temple 


Tt ΤΟΝ: PAM te exes Ὡς 

78 Jos, Ant.-xx: 8, ΠΠ- 

τὸ Jos. Bell. ii. 17, 6. 

*© Tt has been much disputed what parts of 
this area (1500 ft. by 900 ft.) now called the 
Haram were covered by the Temple and Fort 
Antonia and the Acra, and how the remaining 
space was oecupied The following conclusions 
appear to be now established. 

The outer temple was a square of 600 ft. at 
the south-west corner of the Haram. For the 
proofs of this the reader is referred to the author’s 
‘Siege of Jerusalem by Titus, where the argu- 
ments are stated at length. 

Fort Antonia stood, as is generally admitted, 
at the north-west corner of the Haram, and was 
connected with the Temple by two cloisters, 
parallel to each other, and running north and 
south, called the legs or limbs, one of them 
continuing the western cloister of the Temple 
northward to the fort, and the other starting, 
not far from it, from the northern cloister of the 
Temple, and also running north to the fort. An- 
tonia, as thus incorporated with the Temple, was 
said to stand at the north-west corner of it, 
and the Temple, including Antonia, with the 
space between the two connecting cloisters, was 
double the original dimensions, i.e double the 
square of 600 ft. 

To the east of these connecting cloisters was an 


inner raised platform 550 ft. from north to south 
by 450 ft. from east to west, on which now stands 
the Mosque of Omar; and of this platform (re- 
ligiously avoided by the Jews, but regarded as 
a vantage ground by both Greeks and Romans) 
we shall speak more particularly presently. 

The Temple and Antonia, and the cloisters 
running between them, occupied all the western 
side of the Haram, and the inner platform oc- 
cupied the centre, and the remaining vacant 
space along the eastern side of the Haram was, 
in the time of Josephus, known as “the so- 
called Cedron ravine.” When Josephus speaks 
of the great valley of Cedron, which was without 
the city, he simply styles it “the Cedron.” Ant. 
ὙΠ. 1,5; ix. 7,3; Bell.v. 2,3; 7,3; 12,2; but 
in describing the slip of ground within the city, 
between the Temple and Antonia on the west and 
the city wall on the east, he invariably refers to 
it as the “so-called Cedron ravine.” Thus, in 
the siege by Titus, he tells us that, while Simon 
was in possession of the upper city, John held 
the Temple and the parts about it, both Ophla 
and “the so-called Cedron ravine.” Bell. v. 6, 1; 
and see Bell. v. 4, 2; vi. 8, 2. 

The raised platform in the centre of the Haram, 
as being the highest point of the whole area, 
has attracted to it much more importance than 
is due to it. The Temple stood at the south- 
west corner, and Antonia at the north-west 


Caap. III.] 


SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. 


[a.p. 58] 129 


enclosure had been anciently a deep ravine, but in the time of the Maccabees it was 
filled up or nearly so, and a suburb, which had grown up to the west of the Temple 
and to the north of the High Town, was added to Acra on the eastern hill, and passed 
as part of it. This accretion to Acra was protected by a wall known as the second 


corner, and the central platform was little es- 
teemed by the Jews, and how this came to pass 
we proceed to explain. 

The Haram, enclosed by prodigious walls on 
three sides, and shut in on the fourth by the 
broad fosse called the Pool of Bethesda, was the 
gigantic work of Solomon, and was called by 
him Millo, or the Embankment. It was the vast 
expense incurred by this undertaking that led 
to a rebellion of his subjects. 1 Kings xi. 27. 
The palace of Solomon, called Bethmillo, stood 
immediately south of Millo, and just below that 
part of Millo which was occupied by the Temple, 
viz. the square at the south-west corner. The rec- 
tangular terrace on which the palace was erected 
still exists. To the east of Bethmillo were the 
stables of Solomon, partly below Millo to the 
south, and partly in Millo itself at the south- 
east corner, where are now the substructions 
built by Justinian. Hence the city gate on the 
east was called the Horse-gate, and the adjacent 
prison was called the Hippodrome, or Race- 
course. Within Millo itself (mow the Haram) 
the Temple, as we have said, was at the south- 
west corner, and the stables at the south-east 
corner; and the northern part—or at least a 
large portion of it—was laid out in gardens; for 
Solomon was almost as great a gardener as 
builder. The king’s gardens were, as is well 
known, at the south of Siloam, and watered 
from that fountain. But the home garden—if 
we may so call it—in the Haram was quite dis- 
tinct, and known as the garden of Uzza,a person 
of consequence in the time of David (2 Sam. v. 3; 
1 Chron. xiii. 7), and at that time probably the 
proprietor. A garden in the Eastern countries 
implies the presence of water, and accordingly 
the Haram is found by recent exploration to be 
studded with underground tanks. The central 
portion of Millo—viz. the part north of the 
Temple, now the inner platform—was a high 
rock, and not cultivable as a garden; but no 
spot was more eligible for the excavation of a 
tomb. However, a dead body was so great a 
pollution that no Jew with any respect for the 
Temple would excavate a sepulchre in its im- 
mediate vicinity. But Manasseh and his suc- 
cessor Amon were godless princes, and Manasseh 
was buried in the garden of his own house 


VOL. II. 


(i.e. the private garden of the palace, as distinct 
from the garden of the kings) in the garden of 
Uzza (2 Kings xxi.18; 2 Chron. xxxiii. 20); and 
afterwards his son Amon was also interred in the 
same garden of Uzza. 2 Kings xxi. 26. These 
interments are referred to by Ezekiel where he 
speaks of the indignation of Jehoyah at the de- 
filement of his holy Temple by the juxtaposition 
of “ the carcases of their kings in their hiyh 
places.” Ezek. xliii.7. As the south and east and 
west sides of the Temple were a rapid descent, 
these “high places” could only have been the 
elevated rock on the north of the Temple. 

On the return from the captivity, the Jews 
became subject to the successors of Alexander, 
and Antiochus Epiphanes, who had no regard 
for Jewish prejudices, selected the central rock 
of the Haram as the most suitable site for a 
fortress to overawe the Temple, and erected upon 
it the tower so well known as the Acra, or citadel. 
This Acra commanded the lower city as the castle 
of David did the upper city, and so gave the 
name of Acra to the whole eastern hill, i.e., to 
the lower city. 

In the time of the Maccabees the Acra was 
often besieged, and eventually taken by Simon. 
But what was to be done with it; as, defiled by 
burials, it could not be built upon, and, if left 
standing, it might again fall into the hands of an 
enemy? Simon therefore razed the fortress, and 
even the rock itself, leaving only so much of it 
as served to cover the sepulechres—the remnant 
of rock now known as the Sakhra. The spoil 
from cutting down the rock was cast into the 
valley on the west, so as to unite the Temple 
area with that part of the city on the western 
hill which was enclosed within the second wall, 
and which thenceforth was also counted as part 
of the Acra, or lower city. 

The earlier Maccabees were high priests only, 
and were buried at Modin. Aristobulus during 
bis short reign assumed the title of king, and 
was perhaps also buried at Modin. But Alex- 
ander, his successor, ruled long, and restored 
the splendour of the ancient kings, and on his 
death was not buried as a private person at 
Modin, but was interred with great splendour 
(Ant. xiii. 16, 1) in the royal mausoleum in the 
centre of the Haram; and the rock from this 


5 


130 SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Cuar. III. 


wall, which, starting from about the middle of the north wall of the High Town, bent 
round the Pool of Hezekiah and then ran in a curvilinear form to the east until it 


joined Fort Antonia at the north-west corner of the Temple plateau. This Acra, or 
the Low Town, consisted of three distinct parts, viz., 1. Ophel to the south; 2. The 
Temple plateau, now the Haram, above it; and 3. The quarter to the west of the 
Temple enclosure comprised within the second wall. 

To the north of the city as described above (viz. as comprising the High Town 
and the Low Town, with its accretion) lay a populous suburb reaching the whole 
way from the Palace of Herod on the west to the north-east corner of the Temple 
platform on the east, and which suburb Agrippa the elder had, in a.p. 43, attempted 
to encompass by a wall of prodigious strength, but was prohibited by the Romans. 


This part which (4.p. 58) was still unwalled was called Bezetha, or the new town. 
The area of the Temple itself (of which we must speak more particularly) was a 
grand square at the south-west corner of the Temple plateau, with other smaller 


time was known as “the Tombs of King Alex- 
ander.” Bell. v. 7, 3. 

Herod rebuilt the Temple; but as it was abso- 
lutely necessary to hold it in check by a strong 
garrison, he would gladly have restored the Acra, 
the fortress of the Macedonians, which overhung 
the Temple on the north. But the superstition 
of his countrymen would not suffer such a pro- 
fanation, and he was therefore obliged to enlarge 
Fort Antonia at the north-west corner of the 
Haram, and to connect it with the Temple by 
cloisters, along the roofs of which the soldiery 
could reach the Temple; and thus he had as 
complete mastery of the Temple as if Antonia 
had actually touched it. 

When Jerusalem was besieged by Titus, the 
partisans of John, who were in possession of the 
Haram,assailed the enemy with their engines from 
Fort Antonia, and from the northern cloister of 
the Temple, and from the tombs of King Aleaander 
(Bell. v. 7, 3); and itis evident from this that the 
tombs of King Alexander, like Antonia and the 
Temple, were an eminence or vantage ground. 
But throughout the whole Haram no other raised 
platform can be thought of than the Sakhra in 
the centre, which must, therefore, be the tombs 
of King Alexander. It must not escape notice 
that Josephus speaks of the tombs of King Alex- 
ander (μνημείων, Bell. v. 7,3) in the plural number. 
When he refers to a single sepulchre, he invari- 
ably calls it μνημεῖον in the singular number, as 
the μνημεῖον of the high priest (Bell. v. 6,2; v.7, 
8; v.9, 2; v.11, 4; vi. 2,10,) but when he refers 
to family vaults he uses the plural μνημεῖα, as in 
the sepulchres of Helena, now called the Tombs 


of the Kings. Bell. v.38, 3; v.4, 2. The tombs of 


King Alexander were, therefore, aseries of vaults ; 
and if the cave now shown under the Sakhra 
were the only vault, it would be an argument 
against the identity of the Sakhra with the tombs 
of King Alexander. But, in fact, on the north 
side of the present cave the wall, on being struck, 
sounds hollow; and it has long ago been assumed 
that there are other vaults beyond. The cave 
occupies only a small portion of the south-east 
corner of the rock; and as the Sakhra was ap- 
parently left to cover the excavations, we cannot 
doubt that the vaults below are co-extensive 
with the rock above. 

After the capture of Jerusalem by Titus the 
Jews again rebelled in the time of Hadrian, 
and on the second capture of the city Hadrian 
erected over the Sakhra, as the highest point 
of the Haram, an open temple, sub dio, to 
Jupiter Capitolinus. As Christianity advanced 
heathenism fell into disrepute. But Diocletian 
was induced to persecute the Christians and 
resuscitate idolatry, and either he or his succes- 
sor in the East, Maximin Daza, erected, over 
the image of Jupiter set up by Hadrian upon 
the Sakhra, the splendid temple to Jupiter Capi- 
tolinus now known as the Mosque of Omar (see 
two papers read by the author to the Society of 
Antiquarics, Archeeol. vols. xli. and xliv.). This 
fabric, built either by Diocletian or Maximin, is 
the exact counterpart of the temple erected to 
Jupiter by Diocletian at Spalatro. Both are 
octagonal, and both have a cave under them for 
the convenience of the Temple apparatus. 


Cuap. III. ] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.D. 58] 131 


squares rising out of it in successive terraces. The first and outer square was 600 
feet on each side, or half a mile in circumference, and was surrounded by a wall 
of amazing strength, carried up from the base of the mountain, and constructed of 
stones of immense size, some of them forty cubits long. There were four gates on 
the western side, and one of them led over a bridge to the Xyst. On the south 
was a double gateway, now known as the Huldah Gate, consisting of two parallel 
subterranean arched passages, with a vestibule, being the ascent by which Solomon in 
all his glory went up from his palace below to the temple above, and the splendour of 


This was a double subterranean passage, commencing from the site on which ancient 
immediately south of the Temple. The ascent was gradual from the palace tu one of th 
the court above. It was this ascent by which Solomon “ went up into the } f the Lor ι 1 
of Sheba saw “‘ithete was no more spirit in her.” 2 Chron. ix. 4. This 15 a genuine relic of the Jewish Temple. 


which so astonished the Queen of Sheba, his guest (fig. 236). On the north, as also on 
the east, was only one gate, and that on the east was called the Royal gate, the eastern 
wall having been the work of King Solomon.*' As a stranger entered the outer square 
or court, a scene of the utmost grandeur opened to the view. Round the interior of 


81 The reader must bear in mind that the the Royal cloister to the south was distinct from 
Royal gate, which was to the east, was not 1 the Solomon's porch or cloister, which was to the 
Royal cloister, which was to the south; and that — east. 


132 [a.d. 58] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Caap. IIT. 


the wall ran a magnificent colonnade, of the Corinthian order, haying a double row of 
columns on the north and east and west sides, and on the south was the Royal cloister 
comprising four rows of columns, of which the innermost row was half built into the 
wall. Each pillar was a single stone of whitest marble, thirty-seven feet and a half 
high, and of such girth that three men, with extended arms, could but just clasp it. 
The flat roof of the porticoes was cedar. The beauty of the whole lay in the costliness 
of the materials, and the fineness of the workmanship, for neither sculpture nor 
painting was to be seen. The floor of the square was laid with tesselated pavement, 
of yarious hues. Such was the first court, called the court of the Gentiles, as not 
being confined to Jews only but open to the public, Here were the money changers 
surrounded by groups of pilgrims in yarious garbs, seeking to convert the coins of 
distant provinces into Jewish currency, that they might not desecrate the Corban 
or Sacred Treasure by casting in offerings defiled by the head of Cesar, or other 
forbidden image. Here were the cattle dealers driving their bargains with the priest 
and Nazarite, or other worshippers, for supplying the beasts of sacrifice. The scene 
more resembled a busy market-place, than the Lord’s sanctuary. Well might our 
Saviour make a scourge of cords and expel the profane worldlings with the rebuke, 
“Take these things hence—make not my father’s house a house of merchandise,” 
and ‘“‘a den of thieves.” ** 

The second or inner square of the Temple commenced with a stone fence, four 
feet and a half high, with small obelisks at regular distances, bearing inscriptions in 
Greek and Latin (see fig. 237) that no Gentile might enter under the penalty of death.“ 

Passing within the stone fence you mounted a flight of fourteen steps, when you 
landed on a platform, which, so far as regards the western portion of it, was only fifteen 
feet wide, and you then ascended another flight of five steps into the third or inmost 
temple, which was encompassed by a wall thirty-seven feet and a half high on the interior. 
There were three gates up to the inmost or third temple on the north, and the same 
number on the south, but on the west, which was the back of the Temple, was no 
entrance, but the wall was continuous without an opening.” The eastern portion of the 
platform, being in front of the third or inmost Temple, was not confined to the breadth 
of fifteen feet, but enlarged itself into a quadrangular space, containing the Court of the 
Women, a name given it, not as exclusively devoted to the women, for it was the general 
place of resort of all worshippers, but because the women were allowed to approach 
thus far only, and might not ascend into the higher and holier parts of the Temple. 
The court of the women was enclosed by a wall of its own, and at the four corners, in 
the interior, were apartments appropriated to various purposes, but the only one we 
need refer to was that at the south-eastern angle, where the Nazarites performed 
their vows.*° There were four gates into the court of the women, one on each of the 


ἘΣ John ii. 16. 8° Tt was a blank perpendicular wall. Bell. v. 
88. Matt. xxi. 13. 158. 
8. Jos. Bell. v. 5,2; vi. ὦ, 4; Ant. xv. 11 5. 8° Lightfoot, i. 1092. 


Cuap. III.) SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.D. 58] 133 


four sides, and that on the east was the famous Corinthian or Brazen gate, being made 
of Corinthian brass. It was also called the Beautiful gate. The doors were sixty feet 
high, and when they were closed at night it required twenty men for the task." 

On the west of the court of the women a flight of fifteen steps led up to the third 
andinmost temple. It has been stated that from the western portion of the platform 


ee 


Facsimile of Greek inscription on one of the obelisks which stood round the Temple in the time of our Lord 
and his Apostles. 


Fig. 237.—The literal interpretation of the inscription is “ No alien to pass within the balustrade round the Temple 
and the inclosure. Whoever shall be caught (so doing) must blame himself for the death that will ensue.” 

This stone is unquestionably one of the most remarkable discoveries made at Jerusalem; it presents to us the very 
letters which must have been often read by our Lord and his Apostles as day after day they frequented the Temple. 

The inscription also brings out in the strongest light the extreme accuracy of the Jewish historian Josephus. He tells 
us that “on advancing to the second temple (ἱερὸν) a stone balustrade (Spvdaxros) was thrown round it four feet and a 
balf high, and withal beautifully wrought, and in it stood pillars at equal distances proclaiming the law of Purity (some in 
Greek and some in Roman letters), ‘that no alien (ἀλλόφυλον). might pass within the sanctuary.’” Bell. v. 5, And 
again, “Such was the first inclosure (περίβολος), and not far from it, in the middle, was the second, ascended by ἃ tew 
Steps and encompassed by a stone balustrade (Spupaxrov) for a partition, which prohibited by inscription any allen 
(ἀλλοεθνῆν from entering (eiovévac) under penalty of death” (θανατικῆς ζημίας). Ant. xy. 11, 5. 

Here, then, we have, in the stone and in Josephus, not only the leading feature that the intrusion of an alien would 
be visited by capital punisbment; but we find the historian expressing himself in the very terms employed by the 
inscription, Thus in both we have the word δρύφακτος for the * balustrade,’ with the ve ariation that on the pillar it is 
writien τρυφακτος, thereby confirming another statement of Josephus, that a Jew could never pronounce Greek correctly. 


Ant. xx. 12. So in both we have περίβολος for the inclosure, aud for ἀλλογενῆ on the stone we bave the corresponding 
expressions. ἀλλοεθνῇ and ἀλλόφυλον in Josephus; and for εἰσπορεύεσθαι we have εἰσιέναι : and for θανατὸς we have 
θανατικὴ ζημία. 

The 


The stone was detected by Mr. Ganneau, by the side of the Via Dolorosa, one corner projecting above ground. 
appearance of letters attracted his attention, and his active mind, seizing the occasion, was rewarded by this singular 
discovery. 


to the third and inmost temple, were only five steps, but though the court of the 
women was on the same level with the western portion of the platform, the number of 
steps from the court of the women up to the third or inmost temple was increased, 
for the common entrance to the temple being on the east, the steps to render the 
approach easier were made lower, and were consequently multiplied. Round the 
interior of the wall of the third or inmost temple were various rooms, and the last on 
the south side, toward the east, was Gazith,in which, at one time, sat the Sanhedrim, 
the great judicial court of the Jews.*? Round the front of these rooms ran a single 


* Jos. Bell. vi. 5, 3 88. Jos, Bell. v. 5, 3. *® Lightfoot, i. 2005. See plan 1049. 


134 [a.p. 58] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Cuap. III. 


colonnade, the pillars of which were equal in size and beauty to those in the court 
below. 

In the middle of the area enclosed by the wail of the third or inmost temple, and 
on a plateau ascended by twelve steps, stood the holy edifice itself, facing the east. 
In front it was 150 feet high, and with its two projecting wings was 150 feet wide, 
and the length extended backwards 165 feet. The width in the rear, as there were 
no wings, was only 90 feet. The open Vestibule, looking toward the east, was 75 feet 
long and 30 wide, and 135 high. The doorway (for there were no doors) was all 
plated with gold, with clustering vines and bunches of grapes of the same metal. 
At the end of the Vestibule hung the first veil, and behind the veil were the doors 
leading into the Sanctuary, or the Holy. The dimensions of the Sanctuary were 
60 feet by 30, and 90 feet high. In this were kept the candlestick and the table 
of shew bread, and the altar of incense. At the end of the Sanctuary was the second 
veil, and behind the veil the Holy of Holies, into which the High Priest only might 
enter once a year upon the great day of Atonement. 

Let us now, at the expense of some iteration, enter the Temple by the Royal gate 
on the east. We are now in the outer court, and right and left run the magnificent 
colonnades, or cloisters, called Solomon’s Porch, under which our Saviour walked,°° 
and where afterwards the Apostles were wont to address the people.®’ Crossing the 
court we pass the stone fence and ascend to the second temple by a flight of steps 
leading to the Corinthian or Beautiful gate, at which, as the most frequented by all, 
and by which alone the more compassionate sex might enter,°’ was laid the poor 
cripple who was healed by Peter, when he and John were advancing up the steps to 
the Court of the women, at the ninth hour, or three o’clock, one of the usual times of 
prayer. Crossing the court of the women (but which is the usual place of worship 
for all) we mount a flight of fifteen steps, leading up to the gate of the third temple. 
We enter, and a little further on ascend a flight of twelve steps. The altar is now 
before us, 75 feet square and 22 feet anda half high, with stairs up to it from the 
left, or south side; and beyond the altar is the Temple itself, first the Vestibule, 
then the Sanctuary, and then the Holy of Holies. 

The surveillance of the Temple was entrusted to a body of police, of whom the 
chief was called the Captain of the Temple.’ Thus at the time of the disorders under 
Cumanus, Ananus the son of Ananias was captain,®* and at the commencement of the 
last Jewish war, Eleazar, another son of Ananias, held the office.” It was the duty 
of the police to preserve order and prevent the ingress of improper persons, and on 
the occasion of any émeute they cleared the Temple and closed the gates. 


% John x. 23. 52, we have στρατηγοὺς τοῦ ἱεροῦ mentioned in 
2 Acts v. 12. the plural number. 

% Jos. Bell. v. 5, 2. *! τὸν στρατηγὸν "Ἄνανον. Jos. Ant. xx. 6, 2. 

* δραμόντες δ᾽ of τοῦ ἱεροῦ φύλακες, ἤγγειλαν TO "5 στρατηγῶν τότε. Jos. Bell. ii. 17, 2. 


στρατηγῷ. Jos. Bell. vi. 5,3. In Luke xxii. 4, 


To face Vol. 2 


PLAN OF 


Grotto of 


Jeremiah 
2650 


ACCORDING To JOSEPHUS. 


\| 
᾿Ξ, Ξ \ ἂν κει Ξ 
er 7 oO < Ῥω GHA MK τ ‘ Z 
oo ἢ i 
Swe s - < Second Wa = 
SA ΞΞΞ ee ὃ 


φ10 


2570 


10. αν 

9 ΜΟΣΉ ΟΠ 10, 

“ἢ ENN ὶ 
I 0 a Ga L 


Tower of 


Psephinus Camp of 
Assyrians 


Ῥω, 
ο 


ὶ 


oO) 


4, 
li 


TTIH GNOOdS 


Tirst or Uriginal 


Wan 


Palace of ἢ 
Agrippa {2 


PHETL 
PART OF 


ΠΡ ΡῈ RS ΓΑ ΒΤ RT 


(Now Sion) 


PTE Si ὙΓῚ ἘΝ 


|) 3 Note. 
5 Ki ngs SS This plan shows the natural 
| τ“; Ze vl Gardens <= face of the ground as ascertained 
i) . OF GT) A ING ΝΟ: by recent excavation. 


The figures denote-the number 
of feet above the level of the Sea. 


Hill of Evil Counsel 


Caap. 111. SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 135 


At the north-western corner of the Temple enclosure, now the Haram, measuring 
1500 feet by 900 feet, was the Castle of Antonia. It stood on a circular mount 
75 feet high, the sides of which had been artificially smoothed and faced with 
a coating of stone. The castle itself was square, 60 feet high, and at the four 
corners were four towers, of which the south-eastern, for the purpose of commanding 
a full view of the Temple and its worshippers, was carried to the height of 105 
feet, being 30 feet beyond the other three, which were only 75 feet high. Antonia 
was connected with the western and northern cloisters of the outer temple by 
two colonnades, called the limbs or legs, one running from Antonia to the northern 
extremity of the western cloister of the Temple, and the other running to about 
the middle of the northern cloister of the Temple. Where the two colonnades 
abutted on Fort Antonia, stairs led down from the castle to the roof of the 
cloisters,*® and, of course, other stairs from the cloisters into the outer court of the 
Temple. At the time of any feast a strong body of soldiers from Antonia stood 
always under arms upon the roof of the western cloister, to watch the proceedings 
below. 

Now a few words as to the living actors upon the stage at Jerusalem at the period 
of Paul’s arrival. Felix was resident sometimes in Herod’s palace and sometimes in 
the Preetorium at Cesarea, the Roman capital; at present he was at Cesarea, and the 
chief officer in command at Jerusalem was Claudius Lysias. The latter was not a Roman 
by birth, but had acquired the citizenship by purchase. He, however, had many 
excellent qualities, and the blood that flowed in his veins would not have disgraced a 
Roman descent. He was probably, what was called, the Legate of the Procurator, 
that is, was his chief military officer, and exercised in his absence nearly as ample 
powers. He had jurisdiction to try minor offences, but in matters of high moment 
was bound to remit the case to the cognizance of the Procurator.*’ At the Feast of 
the Pentecost, which was now at hand, it was his duty to have a strong force in 
Antonia ready at an instant, while the rest of the troops lay at a convenient dis- 
tance in the barracks of the Pretorium in the Upper City. 

As for King Agrippa at this period, neither Josephus nor the Acts of the 
Apostles make any mention of him as present at Jerusalem, though the occurrences 
which took place would necessarily have called for his interference. He had for some 
time past been engaged at a distance from Jerusalem in attending, with an auxiliary 
force, upon the Roman army in their war against the Parthians.” 

The principal personages amongst the Jews may be arrayed under the two rival 
sects of the Pharisees and the Sadducees. The most powerful amongst the former 
was undoubtedly Ananias, the High Priest, a man exemplifying the worst traits of 
the Pharisaical character. Artful and designing, ostentatious of piety amongst the 


95 Jos. Bell. v. 5, 8. neque enim animadvertendi, coercendi, vel 
% Si quid erit quod majorem animadversionem atrociter verberandi jus habet. Dig. i. 16, 11. 
exigat, rejicere Legatus apud Proconsulem debet; * Fasti Sacri, p. 312, No. 1845. 


136 [a.p. 58] 


(Crap. IIT. 


common people, yet guilty of the vilest practices, possessed of unbounded wealth 
dishonestly acquired, and by constantly pandering to the base avarice of the Roman 
Procurator, Felix, contriving to screen his iniquity from the arm of the law.*? The 
means employed by him for his aggrandisement are almost incredible for their enor- 
mity. He had in his pay a band of ruffians, who, when the harvest was ready, seized 
by force the tithes devoted to the use of the inferior priests, and if any resistance 
was made, the obstinacy of the tithe-payer was punished by blows. This impious 
example was soon copied by others in the priesthood, and the Jewish historian relates 
that many of God’s holy ministers died of actual starvation, from their accustomed 
provision being thus violently intercepted.’ Ananias meanwhile was living in the 
midst of luxury in his princely palace in the Upper City, and the ery of justice was 
raised in yain at the gates of the Pretorium. He had several sons, as Ananus who 
had been Captain of the Temple, and had been sent with him a prisoner to Rome ; 
Eleazar, who was also subsequently Captain of the Temple, and was the active pro- 
moter of the fatal Jewish war; and John,’ and Simon, who also took a distin- 
guished part in the last conflict with the Romans. 

Gamaliel, the celebrated Pharisee, at whose feet Paul had been educated, had died 
only six years before,‘ but the aged patriarch left two sons, with whom Paul must 
have been personally well acquainted, and who were also not a little famous in their 
day, Symeon,'”® or Simon,’”° who is reported to have succeeded his father as President 
of the Sanhedrim,'” and Jesus, who afterwards attained to the high priesthood.” 

Amongst the Pharisees we may not omit the name of Josephus, the Priest, the 
Warrior, and the Historian, whose writings are so familiar to every reader, and to 
whom Christianity is so much indebted for the singular light he has thrown upon 
many passages in the New Testament, which would otherwise have been inexplicable. 
He was at this time (a.p. 58) in his twenty-first year,’ and from his precocious 
talents was already much consulted by the learned doctors, and possessed of consider- 
able authority."° He had taken up his residence at Jerusalem the preceding year, 
and it is not improbable that Paul and Josephus, both of them Pharisees, may have 
met and conversed together in the religious circles of Jerusalem. Nay, Josephus, as 
an influential person amongst his countrymen, may haye taken part in the subsequent 
legal proceedings against the Apostle. It is certain that Josephus, a curious observer 
of the times in which he lived, was well acquainted with the progress of Christianity. 
Indeed, the name of Christ must have been as familiar to Josephus as that of Martin 
Luther to an Italian half a century after the Reformation; yet on this subject his 


#9 Jos, Ant. xx. Ὁ. Ὁ, and 4, 106 Jos. Vit. Ix. This incidentally illustrates 
10 Jos. Ant. xx. 9, 2. the circumstance of Peter being called in the 
101 Jos. Bell.-ii. 17, 2. New Testament indifferently Simon and Symeou. 
102 Jos. Bell. ii. 20, 4. 17 Biscoe on Acts, ὁ. 5, 5. 5. 

108 Jos. Bell. ii. 17, 4. 108 Jos. Bell. xx. 9; 4. 

0 Biscoe on Acts, ο. 5. 109 See Fasti Sacri, p. 258, No. 1541. 


7 Jos. Bell. iv. 3, 9. n° Jos. Vit. ii. 


παρ, IIL] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 137 


silence, or at least reserve, is very remarkable. Not once in the Wars of the Jews 
has he made any allusion to Christianity ; and perhaps, as this work was originally 
penned by him in Hebrew for the benefit of his own countrymen, to whom the name 
of Christ was an abomination, he had not the courage to hazard his popularity by 
lending any countenance to the new religion. In the Antiquities, which were written 
long afterwards for the world at large, he has only twice glanced at the Christian 
sect. One of the two passages refers to the death of James the Just, described as 
“the brother of Jesus, who is called Christ.”'"' The other is a brief testimony to the 
miraculous powers of our blessed Saviour.” The genuineness of the first reference 
cannot be reasonably questioned, but the latter has been not uncommonly supposed to 
be an interpolation. It certainly wears an air of awkwardness, and interrupts the 
narrative. But we must also remember that the ancients did not make use of foot- 
notes, so that they often incorporated into the body of the work matter which, as 
somewhat foreign to the main subject, would now be found in a notes We may add 
that Josephus is known to have revised his writings from time to time, and in the 
latter part of his life, when more secure from danger, he may have introduced a 
paragraph which the fear of his enemies and a due regard to his own safety had 
previously excluded. 

We turn next to the Sadducees, amongst whom the family of the highest conse- 
quence was undoubtedly that of Annas, who had been High Priest with Caiaphas, his 
son-in-law, at the time of our Saviour’s crucifixion. Annas himself had been consigned 
to the tomb of his fathers, and was buried without the city on the south-west ;° but 
he left five sons, who, it is very singular, were all of them, at one time or other, 
advanced to the Pontifical dignity. 

The most distinguished of the illustrious brotherhood was Jonathan, whose well- 
merited rebuke of Felix had lately led to his own death by the dagger of the Sicarii. 
Theophilus, another son, was High Priest in a.p. 57, when Saul, afterwards Paul, 
applied to him for letters to Damascus against the Christians of that city. Eleazar 
and Matthias, two other sons of Annas, require no particular mention. The fifth 
and youngest scion of this noble stock was Ananus, a man formed by nature to 
exercise an ascendency over all amongst whom his lot was cast. He, like his brother 
Jonathan, had great rhetorical power, and could bend the multitude to his will by the 
magic influence of the tongue. In moral qualities he was a strange contrast to the 
ostentatious and hypocritical Ananias. Descended of the proudest line, he affected 
no superiority, but was courteous and affable to all. Possessed of power that might 
have tempted to oppression, he was just and exact in all his dealings. Actuated by 
true patriotism, he ever sought the welfare of his country ; but informed by his judg- 
ment that the Romans were irresistible, he did not, like Ananias, lend any encourage- 
ment to a collision where success was hopeless. It was no feeling of fear, for daring 


iW Jos. Ant. xx. 9) 1. τ Jos. Ant. xviii. 3, 3. us Jos. Bell. ν. 19. 


VOL. Il. a 


138 [a.p. 58] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Cuar. IIT. 


was the marked feature of his character. His only fault was one that pervaded the 
whole sect of the Sadducees—an implacable spirit of revenge against his enemies. The 
Christians were unhappily regarded in that light, and we shall see with what avidity 
Ananus, when High Priest, availed himself of a favourable opportunity to accomplish 
the death of James the Just. However, he no doubt verified the prophetic words of 
our Saviour, and thought “he was doing God service.” He was afterwards himself 
slain at the commencement of the Jewish war; and Josephus pays to his memory 
the high compliment, that had the life of Ananus been spared, the city had not 
been destroyed.'? 


m4 John xvi. 2. 05 Jos. Bell. iv. 5, 2. 


139 


CHAPTER ΤΥ. 


Paul is set upon by the Jews in the Temple—He is carried by Lysias into Antonia, and 
as then sent to Cxsarea—Paul is heard before Feliz, and afterwards before Festus 
and Agrippa and Bernice. 


Is this the Temple where Jehovah deigns 
On Judah’s tribe to shed a light divine ? 
Are these the courts that echo with the strains, 
Of prayer and praise? And in this holy shrine 
Can FPelial’s sons for darkest deeds combine ὃ 
“ Shall I not visit for these things, saith God ἢ 
And shall I not uproot this cankered vine ? 
Mercy no more shall stay the chastening rod— 
Henceforth shall Sion’s mount by Gentile feet be trod.” 
Anon. 


WE now once more return to the great Apostle. 

When we last parted from him, he had just arrived at Jerusalem on the 17th of 
May, a.p. 58, the day of Pentecost, accompanied, amongst other fellow-travellers, by 
Luke and Trophimus, the deputies to whom had been committed the collection from 
the Macedonian and Achaian churches. They took up their abode with Mnason, and 
Luke adds, that “the brethren received us gladly,”' as well they might from the 
labours and sufferings of Paul in the common cause, and for his earnest zeal in raising 
a contribution amongst the heathen converts for the relief of the poor Hebrews. 
“The day following” (the 18th of May), continues the sacred historian, “ Paul, 
entered in with us (the deputies charged with the alms) unto James, and all the 
elders (or presbyters) were present.”* James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, was perma- 
nently residing there, and was assisted in his duties by the presbytery or conclave of 
ordained ministers. The other Apostles had finally quitted the holy city, and were 
carrying the tidings of the Gospel to the four quarters of the globe.* 

Paul now affectionately greeted his comrades in the Christian warfare, and the 
deputies delivered up officially the alms collected in the Macedonian and Achaian 
churches. Paul then proceeded to recount the trying scenes through which he had 
passed since their last interview, and would naturally in his narrative refer to his 

1 Acts xxi. 17. 5 See Euseb. Hist. v.18; Clem. Alex. Strom. 
2 Acts xxi. 18. vi. 5, 43. 


7 2 


140 [a.D. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuap. IV. 


hairbreadth escape at Ephesus, which had led him to take the vow of the Nazarite, 
which he was now come to Jerusalem to complete by the necessary offerings.* 

To understand the address of James that followed, we must advert to the 
materials of which the Church of Jerusalem was composed. The Apostles and 
Presbyters, as men of enlightened minds, fully comprehended the nature of Paul’s 
doctrines, and recognized them as fundamental principles of the Christian scheme. 
James, and Peter, and John, the chiefs of the Apostles, had long since given him 
the right hand of fellowship, and encouraged him in the prosecution of his Gentile 
mission. To many, however, amongst the laity of the Hebrew church, the Gospel 
ot Paul was still a hard saying. ‘Trained from earliest infancy to abhor the 
heathen, and to regard them as entirely out of the pale of God’s favour, the 
Hebrew converts had naturally enough at first conceived Christianity to be the 
peculiar inheritance of the Jews. The miraculous conversion of Cornelius had 
removed that error, though Peter on his return to Jerusalem seems to have had 
no little difficulty in bringing conviction to their minds. Some busybodies amongst 
them had then contended that at least the Gentiles must observe the law of Moses, 
but the decree of the Council of Jerusalem had determined the controversy against 
them. However, old prejudices were not easily to be eradicated, and amongst the 
Hebrew laity was still the mischievous Judaizing party, who were continually 
disturbing the serenity of the church. On the Apostle’s last visit, they had 
stirred up the brethren to demand the circumcision of Titus, who was a Greek, and 
they had since sent their emissaries abroad, as to Galatia and Corinth. Their 
animosity was principally directed against Paul, as the champion of Gentile freedom, 
and now that he was come to Jerusalem, James and the presbytery entertained a 
well-grounded fear that the Judaizers, as on the last occasion, would assail the 
Apostle’s doctrines. The Gospel which he really taught was innocent enough in 
itself, viz., that Gentile converts (as the Apostles had decided) were not bound by the 
law of Moses, but that Jewish Christians might, and where the breach would give 
offence must, continue the customs of their fathers. Paul himself was a Jew, and 
carefully acted upon this principle. The Judaizers, however, to gain their ends, had 
propagated the false and malicious report that Paul had taught everywhere that 
Jews on becoming Christians must no longer practise circumcision, or pay any regard 
to their divine law-giver. This was the error that James and the presbyters, 
consulting for the credit and character, and even for the safety of the Apostle, aimed 
at eradicating, and a favourable opportunity which now presented itself for the 
purpose was not to be lost. 

Paul as a Jew had taken the vow of the Nazarite (so common amongst his 


* Acts xxiv. 17; and compare xxi.26. Bernice Ἱεροσολύμοις εὐχὴν ἐπιτελοῦσα τῷ θεῷ. Jos. Bell. 
came to Jerusalem in like manner for the pur- 1]. 15, 1. 
pose of completing her vow. ἐπεδήμει δὲ ἐν τοῖς 


Cnap. IV.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [4.D. 58] 141 


countrymen), and was about to give it accomplishment by purifying himself seven 
. days in the Temple, and there making the accustomed oblations.° Amongst the 
Hebrew disciples at this time were four men who were also Nazarites. The period 
of their separation had expired, and they were waiting to shave their heads, the 
consummation of the vow, but had not the means of defraying the charges of 
the requisite sacrifices. There was not a more charitable act in the estimation of 
the Jews, or one more calculated to acquire popularity, than to assist the poor 
Nazarites by supplying the necessary funds. Josephus remarks it as an instance 
of singular piety in King Agrippa the elder, that when he returned to Jerusalem a 
erowned monarch, after many narrow escapes of his life, he ordered a great number 
of Nazarites to be shaved at his own cost.® 

James and the presbyters therefore now recommended Paul to soothe the 
wounded feelings of the Hebrew converts, and to remoye the unfounded prejudices 
which the Judaizers had excited against him by a similar exhibition of good will 
towards the Jewish church. Luke was present in the convocation, and has recorded 
with minuteness the advice that was given. ‘‘ When they heard it,” viz., the report 
of Paul’s apostolical labours on his last cireuit, “they glorified the Lord, and said 
unto him, ‘Thou seest, brother, how many thousands’ of Jews there are which 
believe, and they are all zealous of the law; and they have been adyised concerning 
thee, that thou teachest all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, and 
sayest that they ought not to circumcise their children, neither to walk after the 
customs. What is it therefore? the multitude* must needs come together, for they 
will hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to thee—we have four 
men which have a vow on them; them take, and purify thyself with them, and pay 
their charges, that they may shave their heads, and all may know that those things 
whereof they have been advised concerning thee are nothing; but that thou thyself 
also walkest orderly, and keepest the law. As touching the Gentiles which believe, we 
have written and concluded that they observe no such thing, save only that they 
keep themselves from things offered to idols, and from blood, and from strangled, and 
from fornication.’ ”® 

Paul at once acquiesced in a proposal which strictly accorded with all his previous 
practice, and the following day (the 19th of May), Paul taking the four Nazarites 
with him, went up to the Temple, and entering by the Corinthian or Beautiful Gate 


© See post, p. 142. 

ὁ διὸ καὶ Ναζιραίων ξυρᾶσθαι 
συχνούς. Jos. Ant. xix. 6, 1. 
frequency of the vow. 

7 πόσαι μυριάδες ---- how many tens of thousands. 
The expression shows forcibly what great pro- 
gress the Gospel had already made at Jerusalem. 

8 τὸ πλῆθος. This may mean the multitude, 
in the sense of the whole body of the Hebrew 


διέταξε μάλα 
This shows the 


church, as in καὶ συναγαγόντες τὸ πλῆθος, Acts 
xv. 30 (and see xv. 12); προσκαλεσάμενοι Se οἱ 
δώδεκα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν μαθητῶν, Acts vi. 2; ἐνώ- 
mov παντὸς τοῦ πλήθους, ib. 5; and see Luke 
xxiii. 1. 

* Acts xxi. 20 to 25. But even this decree 
was meant to be local and temporary only. See 
Vol. I. p. 804. 


142 [a.p. 58] 


ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM, 


[Cuap. IV, 


into the court of the women, where was the apartment appropriated for the Nazarites, 


announced to the priest that himself and his companions intended to observe the 


seven days’ purification! with the accustomed offerings, and then to shave the head. 

It was part of the ceremonial that each Nazarite during the seven days should 
attend daily in the Temple after having first purified himself." This Paul and the 
four Nazarites proceeded to do, and as Paul mixed in the throng that filled the court 


1 See Numb. vi. 9; Jos. Ant. xviii. 2, 3; 
xviii. 4, 8. Wieseler understands the seven 
days to be the Pentecost and the six days pre- 
ceding, which he thinks were regarded as part 
of the Feast. But the Pentecost was a feast for 
one day only, as the name—‘ the fiftieth day’— 
implies, and is evident from the fact mentioned 
by Josephus, that on one occasion Hyreanus 
rested on his march two days, from the accident 
that the Day of Pentecost was followed that 
year by a Sabbath—so that two sacred days fell 
together. Ant. xiii. 8, 4. The ai ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι, 
Acts xxi. 27, must refer to the τῶν ἡμερῶν τοῦ 
ayvcpov—the days of purification—in the pre- 
ceding verse. Paul and his four colleagues had 
to purify themselves before making their offer- 
ings in discharge of the vow; and in the case of 
a Nazarite, the purification required by the Law 
was for seven days. Numb. vi. 19. 

Again, Wieseler argues that the ἁγνισμὸς of 
Paul was merely the ordinary purification for 
the Feast of Pentecost; but if so, what had 
Paul's “ purification ” to do with that of the four 
Nazarites ? and yet the injunction to him parti- 
eularly was, ἁγνίσθητι σὺν αὐτοῖς, xxi, 24; so 
that Paul and the four Nazarites were to undergo 
a joint purification, and no doubt for a similar 
purpose—viz. the discharge of the vow. 

Wieseler assumes further that διαγγέλλων τὴν 
ἐκπλήρωσιν τῶν ἡμερῶν τοῦ ἁγνισμοῦ, Acts xxi. 26, 
shows that the days of purification were at an 
end. But if so, how could it be said in the next 
verse, ὡς δὲ ἔμελλον ai ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι συντελεῖσθαι, 
unless, as he is obliged to argue, the seven days 
had no relation to the days of purification men- 
tioned just before? The meaning of the passage 
really is, that Paul, taking the four men with 
him, gave notice to the priests of the day on 
which the purification would end, and ordered 
the necessary sacrifices accordingly. 

Wieseler urges that a period of seven days was 
not a usual one for a Nazarite’s vow, and that 
Paul did not apparently take a vow at all after 
his arrival at Jerusalem. But this is fighting 
with a shadow, for it is not contended that the 


vow was for seven days, or that Paul took any 
vow at Jerusalem. The seven days were not the 
days of the vow, but of the purification before 
discharging the vow by making the accustomed 
offerings—the ‘ sacrificia purificationis’ (Origen, 
Rom. ii. 13). When Paul was arrested before 
Gallio at Corinth in a.p. 53, he made a vow for 
which he sheared (but not shaved) his head (see 
Vol. I. p. 294) at Cenchrea (Acts xviii. 18), and 
afterwards went up to Jerusalem to shave the 
head and offer the usual sacrifices; and though 
it is not expressly mentioned by Luke that Paul 
when pressed by the far greater danger at 
Ephesus, in A.D. 57 made any vow, yet from the 
frequency of the custom and the certainty of its 
observance by Paul, we may infer that such was 
the case. Nor is it impossible that he made a 
vow when he was waylaid by the Jews on his de- 
parture from Corinth, and escaped the ambush 
by changing his route. Acts xx. 3. In either 
case, he could only complete the vow by shaving 
the head and sacrificing at Jerusalem, as we 
have already seen in the case of Bernice, who 
having made a vow in a foreign country, came 
up to Jerusalem to perfect it. See ante, p. 140, 
note *. It is no objection that Luke omits to 
mention the vow, for he equally omits mention- 
ing that Paul was bringing to Jerusalem a col- 
lection for the poor Hebrews from Macedonia 
and Achaia, but he assumes both facts when he 
makes Paul say to Felix that he came to bring 
up alms and to make offerings (προσφορὰς), Acts 
xxiv. 17; and he certainly assumes the vow when 
James and the elders recommend Paul not, as 
Wieseler supposes, to take a vow, but to perfect 
his own vow, and at the same time to perfect. 
the vows of others also by paying their charges. 
For the peculiar views of Wieseler upon this 
subject, see Chronol. Apost. 105, et seq. 

N As to purification, before entering the 
Temple, see Jos. Bell. iv. 9, 12 and 14; v. 3,1; 
v. 5,6; Ant. xiv. 11,5; xvii.6,4. The purifi- 
cation consisted chiefly of ablutions. See Jos. 
Vit. 11. 


Cuar. IV.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 143 


of the Gentiles and the court of the women, he was careful to shun all religious 
discussion. On his first conversion to the faith, he had attempted to herald 
Christianity in Jerusalem itself, but the Lord had forbidden him and sent him to 
the Gentiles; and on his present visit he tells us himself, that to avoid provocation 
he neither addressed the worshippers in the Temple, nor preached in any of their 
numerous synagogues, nor harangued in the public streets'*—an admirable lesson 
to all such as fired by enthusiasm, or ambitious of martyrdom, cannot walk by 
the sober light of the Gospel, but must needs be active in courting persecution 
when it will not approach uninvited! The week of this attendance in the Temple 
was drawing towards a close, when the storm burst upon the Apostle’s head from 
an unexpected quarter. 

On the fifth day (being May the 23rd), Paul, as usual, was in the court of the 
women, when some Jews of Ephesus (where Paul had so trinmphantly preached the 
Gospel) caught sight of the renegade who had so often foiled them in Asia, and 
laying violent hands on the Apostle, shouted to the people, ‘Men of Israel, help! 
This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against the people, and the law, 
and this place; and further, hath brought Greeks also into the Temple, and hath 
polluted this holy place!”’* As to the charge of having brought Greeks into the 
Temple, they had merely seen him walking in the city with Trophimus, an Ephesian, 
and thence inferred, without the least foundation, that Paul had brought him into 
the Temple also. The contagion spread like wildfire amongst the dense crowd, 
and boiling with indignation at the man’s supposed impiety, the living mass was 
immediately thrown into commotion. 

Paul would have been killed on the spot, but the sanctity of the Temple did 
not allow of bloodshed within the sacred precincts.‘ They, therefore, bound him 
hand and foot’® and dragged him down the steps from the court of the women into 
the outer court, and the police of the Temple shut the Beautiful Gate.!® The 
mob had no arms in their hands, or Paul would have been dispatched at once, but 
they began beating Paul to take his life. Fortunately, the few minutes delay which 
occurred in forcing him from the inner down into the outer court, was the means of 
averting his fate. The Roman guard on the western cloister were, as usual, under 
arms during the festival, and ready at a moment’s call. At the very commencement 
of the uproar the signal was given, and down came Lysias, the captain,’ with his 


2 Acts xxiv. 12. 

3 Acts xxi. 28. Any heathen that entered 
the Temple might be put to death. Jos. Bell. 
v. 5, 2; Philo, Leg, xxxi. 


ply it. See note, ante, p. 107. 

© Acts xxi. 30. 

 yXiapyos τῆς σπείρης. Acts xxi. 31. The 
word χιλίαρχος frequently occurs in Josephus, 


1% Jos. Bell. iv. 3,12; vi. 2, 4. 

15. This is not expressly mentioned by Luke, 
but is what would naturally be done, and the 
prophecy of Agabus that Paul should be thus 
bound by the Jews (Acts xxi. 11) seems to im- 


who thus gives the successive ranks in the Ro- 
man legion or raywa:—The lowest officer was 
the dexadapyns or ‘ corporal,’ who hada section of 
10 men under him; the next above him was the 
ἑκατοντάρχης, the ‘centurion,’ or ‘captain,’ who 


144 [4.Ὁ. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [0Η45. 1V. 


centurions and soldiers. At sight of the military the people fled, and Lysias 
coming up laid hold of Paul, so nearly the victim of the popular rage, and 
commanded him to be bound by two chains, one from each wrist to the wrists 
of two soldiers.’ 

What could be the meaning of all this tumult! 
some another. The Ephesian Jews, who had begun the uproar, very wisely kept 
out of sight. In such a scene of confusion, it was impossible to arrive at the truth ; 
but Lysias concluded in his own mind that Paul must be the Egyptian impostor 
whom Felix had alittle before defeated on Mount Olivet, and who had hitherto escaped 
detection. lLysias, therefore, gaye orders that Paul should be carried into the 
Castle of Antonia. No sooner did the soldiers begin to retreat with their prisoner 
along the outer court to the stairs leading from the outer court to the roof of the 


Some shouted one thing, and 


cloister which communicated with the Castle of Antonia, than the people pressed 


after them with yells and exeerations, ‘Away with him, away with him!” At 


had a company of 100 men under him; and 
next above him was the χιλίαρχος (translated 
‘captain, but answering to our ‘ colonel’), who 
commanded a battalion of 1000 men. This bat- 
talion was called in Latin ‘ cohors, and in Greek 
A number of battalions (as, say, 10) 
formed the ‘ legion’ or ‘ regiment ’—rdya—com- 
manded by the ταξιάρχης. Jos. Bell. iii. 5, 3; 
iv. 8,1; vi. 4, 8. Biscoe indeed (c. 9, p. 216, 
note, ed. 1840) suggests that the legion was 
commanded by the six tribunes of the legions 
viz. two and two in turns. But this was not so 
with the army of Judea, as Josephus speaks dis- 
tinctly of one only as in permanent command : 
Σέξτου Κερεαλίου τὸ πέμπτον ἄγοντος τάγμα, k.Td. 
Bell. vi. 4,8. When two legions were brigaded 
together, the commander was called στρατοπεὺ- 
apxns, YS στρατοπεδάρχης τῶν am ᾿Αλεξανδρείας 


σπεῖρα. 


δύο ταγμάτων. Ib. 

Beside the /egions or regulars there were 
auxiliary cohorts or σπεῖραι, consisting each, like 
the Roman cohorts, of 1000 men; and in these 
the grades of rank, from the dexaddpyns or “ cor- 
poral’ to the χιλιάρχης or ‘colonel’ were the 
same as in the legion, but the χιλίαρχος had no 
higher officer above him except the commander- 
in-chief. As Lysias forwarded his despatch to 
Felix himself, the Procurator, and not to any in- 
tervening officer, we should infer that the cohort 
commanded by Lysias was not a legionary 
cohort, but was one of the auxiliary cohorts. 

From the numerous gradations of rank, both 
in the regular and the auxiliary troops, the cen- 
turion of Capernaum might well say that he was 
himself under authority, and had soldiers under 


him. Matt. viii. 9. 
8 ἐκέλευσε δεθῆναι ἁλύσεσι δυσί. Acts χχὶ. 33. 
Had Lysias known that Paul was ἃ Roman he 
would have secured him by a single chain, but 
Lysias took him for the Egyptian impostor. 
But how, it may be asked, did the two chains 
happen to be at hand? Josephus, the contem- 
porary of Paul, has forestalled the question by 
telling us that every Roman soldier carried with 
him, amongst other things, a chain and also a 
thong: πρὸς vis πρίονα καὶ κόφινον ἄμην τε Kai 
πέλεκυν, πρὸς δὲ ἱμάντα καὶ δρέπανον καὶ ἅλυσιν 
(the very word used in the Acts). Bell. iii. 5, 5. 
The two soldiers, therefore, would have two 
chains with them, and also thongs. 
Acts xxi. 36. The usual out- 
ery of an infuriate mob, and the same as that 
used against our Lord himself. *Apov, ἄρον, 
σταύρωσον αὐτόν. John xix, 15. Aipe τοῦτον. 
Luke xxiii. 18. As to the stairs in question, 
we must remember that the Temple stood at 
the south-west corner of the Haram, and Anto- 
nia at the north-west corner, and they were con- 
nected together by two parallel cloisters which 
ran from the north-west corner of the Temple, 
the most western of the two parallel cloisters 
being a continuation of the western cloister of the 
Temple. There were flights of stairs, first, from 
the castle to the roof of each of the connecting 
cloisters, and secondly, there were stairs from 
the cloisters of the Temple down to the outer 
court. It is obvious from the account that 
Paul stood on the stairs first approached, i.e. on 
the stairs leading from the outer court to the 
roof of the cloister of the Temple. 


19. Aipe αὐτόν. 


[a.p. 58] 145 


Cuar. 11 ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 


the foot of the stairs the pressure was so great, that the two soldiers to whom 
Paul was bound were obliged to take him in their arms and carry him up. Paul 
had thus ascended a good way, when he turned to Lysias, and addressire him 
in Greek, said, “ May I speak unto thee?” Lysias, who heard his own language 
with surprise, said, “Art thou not that Egyptian which before these days made 
an uproar, and led out into the wilderness four thousand men that were assassins 2” 2° 
Paul answered, “I ama man which am a Jew of Tarsus, a city in Cilicia, a citizen of 
no mean city;*' and, I beseech thee, suffer me to speak unto the people.”” The 
noble Lysias at once acceded to the request, when Paul, standing on the steps, 
waved his hand** to the multitude below, and a deep silence being observed, he 
thus addressed them in the Hebrew tongue :- 

“Men, brethren, and fathers, hear ye my defence which I make now unto you!” 
On recognizing the familiar sound of their native Hebrew, they were the more 
attentive, when he thus continued: “TI am verily a man which am ἃ Jew, born in 
Tarsus, of Cilicia, but brought up in this city at the feet of Gamaliel, and taught 
according to the strictness of the law of the fathers, and was zealous toward God, as 
ye all are this day; and I persecuted this way unto the death, binding and delivering 
into prison both men and women; as also the High Priest doth bear me witness, and 


39 τῶν σικαρίων. Acts xxi. 38. The sicarii 
were the notable assassins of that day, and de- 
rived their name from the Latin ‘sica’ (from 
“seco’). Σικάριοι᾽ λῃστῶν γένος" σίκας δὲ τὰ 
ἐπικαμπὴ ξίφη Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν, οἷς οἱ χρώμενοι 
λέγονται Σικάριοι. Suidas. See ante, p. 125. 

+l τῆς Κιλικίας οὐκ ἀσήμου πόλεως πολίτης. So, 
Achill. Tat. lib. viii. Ἔστιν 
Eurip. Ion, 8. 


πόλεως οὐκ ἀσήμου. 
γὰρ οὐκ ἄσημος Ἑλλήνων πόλις. 

2 Acts xxi. 98, 89. 

3 κατέσεισε τῇ χειρί. Acts xxi. 40. Words- 
worth cites Persius, iv. 7: 

Fert animus calide fecisse silentia turba 

Majestate mantis. 
It was a motion of the hand to keep down the 
tumult, and opposed to the ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα, 
Acts xxvi. l—outstretching the hand in the 
fervour of speaking. 

4 τῇ ἝἙ βραΐδι διαλέκτῳ. Acts xxi. 40. That 
is, in Syro-Chaldaic, the language of the native 
population. Josephus addressed his country- 
men in the same language, Εβραίζων. Bell. vi. 
2,1; v. 9, 2. The Aramaic spoken in Meso- 
potamia, and the Canaanitish of Palestine, and 
the Arabic, Phcenician, and Syriac were all 
cognate branches of the one great Semitic 
tongue. Amongst some of them there was so 
close an aflinity that the peoples who used them 
were mutually intelligible. See Bell. iv. 1, 5. 


VOL. Il. 


Abraham, as a native of Mesopotamia, spoke 
Aramaic, but after his migration to Canaan he 
and his descendants gradually glided into the 
Canaanitish dialect, the speech of all about 
them. In the course of four hundred years from 
the migration to the Exodus, the language of 
the Israelites, the Canaanitish grafted on the 
Aramaic, assumed a character of its own, and 
so became distinct from the ordinary dialect of 
Canaan, and is now commonly known as Hebrew, 
the language in which the books of the Old 
‘Testament (with some exceptions) are composed. 
When the tribes were carried away captive into 
Babylon the pure Hebrew of the Old Testament 
beeame corrupt from an admixture of Chaldaic, 
and after the return of the Jews from Babylon 
the tongue spoken by them, though substan- 
tially the same as the old Hebrew, presented 
many points of difference, and is known amongst 
the leaned as Syro-Chaldaie, but by the writers 
of the New Testament, as also by Josephus and 
the Maccabees, it is still called Hebrew. It was 
the tongue spoken by our Lord and his disciples, 
and by the general population of Judea. One 
peculiarity of the Syro-Chaldaic was the use of 
the long termination N—as in Γολγοθᾶ, Ταλιθᾶ, 
᾿Αββᾶς, Κηφᾶς. The letters or characters em- 
ployed for writing before the captivity were the 
same as the Samaritan; but after the captivity 
U 


146 [a.v. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 


[Cuap. IV: 


all the estate of the elders; from whom” also I received letters unto the brethren, 
and went to Damascus, to bring them which were there bound unto Jerusalem, to be 
punished. And it came to pass, that as I made my journey, and was come nigh 
unto Damascus, about noon, suddenly there shone from heaven a great light round 
about me; and I fell unto the ground, and heard a voice saying unto me, ἡ Saul, Saul, 
why persecutest thou me 2” And I answered, ‘ Who art thou, Lord ?’** and he said 
unto me, ‘Lam Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest.’ And they that were 
with me saw indeed the light, and were afraid ; but they heard not the voice of him 
that spake to me.” And I said, ‘What shall I do, Lord?’ And the Lord said unto 
me, ‘ Arise, and go into Damascus, and there it shall be told thee of all things 
which ave appointed for thee to do.’ And when I could not see for the glory of 
that light, being led by the hand of them that were with me, I came into Damascus. 
And one Ananias, a devout man according to the law,’* having a good report of all 
the Jews which dwelt there, came unto me, and stood, and said unto me, ‘ Brother 
Saul, receive thy sight;’ and the same hour I looked up upon him; and he said, 
‘The God of our fathers hath chosen thee, that thou shouldest know his will, and 
see that Just One, and shouldest hear the voice of his mouth; for thou shalt be his 
witness unto all men of what thou hast seen and heard. And now why tarriest thou ? 
arise, and be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling on his name.” And it came 
to pass, that when I was come again to Jerusalem, and while I was praying in the 
Temple,” I was in a trance ; and saw him saying unto me, ‘Make haste, and get 
thee quickly out of Jerusalem, for they will not receive thy testimony concerning 
me, And I said, ‘ Lord, they know that I imprisoned and beat in every synagogue 
them that believe on thee. And when the blood of thy martyr Stephen was shed, I 
also was standing by, and consenting,” and kept the raiment of them that slew 
him. And he said unto me, ‘Depart, for I will send thee far hence unto the 
Gentiles’—” * 

No sooner had he uttered the words, “I will send thee far hence unto the 
Gentiles,” than the mob were thrown into a new ferment, and rent the air with 


the Jews dropped the old Hebrew alphabet, and accused? The Apostle therefore lays a stress 


substituted the square form of the Chaldees. 
See Winer’s Bibl. Realw. “ Sprache.” 

356 παρ᾽ ὧν. Acts xxi.5. From Theophilus, who 

was then the high priest, and from the Presby- 
tery generally. 
Some would render it Sir! But 
though Paul did not know the person of Jesus, 
he must have known that the speaker was more 
than human. 

27 See comment, Vol. I. p. 50. 

28 Tf Ananias, who strictly observed the law, 
could thus visit Paul, how could Paul himself be 
a transgressor of the law, of which he was now 


26 κύριε. 


on this circumstance as likely to justify him in 
the eyes of the Jews. 

2’ Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford all read atrot— his ’—instead of τοῦ 
Κυρίου --- of the Lord.’ 

8° This again would convince the Jews that 
Paul, who thus prayed in the Temple, could not 
now have profaned it. 

3. The words τῇ ἀναιρέσει αὐτοῦ--- to his death’ 
—are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, 
Tischendorf, and Alford. 

® Acts xxii. 3-21. 


Ciav. 10. ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Α.Ὁ. 58] 147 


their cries, “ Away with such a fellow from the earth, for it is not fit that he should 
live,” and at the same time tore** their garments, and threw the dust into the air 
from ungovernable passion. Lysias, who as a Greek had not understood one word of 
Paul’s address in Hebrew, could only conclude from the fury of the people that Paul, 
if not the Egyptian, must at least be some notable malefactor. He therefore ordered 
him to be conveyed into the castle, and according to the practice of the day for 
the truth, commanded him to be put to the rack. The mildest form of 
of examination was by scourging. A wooden post was erected in a 
slanting position, and the feet and hands of the prisoner were made fast to it with 
thongs. 


extracting 
this mode 


Lysias, not caring to see the torture applied, retired apart. Presently 
Paul was stripped and lashed to the post,** and the executioner was now ready to lay 
on, when Paul, though probably despairing of a successful appeal, asserted his 


privilege as a Roman citizen. 


“May a Roman,” he said to the centurion, who 


superintended the torture, “and before he is condemned, be scourged by law ?”* 


S ῥιπτούντων τὰ ἱμάτια---ποῦ literally tearing 
them, but tossing them about with violent ges- 
ticulations; as in Josephus: περιῤῥήγνυνταί τε τὴν 
στολήν. Ant, xviii. 8,4. According to Meyer, 
they threw off their garments as if to stone 
Paul, and threw dust into the air ws 7f they were 
casting stones at him—a mock stoning. ἘΝ 
Martin, in his Notes on the Four Gospeis and 
Acts, observes: “Sir J. Chardin says that when 
complaint is made to a governor, the Orientals 
get as many friends as they can together before 
his house, with piercing cries, tearing their gar- 
ments and throwing up dust. Conf. 2 Sam. xvi. 
13, and Capt. Light’s Nubia in Walpole’s Turkey, 
407, ed. 1817. The authorised version renders it 
as a preparation for stoning (see vii. 58); but 
thus it is difficult to explain the ‘dust,’ unless 
this was a usual practice of ferocity, impatient 
till the regular signal was made for stoning. 
Ἔπηήδων καὶ ἐβόων καὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπεῤῥίπτουν is 
said of a displeased audience, Lucian, de Saltat. 
Ixxxiil. 

Et date jactatis undique signa tosis. 
Ovid, Amor, iii, 2, 74.” 

ὍΣ: ὡς δὲ mpoerewev αὐτὸν τοῖς ἱμᾶσιν. Acts xxii. 
25. The Eng. ver. is, “as they bound him with 
thongs ;” and ἱμὰς, in the only places where it is 
used in the New Testament, signifies a ligature; 
as, ἱμάντα τῶν ὑποδημάτων, Mark i. 7, Luke iii. 16, 
John i. 27. But here the expression is not simply 
ἱμᾶσιν, but rots ἱμᾶσιν, and the more correct in- 
terpretation would seem to be, “as they stretched 
him out on the whipping-post for the thongs— 
1.6. in order to apply the lash, Thus ἱμάντα τις 
φερέτω, Demosth. f. leg. p. 402, cited by Kuinoel ; 


ῥάβδοις καὶ ἱμᾶσιν μαστιγοῦται. Athenzus, iv. 38, 
(p. 153, Tauchnitz). 

% The law of P. Valerius Poplicola, called the 
lex Valeria (A.v.c. 254), enacted, ne quis magis- 
tratus civem Romanum adyersus provocationem 
verberare aut necare vellet. Val. Max. iv, 1, 1. 
See Dionys. v. 19; Plut. Val. Public. ο. 11; Liv. 
ii. 8. This was confirmed under heavy penalties 
by the law of M. Porcius Laeca called the lex 
Porcia (a.v.c. 506), which, grayi poena, si quis 
verberasset necassetque civem Romanum, sanxit. 
Liy. x. 9. An edict of Augustus prohibited the 
application of torture generally, except under 
special cireumstances. Quastiones neque semper 
in omni causa et persona desiderari debere arbi- 
tror; et cum capitalia et atrociora maleficia non 
aliter explorari et investigari possunt, quam per 
seryorum quiestiones, efficacissimas eas esse ad 
requirendam veritatem existimo et habendas 
censeo. Digest xlviii. 18,8. In eriminibus eru- 
endis questio adhiberi solet, sed quando vel 
quatenus id faciendum sit yideamus; et non esse 
a tormentis incipiendum et divus Augustus 
constituit, neque adeo fidem questioni adhi- 
bendam. Dig. xlviii. 18,1. See Jos. Ant. ii. 14, 
9. In the ease of a Roman it was not even allow- 
able to put him in fetters or to manacle him; 
and to submit him to the rack was an enormous 
offence. acinus est vincire civem Romanum; 
scelus verberare; prope parricidium necare: quid 
dicam in erucem tollere? Cie. in Verr. act. II, 
y. 66, 170. The safe custody of a Roman citizen 
before trial might be provided for in two ways: 
1. He might have apartments assigned to him in 
the magistrate’s own house, or be liberated on 

υ ὁ 


148 [a.D. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 


[Cuar. 1V 


The officer was alarmed, and hastening to Lysias for further orders, said, “ Take 
heed what thou doest, for this man is a Roman!” Lysias, who having himself 
purchased his freedom at a high price, was the more alive to the value of the 
right, immediately came to Paul and said, “Tell me, art thou a Roman?” Paul 
replied in the affirmative; but Lysias, who had just before seen his prisoner in 
humble garb, and besmeared, perhaps, with blood and dust from the murderous 
attack upon him in the Temple, was half disposed to be incredulous. “ With a great 
sum,” said Lysias, “obtained I this freedom!”** “But I,” said. Paul, “was free 
born.”*? It was high treason in any one to feign himself a Roman citizen, and 
Lysias at length convinced that Paul really possessed the right asserted by him, 
ordered him to be released from the rack, and was not a little apprehensive that he 
might himself some day rue the consequences of his indiscreet haste.” Paul was now 
treated with becoming respect, but was still secured by a chain from the right hand 
to a soldier’s left.“ Thus closed this eventful day, and Paul, harassed by the trying 
scenes through which he had passed, and with a conscience void of offence, slept 
soundly in the castle by the side of his military keeper. 

The morning dawned, and how was Lysias to dispose of his prisoner? As yet 
he was ignorant even of the nature of the crime charged against him. The mob 
had shouted some one thing and some another, and Paul, as a Roman, could not be 
examined by the rack. As the offence, whatever its nature, was evidently an infraction 
or supposed infraction of Jewish law, Lysias determined on summoning the Jewish 
Sanhedrim (for which, as the delegate of the Procurator, he had full authority,”) 
that in their presence and with their assistance the cause of the uproar might 


do:u of Rome, took the name of Claudius. 

8: See Vol. I. p. 2. 

ἐδ Suet. Claud. xxv. 

© ἐφοβήθη, ἐπιγνοὺς ὅτι Pwpatos ἐστι, καὶ ὅτι ἦν 
αὐτὸν δεδεκώς. Acts xxii. 29. Some think that 


bail, which was called ‘libera custodia; or 2. He 
might be held by a chain from his right hand to 
a soldier’s left, which was called ‘militaris cus- 
todia.” See the notes of Kuinoel upon this 
subject, Acts xvi. 87, xxii. 29; and Wieseler, 


Apostg. 3880, et seq. Paul on his first arrest had 
been secured by two cbains, but on his being 
recognised as a Roman, he was saved from the 
torture and from manacles, and was secured by 
one chain only from the wrist of the right hand 
to the wrist of a soldier’s left. The militaris 
custodia during his imprisonment is implied in 
the fact that he was consigned to a centurion. 
Acts xxiv. 28. The custody of Paul very much 
resembled that of Agrippa in the time of Tiberius. 
Agrippa had comparative liberty, but was bound 
by a single chain to a soldier —ovdypa ἁλύσει, Jos. 
Ant. xviii. 6, 10. 

“ That the citizenship of Rome was com- 
monly sold about this time, see Dion Cass. Ix. 
17. Lysias, from his name, was no doubt a 
Greek, and on obtaining by purchase the free- 


Lysias was alarmed because he had bound Paul 
at all. But if this were so, Lysias would have 
immediately released Paul from his bonds, which 
he did not do, for he only took them off tem- 
porarily the next day on bringing him before 
the council, and then bound him again. Acts 
xxiii. 18. The fear of Lysias, therefore, was not 
for having bound Paul for safe custody, but for 
having bound him with two chains instead of 
one; and more particularly for having afterwards 
lashed him to the post, as a preliminary to the 
torture. 

* For he is still called δέσμιος. Acts xxiii. 18. 

4 This is evident from the language of Luke, 
for Lysias commanded (ἐκέλευσεν) the Sanhedrim 
to meet. Acts xxii. 30. 


Cuar. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 149 


be solemnly investigated. The Sanhedrim was the Judicial body of seventy-two 
(commonly called the seventy), consisting first of twenty-four Chief Priests, being 
the heads of the twenty-four courses, and of twenty-four Elders, the representatives 
of the Jewish laity, and lastly of twenty-four Scribes or Doctors, the advisers of the 
assembly on questions of law. The Sanhedrim had originally sat in Gazith, an 
apartment in the inner temple, but as the Roman Emperors had granted the boon 
that whatever heathen passed the sacred limits might be instantly put to death, it 
was afterwards found unsafe to permit deliberations where the Romans themselves 
could not exercise a surveillance. According to tradition, the Sanhedrim ceased to 
hold their sessions in the Temple about twenty-eight years before the period of which 
we are speaking.*” They then moved down to the council-room, just without the 
Temple, and adjoining the western cloister on the site of the present Mehkimeh or 
Town Hall. 

Hither, on the 24th of May, the Chief Priests and Elders and Scribes were 
eonvoked. The arrogant Ananias, the High Priest, took upon himself to occupy the 
chair, though the Presidency of the council, if we may believe the Jewish accounts, 
was at this time properly vested in Rabbi Symeon, the son of the famous Gamaliel. 
As Ananias figures so conspicuously in the scene that followed, we cannot help 
pausing for a moment to relate the tragical end of this hypocritical Pharisee. At 
the commencement of the Jewish war, he and his party, beg overpowered by the 
opposite faction, retreated to the Upper City. The enemy followed, and the palace 
of Ananias was burnt over his head. He fled into the Pretorium, the palace of Herod, 
to which siege was laid, and in a few days it was stormed. Ananias concealed 
himself in an aqueduct in the pleasure-grounds of the Preetorium, where the Sicarii 
or assassins soon discovered him, and dragging him forth from his lurking place, 
dispatched him with their poniards.'* 

But to return. Ananias, now High Priest and in the height of his power, claimed, 
rightly or not, to preside over the deliberations of the Sanhedrim. On one side of him 
were ranged the Pharisees, and on the other side the Sadducees—the two rival sects, 
Amongst the former none were more eminent than the two sons of Gamaliel, Symeon 
and Jesus, who probably inherited and still cherished the generous sentiments of 
their father, who, when the Apostles had been brought before the Sanhedrim twenty- 
four years before (4.p. 34), had the courage to advise—‘“ Refrain from these men, and 
let them alone, for if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to nought; 
but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it, lest haply ye be found even to fight 
against God.”** On the side of the Sadducees were the sons of Annas, that Annas 
who, with Caiaphas, his son-in-law, and their bloodthirsty followers, had just a 


*” Forty years before the destruction of Jeru- 3 Jos. Bell. v. 4, 2. 


salem. See Biscoe. Had the Sanhedrim still cat * Jos. Bell. ii. 17, 9. 
in Gazith, Lysias and his soldiers could not have © Acts v. 38, 39. 


been present. 


150 [Δ.0. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuar. 1V 


quarter of a century before, delivered our blessed Saviour into the hands of the 
Romans to be crucified. The family had not degenerated from the same implacable 
spirit, for Theophilus, who at that time was High Priest, had fostered the persecution 
against Stephen, and Ananus a few years after the present period caused the mar- 
tyrdom of James the Just. There was this distinction between the Pharisees and 
Sadducees, that the former hated Christianity as an innovation upon the traditional 
religion, but were generally content with scourging and excommunication ; while the 
Sadducees gave free rein to their passions, and sought the utter extirpation of their 
enemies, even by shedding their blood. 

The Sanhedrim being assembled, Lysias released Paul for the time from his chain, 
and brought him down free, but under an escort, to the council chamber. What must 
have been Paul’s feelings as he entered the hall—the very hall where, more than 
twenty years before, he had helped to consign the martyr Stephen to his fate! What, 
too, must have been the feelings of the aggressors as they looked upon that wonderful 
man, formerly a zealot for the law of Moses and a member of their body, now the 
ringleader of the Nazarenes, whose name was familiar as a household word, not only 
in Judea, but throughout the civilised world! At the upper end of the hall sat the 
haughty Ananias, in the white vest of the High Priesthood.*® Paul and Ananias, as of 
the same sect, must have been well acquainted, and the penetration of the Apostle 
must long since have detected the pride and avarice and injustice that lurked under 
the thin veil of sanctity. There were the two sons of Gamaliel, who, in early years, 
had been fellow-students with Paul at the feet of the great Rabbi, and if they were 
men, they must have felt the chord of affection vibrate at their hearts, towards a 
youthful associate who, at least, had made the noblest sacrifice in the supposed path 
of duty. There, too, was the aged Caiaphas, the ex-High Priest, who had procured 
the crucifixion of the Saviour, and there was Theophilus, another ex-High Priest, from 
whose hands Paul, yet unconverted, and running his mad career against the Christian 
heresy, had received his commission to persecute at Damascus as he had done at 
Jerusalem. How was the scene changed since their last interview! 

Paul was placed at the bar, and casting around him a steadfast look, said, “ Men 
and brethren!*’ I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day ”—The 
haughty Ananias at once lost his temper at the prisoner calling the council his 
brethren and claiming a good conscience, and exclaimed to the officers of the court, 
“Smite him on the mouth!’ Paul too could feel as a man, and he retorted in those 
prophetic words soon to be accomplished by the assassin’s poniard: “ God shall smite 
thee thou whited wall,** for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me 


“© A high priest, even after the termination of νοὸς τῶν σεβασμίων ὀνομάτων. Bell. iy. 3, 10. 
his office, still retaied the title of high priest, 47 Paul was or had been himself a member of 
and wore the white robe. Thus Ananias the the Sanhedrim, and had a right to address them 
ex-high priest speaks of himself as περικείμενος in these terms. 
τὴν ἀρχιερατικὴν ἐσθῆτα, καὶ TO τιμιώτατον καλούμε- Ὁ The words ‘thou whited wall’ may be an 


Cuar. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 


[a.p. 58] 151 


to be smitten contrary to the law?” Ananias was abashed, but his fawning parasites 
came to the rescue, and said, “ Revilest thou God’s High Priest?” Paul had heard 
the reckless order, “Smite him on the mouth!” but it came from the upper end of 
the hall, and in the confusion of a crowded assembly, he had not distinguished 
the speaker’s features, but whoever it was, the injunction proceeded from one sitting 
asa judge. On being informed that the words had fallen from no less a person than 
the High Priest himself, Paul at once apologized for this trespass against public de- 
corum. “Twist not, brethren,” he said, “that it was the High Priest, for it is written, 
‘Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.’ * 

Lysias now cut the matter short by demanding of what the prisoner was accused. 
Upon this Paul was charged, not as Lysias had anticipated, with any crime at all, 
but with holding and propagating certain religious doctrines, which were considered 
subversive of the law of Moses.** The Apostle confessed his creed to be that Jesus of 


allusion to the white pontifical vest of Ananias. 
A white robe was the badge of honour amongst 
the Jews, as a purple one was amongst the 
Romans. Thus, when Herod Antipas mocked 
our Saviour, he put on him ἐσθῆτα λαμπρὰν--ἃ 
white robe, Luke xxiii. 11; but the Roman sol- 
diers of the pretorium put on him a purple robe. 
Matt. xxv. 11, 27; Mark xv. 17; John xix. 1. 

Δ “Apxovra τοῦ λαοῦ σου οὐκ ἐρεῖς κακῶς. Acts 
xxiii. 5. In the LXX., Exod. xxii. 28: ἔΆρχοντα 
τοῦ λαοῦ σου οὐ κακῶς ἐρεῖς. Kuinoel (Acts xxiii. 
4, 5) suggests the following various interpreta- 
tions of the text. 1. “I could not have supposed 
from his conduct that he was the high priest ;” 
and that this was said ironically. 2. That Paul 
was really ignorant who at this time was high 
priest. 3. That Paul had been carried away by 
a hasty temper, and apologised: “I did not 
sufficiently reflect that he was the high priest.” 
4. That the office of high priest was vacant, and 
that Paul therefore denied the high priesthood 
of Ananias, 5. hat Paul had heard the words, 
but had not distinguished the speaker, 

The three first interpretations are very im- 
probable. With respect to the two last, those 
who adopt the fuurth would render the words 
thus, “I wist not, brethren, that there was a 
high priest,” and they insist that Ananias had 
been removed by Cumanus at the time of the 
Jewish émeute in .p. 52 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 296. 
No. 1775), and that no successor had been ap- 
pointed, or else that Jonathan had been appointed 
in his place and had since been assassinated, so 
that there was now a vacancy of the office. See 
Fasti Sacri, p. 808, No. 1834. 

But the fifth interpretation is the more natural 


one, viz., “I wist not, brethren, that it was the 
high priest,” in the sense of the actual high 
priest. The bystanders do not say “ revilest 
thou « high priest, or ove of the high priests,” 
but “the high priest of God” (τὸν ᾿Αρχιερέα τοῦ 
Θεοῦ. Acts xxiii. 4); words so emphatic that 
they can scarcely be taken to mean a mere 
titular high priest (that is, one who had been re- 
moved from the high priesthood, but still retained 
the title coupled with his name, as “ High priest 
Ananias,”) but must refer to the actual high 
priest, and the answer of Paul confirms this, for, 
admitting his fault, he adds, “Thou shalt not 
speak evil of the ruler of thy people,” &e. This 
explanation assumes that Ananias had not been 
deposed in a.p. 52, but was still high priest, and 
that such was the fact appears from Josephus, 
for he reckons the high priests from the reign of 
Herod to the fall of Jerusalem, at twenty-eight, 
and if Ananias continued high priest from a.p. 47, 
when he was first appointed, to A.p. 59, when 
Ishmael was appointed (Jos. Ant. xx. 8, 8), this 
would be the exact number. See Fasti Sacri, 
p. 348, No. 2060. 

But if Ananias was high priest, how, it awill be 
said, could Paul have been ignorant of the fact 2 
Paul knew well enough that Ananias was high 
priest, but in a erowded assembly he had only 
heard the words “Smite him on the mouth,” and 
had not seen who was the speaker. Paul had 
ever since his conversion been suffering from the 
* thorn inthe flesh,”an impaired eyesight amount- 
ing occasionally almost to blindness. See further 
on the subject of the interpretation of the pas- 
sage in question, Fasti Saeri, p. 315, No. 1862. 

Acts xxiii. 29, 


152 [a.D. 58] ST, PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cnap. 1V. 


Nazareth, whom the Sadducees had crucified, had risen from the dead, and was now 
alive, and he again recounted the particulars of his own miraculous conyersion, how 
on his way to Damascus he had seen Jesus of Nazareth, and had been called to the 
apostolate by a voice from heaven, but he denied that such tenets contravened the 
Mosaic dispensation, for did not the Pharisees, who were amongst his judges, believe 
themselves in a resurrection? “1, exclaimed the Apostle, ‘‘am a Pharisee, the son 
of a Pharisee.*' Of the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question. 
A violent altercation now ensued between the rival sects, the Pharisees maiitaining 
the possible truth of Paul’s story, while the infidel Sadducees, holding neither angel 
nor devil nor a life to come, treated the whole as a base fabrication. The learned 


2952 


doctors, the interpreters of the law (of which number once had been Paul himself), 
were appealed to, and the scribes on the side of the Pharisees, so far as their voices 
could be heard in such a scene of confusion, declared their sentiments: “ We find no 
evil in this man, but if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against 
God.” The Sadducees were more furious than ever, and regarded their old enemies, 
the Pharisees, as standing betwixt them and their victim. 

A conflict was evidently at hand, and Lysias, who, as a man, felt an interest about 
Paul, and as a magistrate was bound to protect him from violence, was afraid lest he 
should be torn to pieces. He therefore ordered down a strong detachment from Fort 
Antonia, and snatched him from the midst of the disputants, leaving the Pharisees 
and Sadducees to settle their unintelligible differences amongst themselves, by logical 
argument or manual violence, as might be most agreeable. Paul was once more 
chained to his warder, and so ended that day. 

Paul passed the night in the castle, and during his slumbers the Lord stood by 
him and said, “ Be of good cheer, Paul, for as thou hast testified of me at Jerusalem, 
so must thou bear witness also at Rome.” *? There was nothing at present to indicate 
a voyage to the great capital, and yet the events that actually occurred led at no 
distant period to the accomplishment of the vision. 

The following day (May the 25th), the Jewish zealots resolved on a short method 
of removing Paul out of their path. Above forty of them banded themselves together, 
and bound themselves under a curse, “that they would neither eat nor drink till they 
had killed Paul.”** Such villany may appear almost incredible, and yet it was in 
accordance with the spirit of the people. From their obstinate adherence to the law 
of Moses, they were not unfrequently engaged in the foulest crimes, under the cloak 
of doing God service. Their own historian records, that under Herod the Great, a 
similar vow was taken by ten men for assassinating the king, whom they regarded as 
an apostate,®® and certainly no improved morality prevailed under the Prefecture of 
the iniquitous and unprincipled Felix. The conspirators haying determined upon 


4 That is, ‘I hold, as my father held before ® Acts xxiii. 6. δὲ Acts xxiii. 12. 
me, the doctrine of the Pharisees, that there 53 Acts xxiii. 11. ὅδ Jos. Ant. xv. 8, 3. 
shall be a resurrection of the dead’ 


Cuap. LY.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 153 


the end, now deliberated on the best means of executing their purpose. With 
this view they communicated their designs to some of the chief priests and elders,*® 
but not it seems to the scribes, who, as the interpreters of the law, had probably a 
greater regard for the observance of its obligations, and might also fayour Paul as 
trained up to be one of their own body, and once, if not still, a member of the Sanhe- 
drim in that capacity. They had the hardihood thus to unfold their designs. ‘‘ We 
have bound curselves,” they said to the chief priests and elders, “ under a great 
curse, that we will taste nothing until we have slain Paul. Now therefore ye with 
the council signify to the chief captain (Lysias) that he bring him down unto you 
to-morrow, as though ye would inquire something more perfectly concerning him, 
and we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him.”* It proclaims loudly the 
utter demoralization of the Jewish people, when even the chief priests and elders, 
who should have been examples to others, not only connived at, but viewed com- 
placently, and even lent their ready aid to the perpetration of so dreadful a crime. 
The ambush had certainly succeeded, but for the watchfulness and courage of an 
affectionate relative. 

A nephew of Paul, his sister’s son (whose name, from the danger perhaps of 
publishing it, has not transpired), was at this time a resident at Jerusalem, and 
well acquainted with the different parties, their feelings and aims. The young man 
was well connected, and moved in high life, and a plot which embraced so large a 
number could not remain long concealed from an intelligent observer. There was no 
time to be lost, and regardless of personal risk he hastened to Fort Antonia. The 
generous Lysias had given orders for the free admission of Panl’s friends, and the 
young man had no difficulty in obtaining an interview with his uncle. He communi- 
cated what he had heard, and Paul, who was never, like an enthusiast, a martyr for 
martyrdom’s sake, called to him one of the centurions, and said, “ Bring this young 


58 


man unto the chief captain, for he hath a certain thing to tell him.”** The centurion 
immediately conducted the youth to Lysias, and thus introduced him, “ Paul, the 
prisoner, called me unto him, and prayed me to bring this man unto thee, who hath 
something to say unto thee.”°’ lLiysias, who seems to haye been gentle and accessible 
to all, took him kindly by the hand, and went with him aside privately, and asked 
him, “ What is it that thou hast to tell me?” And he said, “ The Jews have agreed 
to desire that thou wouldest bring down Paul to-morrow into the Council, as though: 
they would enquire somewhat of him more perfectly. But do not thou yield unto 
them; for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which haye bound 
themselves with an oath, that they will neither eat nor drink till they have killed 
him, and now are they ready, looking for a promise from thee.” ® 

It may well be imagined with what emotions of virtuous indignation Lysias 


6 Acts xxiii. 14. ὅτ Acts xxiii. 14, 15. ὅδ Acts xxiii. 17, 
δ. Acts xxiii. 18. ® Acts xxiii. 19-21. 


VOL. I. x 


154 


[a.p. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuap. 1V. 


heard the disclosure, and dismissing the young man with a strict charge to tell no 
one, he called two" of the centurions, and bade them have in readiness to start 
for Cesarea by the third hour, or nine at night, 200 foot or legionaries, 70 heavy 
eavalry, and 200 lancers, or light cavalry,’ and horses™ to carry Paul and his 
warder.°* While this was in preparation, Lysias penned a dispatch to Felix, the 
Procurator, couched in the following terms: “Ciauprus Lystas® unto THE most 
This man was taken of the Jews, and was 
about to be killed by them, when I came with the soldiery and rescued him, having 
And wishing to know the cause wherefore they 
accused him, I brought him down before their Sanhedrim, when I found him to be 
accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of 
death or of bonds. 


EXCELLENT GOVERNOR FELIX GREETING. 


understood that he was a Roman. 


And an ambush by the Jews against the man being disclosed to 
me as impending, I straightway sent him to thee, and have given commandment to 
his accusers also to say before thee what they have against him. Farewex.”* 

As we are about to take leave of the worthy Lysias, we cannot forbear pausing 
for a moment to point out the admirable manner in which he discharged the duties 
of commandant of the garrison at Jerusalem. At the first uproar in the Temple he 
was immediately on the spot, and so saved the life of an innocent man from the rage 
of an infuriate populace. He may be thought to have acted harshly in proposing to 
employ the rack, but it was the common practice of the times, and he adopted the 
mildest form, and was no sooner informed that Paul was a Roman, than he instantly 
desisted, and from that moment treated him with becoming respect. He allowed him 
to plead before the Sanhedrim without his bonds, and showed great spirit in snatching 


‘ Why two? Because one of them was to 
conduct Paul all the way to Cesarea, and the 
other, with two hundred legionaries, was to 
secure a safe convoy as far as Antipatris, and 
then, when all danger would cease, was to march 
his men back. Acts xxiii. 51. Accordingly, on 
Paul’s arrival at Ceesarea, only one centurion is 
spoken of: διαταξάμενός τε τῷ ἑκατοντάρχῃ τηρεῖ- 
σθαι τὸ: Παῦλον. Acts xxiv. 28. See Blunt’s 
Coincidences. 

62 See a similar escort by night. Jos. Vit. xxiv. 
As to the δεξιολάβους, it does not appear what 
they were; but, as opposed to στρατιῶται, they 
may have been mounted, and, as opposed to 
ἱππεῖς or heavy horse, they may have been light 
horse. Meyer conjectures them to have been 
spearmen or slingers. Meyer, Apostg. 404. 
Others interpret δεξιολάβους to be the body- 
enard of a prisoner, as taking the right side, 
from the prisoner’s right hand being chained to 
the guard’s left. See Kuinoel, Acts xxiii, 22: 
The only other passage in which the word 
δεξιολάβους occurs is one cited by Wordsworth 


(on Acts xxiii. 38) from the treatise of Constan- 
tin. Porphyr. on the quartering of troops, where 
he says that the τουρμάρχης has under him 
στρατιώτας τοξοφύρους πεντακυσίους, καὶ πελταστὰς 
τριακοσίους, καὶ δεξιολάβους ἑκατόν. Const. Por- 
phyr. Themet. 1. 1. This passage also tends to 
show that the δεξιολάβοι were some kind of 
light troops. 

°S κτήνη Means only ‘jumenta, and may refer 
either to horses or mules or asses. 

'! Wa ἐπιβιβάσαντες τὸν Παῦλον διασώσωσι. 
How could Paul require κτήνη in the plural ? 
Hither the name of Paul is intended to com- 
prise his keeper, so that two horses would be 
necessarily wanted, or, as it was a long journey, 
two horses were provided for Paul himself by 
way of relay. 

ὅδ Lysias was probably his Greek name, and 
Claudius the name assumed by him as a Roman 
when he purchased his Roman citizenship. 

% Acts xxiii. 26-30. The last word,” Eppoco, 
was the common termination of a Greek letter. 
See Achill. Tat. v.; Jos. Vit. 44, 65; &e. ; 


Cuap. LV.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.D. 58} 155 


his prisoner from the bar, when the judges were more like rioters themselves than 
men summoned together to investigate the truth with a calm temper. On receiving 
intelligence of the conspiracy, Lysias’s conduct was most judicious—what before had 
been a sudden ebullition of popular violence, had now, by the accession of the High 
Priests and Elders, assumed a serious aspect, and Lysias, very wisely, at the same 
time provided for Paul’s safety and relieved himself from all further responsibility, 
by remitting a case of moment (which, as delegate, he was bound to 4057) to the 
higher tribunal of the Procurator. But, in the name of Christianity, we have chiefly 
to thank Lysias for the favourable light in which he represented Paul’s case by his 
letter. Had he sought to conciliate the Jews at the expense of veracity, he would 
have sent Paul as a malefactor to Felix. Instead of that he informs him that Paul 
was not in custody as a convict, but had been rescued from a mob; that he had been 
since examined before the Sanhedrim, but was accused of no crime or misdemeanour, 
but merely as holding heterodox opinions; and lastly, that Paul was a Roman, 
and as such entitled to full protection from the representative of the Roman 
Emperor. Much of the kind treatment that Paul afterwards experienced may haye. 
been owing to this considerate report. Claudius Lysias, as already remarked, was a 
Roman by purchase, but had he traced: his lineage from the illustrious line of the 
Claudii, he could not have inherited more generous or noble qualities. 

At the third hour, or nine o’clock, under the shades of night, the escort were 
ready at the gates of Fort Antonia with horses for Paul and the soldier to whom he 
was linked. Lysias delivered the letter, and Paul mounted, and the cavalcade set 
forward on the road to Cesarea. The Roman capital lay at the distance of sixty-eight 
miles," or, according to Josephus, seventy-five miles.** They travelled all night, and 
passing through Lydda, they the next day (the 26th of May) reached Antipatris, a plea- 
sant city twenty-six miles from Cesarea. Here the foot soldiers,’ no danger being 
now apprehended, retraced their steps, under the command of one of the two centurions, 
to Jerusalem. The horsemen, ἢ. e., both the heavy and light horse, under the command 


ὅτ Si quid erit,quod majorem animadversionem Cepharsaba, or Saba Town. Herod, when he 


exigat, rejicere legatus apud proconsulem debet, 
neque enim animadvertendi, coércendi, vel atro- 
citer verberandi jus habet. Dig. i. 16, 11. 
68 Τῇ the Itiner. Hieros. the distances are as 
follows: 
Millia passuum 


Jerusalem to Nicopolis ~ ἘΣΤΙ 
NicopolistoLydda ..... x 
Lydda to Antipatris ..... x 
Antipatris to Bethar . . ... x 
Bethar to Cesarea. . . . . - XVi 

Ixvili 


© Ant. xiii. 11, 2; Bell. i. 3, 5. 
τὸ Jos. Ant. xvi. 5,2. It was originally called 


enlarged and beautified it, called it Antipatris. 
It has now resumed its ancient name, and is 
called Kefr-Saba. Robinson’s Palestine, p. 188, 
ed. 1856. 

τι The escort consisted of—1. στρατιῶται, or 
legionaries; 2. ἱππεῖς, or heavy horse; 3. de&o- 
λάβοι, or light horse. Acts xxiii. 23. The 
στρατιῶται, having gone as far as Antipatris, 
returned, and the ἱππεῖς proceeded to Czesarea. 
Acts xxiii. 31 and 82, But were the δεξιολάβοι 
included under the στρατιῶται who returned, or 
under the ἱππεῖς who went on? Probably the 
latter, as the δεξιολάβοι were a mounted force, 
and light-armed. See note ante, p. 154. 


x 2 


51. PAUL 41' CASAREA. 


156 [Cuap, IV. 


[a.p. 58] 


of the other centurion, pressed on with Paul to Caesarea. On arriving they proceeded 
to the palace of Herod, or the Pretorium, the residence of Felix, the Governor, and 
there delivered the dispatch and presented their prisoner. Felix broke the seal, and 
haying read the letter, asked Paul of what province he was, and being informed of 
Cilicia, which had, not long before, been under the Propretorship of Cossutianus 
Capito,” a great favourite at Nero’s court, and a friend of Felix, but who had just 
been conyicted of maladministration, the Procurator gave his attention, and said, 
T will hear thee** when thine accusers are also come ;” and committing him to the 
custody of the centurion,” directed that he should be kept in the guard-room of the 
Preetorium.”” 

Lysias meanwhile had communicated to the Sanhedrim that the case was remitted 
to the Procurator, and that they must make their accusation before Felix at Caesarea. 
The wise precautionary measures of Lysias were, no doubt, a bitter disappointment 
to the persecuting faction; however, Paul had been removed, and to Cesarea they 
must follow him. Ananias, with reyenge rankling at his heart for the affront he 
had received in the presence of the Sanhedrim, set out from the Roman capital, 
accompanied by the elders. The arrogant High Priest was no spokesman, or at least 
not in any other language than his native Hebrew; and he, therefore, took with him 
an eminent advocate at Jerusalem, called Tertullus, who could speak Greek with 
fluency and was well acquainted with the forms of Roman procedure. The name of 
this man is Roman, being the diminutive of Tertius,”* and it has hence been inferred 
that Tertullus was a Roman, and that the proceedings before Felix were conducted 
Certainly, in ancient times the 


in Latin. This, however, is not very probable.” 


Romans had attempted to enforce the use of Latin in all law courts, and interpreters 
were employed, but the experiment failed; and under the Emperors trials were 
permitted in Greek, even in Rome itself, as well in the senate as in the forum,” 


? Tac. Ann. xiii. 33. 

τὸ διακούσομαί cov. Acts xxiii. 35. The strict 
meaning is, ‘I will hear thee out, or ‘ give thee 
a full hearing’ 

™ τῷ éxarovrapyn—not ἃ centurion, as in Eng. 
ver. See note ante, Ὁ. 154. 

τὸ The Preetorium was originally the tent of 
the Roman commander-in-chief, and hence the 
palace of the emperor, the military head of the 
empire, was so called By force of imitation, 
and to increase their dignity, the provincial 
governors applied the name of Preetorium to 
their head-quarters, more particularly where 
they occupied the palace of some previous king. 
Thus, the palace of Herod at Jerusalem, where 
the procurator lived, was called the Praetorium 
(Mark xv. 16), and the palace of Herod at Czesarea 
wus known by the same name. Paul, therefore, 


was kept as a prisoner in the Palace of Herod 
at Ceesarea, or at least in one of the guard-rooms 
attached to it. 

7 We meet with Tertullus in Plin. Ep. v. 15, 
as also with Tertulla in Suet. Jul. 50, Octav. 
69; Plin. N. H. vii. 50. Tertullus is the dimi- 
nutive of Tertius, as Lucullus of Lucius, Catul- 
lus of Catus, Marcellus of Marcus, Tibullus of 
Tiberius. It has been suggested, but without 
any sufficient ground, that this Tertullus may 
have been the Cornutus Tertullus who was the 
colleague of Pliny the Younger in the consul- 
ship, A.D. 100. 

7 See on this question, Kuinoel, xxiv. 1. 

7 Val. Max. 11. 2. 

19. Cie. Ep. Fam. xiii. 54. 

80 πολλὰς μὲν δίκας ἐν τῇ διαλέκτῳ ταύτῃ [VizZ. 
Greek] καὶ ἐκεῖ [in senatu] λεγομένας ἀκούων, 


Cuar, IV] ST, PAUL AT C4iSAREA., [A.p. 58] 1: 


and it is unlikely that greater strictness should have been observed in a dis- 
tant province. The name Tertullus proves little, as the Greeks, and eyen the 
Jews, very commonly adopted Roman names, Besides, Tertullus in the course of 
his address, speaks of “our law,”*’ which identifies him as a member of the Jewish 
community. 

One part of Ananias’s proceedings may be regarded with suspicion. He did not 
think it necessary to secure the presence of the most material witnesses. The 
Ephesian Jews, who had begun the uproar in the Temple, and should have been 
forthcoming, were studiously kept out of the way. 

On the fifth day after Paul’s arrival, or May the 30th, (an interval of twelve 
clear days having elapsed since the Pentecost), Ananias and his party being ready 
with their indictment, took their station in the Procurator’s Court, or Judgment 
Hall, of the Pretorium. Felix entered, and having occupied his tribunal on the 
Gabbatha or raised platform, commanded the prisoner to be brought, and Paul was 
conducted into court. 

Tertullus now rose and opened the case, and certainly managed 16 with admirable 
dexterity. He began by complimenting Felix, not in coarse panegyric, but by 
delicate allusion to the only meritorious actions the Procurator had ever performed, 
viz., the clearance of the country from freebooters, and the suppression of seditious 
fanatics. Of course the recent overthrow of the Egyptian impostor on Mount Olivet 
Was in every one’s thoughts, and the least hint would be sufficient. He then rested 
his charge upon three counts; first, That Paul was a turbulent fellow ; secondly, 
That he was the ringleader of a heresy called the Nazarenes ; and, lastly, That he had 
attempted the profanation of the Temple. In case these matters should not be 
satisfactorily proved, Tertullus hinted that the presence of Lysias only was required, 
who would satisfy the Governor of the truth of the whole story. But Tertullus shall 
speak for himself— 

“Seeing,” he began, “that by thee we enjoy profound peace, and that very worthy 
deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence, we accept it always, and in all 
places, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness. Notwithstanding, that I be not 
further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest hear us of thy clemency 
afew words. For we have found this man a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition 
among all the Jews throughout the world: and a ringleader of the sect of the 
Nazarenes: who hath also gone about to profane the temple." Whom we took [and 
would have judged according to our law, but the chief captain Lysias came upon us, 
and with great violence took him away out of our hands, commanding his accusers to 


πολλὰς δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπερωτῶν. Dion Cass, lvii. Temple, though he were a Roman, he incurred 

15. See Ix. 8, 16, 17; Suet. Tib. 71 ; Nero, 7. the penalty of death. οὐχ ἡμεῖς δὲ τοὺς ὑπερβάντας 
Ἢ τὸν ἡμέτερον νόμον. Acts xxiv. 6. ὑμῖν ἀναιρεῖν ἐπετρέψαμεν, καὶ ἐὰν Ῥωμαῖός τις ἢ 
ΣΤΡ any one violated the sanctity of the Jos. Bell. vi. 2, 4. 


158 [a.p. 58] ST, PAUL AT C4ISAREA. [Cuae. IV. 


come unto thee ;]** by examining of whom (Lysias)* thyself mayest take knowledge 
of all these things, whereof we accuse him.” 

In this statement, as the reader will not fail to observe, the orator was not over- 
scrupulous as to truth. To describe the murderous attack upon Paul in the Temple 
as the apprehension of a man with a view to a legal trial, was as gross a fabrication 
as could well be invented; however, the Jews that stood by vouched for the accuracy 
of all that was said.*® Felix listened with attentive silence, and when the accusation 
was concluded, beckoned haughtily to Paul for his defence. The case upon the 
opening was so futile, that Felix ought to have dismissed the complaint at once, and 
should, like Gallio, have driven the Jews from the judgment seat; but the nobleness 
of soul that distinguished the brother of Seneca, was not to be found in the dastardly 
bosom of the Emperor’s freedman. 

The Apostle now, in a plain unvarnished tale, replied to the several charges 
against him. 1. That as to turbulence, he had always conducted himself quietly, 
and that in particular since he had been at Jerusalem he had not opened his mouth 
in public, either in the Temple, or in the synagogue, or in the streets of the city. 
2, That as to the count of heresy, he believed in the resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth, 
but such a faith was not contrary to law, for the doctrine of the resurrection was 
held by the Pharisees themselves, of whose sect was Ananias, the present prosecutor. 


3. That as to the profanation of the Temple, no offence of the kind was particularised, 


~ The part in brackets is omitted in many 
MSS., and the omission has been adopted by 
Lachmann and Tischendorf, and is thought pro- 
bable by Griesbach, but is retained by Alford. 

8 παρ᾽ οὗ, καιλ. It has been much disputed 
whether the οὗ refers to Lysias or to Paul. The 
natural inference is that it refers to Lysias, and 
then the drift of the Jews is that knowing their 
inability to prove their charges, they aimed at 
adjourning the trial sine die, under pretence 
that Lysias ought to be examined (dvaxpivas—see 
the like use of the word by the same writer, 
Luke xxiii. 14; and by Josephus, Vit. 57). In 
this case they would take care by their influence, 
as they did, that Lysias should never appear. 
It may be thought an objection to this view, that 
Felix it is said would by the examination in 
question “take knowledge of all these things,” 
whereas Lysias, though he might depose to 
some of the transactions mentioned, could know 
nothing of the criminal charges themselves. On 
the other hand it strongly supports this inter- 
pretation that Felix replies, “ When Lysius the 
chief cuptuin shall come down, I will determine 
between you.” Acts xxiv. 22. This looks asif he 
had assented to ‘the proposition of Tertullus, 


that Lysias was a necessary witness. 

The other aspect is that παρ᾽ οὗ refers to αὐτοῦ 
just before—i.e. to Paul: κελεύσας τοὺς κατηγόρους 
αὐτοῦ ἔρχεσθαι ἐπὶ σέ: παρ᾽ οὗ, «.r.A..—and if the 
part in brackets be omitted (see preceding note) 
the οὗ would necessarily refer to Paul. On this 
hypothesis the design was that as the Jews 
could not verify their unjust allegations, they 
suggested that Paul should be put to the rack 
(avaxpivas), hoping that, as was often the case, 
the prisoner would rather admit the alleged 
facts than suffer the excruciation of further 
torture; and at all events they would have the 
satisfaction of seeing their enemy subjected to 
dreadful torments. But Paul was a Roman 
citizen, and so exempted from torture, and he 
had been expressly described as a Roman in the 
letter of Lysias to Felix; and it can scarcely be 
supposed that Paul’s Jewish adversaries were 
ignorant of so notable a matter as that of his 
Roman citizenship. 

The first of these two views has been adopted 
in the text as the more probable. 

% Acts xxiv. 3-8. 

® Acts xxiv. 9. 


Cuap. IV] ST. PAUL AT CESARE4. [a.v. 58] 159 


and if any had been committed, the Jews of Ephesus should have been produced 
to prove it. The Apostle’s argument, however, though containing some home truths, 
was conciliatory towards Felix and respectful towards his accusers.*® He expressed 
himself thus : 

“Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been for many years“ a judge* unto this 
nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself, because that thou mayest under- 
stand that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem to worship.*° 
And they neither found me in the Temple disputing with any man, neither raising 
up the people, neither in the synagogues nor in the city, nor can they prove the 


* The following is a table of the chronology 
from Paul’s arrival at Jerusalem to his trial 
before Felix :— 

A.D. 58. 

May 17. Arrived at Jerusalem. Pentecost be- 

gins at 6 p.m. 

» 18. Presbytery held: τῇ ἐπιούσῃ. 

18. 

Paul goes to the Temple with the four 
Nazarites: τῇ ἐχομένη. Acts xxi. 26. 
This was probably before 6 p.a.; so 
that the second of the seven days 
began at 6 p.m. of May the 19th. 

23. At the close of the fifth, or at the be- 
ginning (at 6 p.m.) of the sixth day 
of the Nazarites’ week, Paul is appre- 
hended in the Temple: ὡς ἔμελλον 
ai ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι συντελεῖσθαι. Acts xxi. 
27. 

24. Before the Sanhedrim: τῇ ἐπαύριον. Acts 
xxii. 80. 

25. The conspiracy against Paul’s life: 
γενομένης ἡμέρας. Acts xii. 9. At 
nine at night, Paul is dispatched to 
Ceesarea: ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτύς. 
Acts xxiii. 24. 

26. Paul reaches Cxesarea: τῇ ἐπαύριον. Acts 

xxiii. 32. 
» 90. Ananias comes to Cxesarea: μετὰ πέντε 
ἡμέρας. Acts xxiv. 1. 

This would be on the fifth day, both inclusive. 

For this meaning of the word pera see Fasti 

Sacri, Ixvi.; p. 264, No. 1581; and p. 340, No. 

1996. This fifth day or 30th of May was at an 

interval of twelve days complete from Paul’s 

arrival at Jerusalem on the 17th of May. The 
words in Acts xxiv. 11, οὐ πλείους εἰσί μοι ἡμέραι 

ἣ δεκαδύο, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἀνέβην προσκυνήσων must refer 

to the day of Pentecost, for Felix, however great 

his experience, could have no means of knowing 
when Paul actually arrived, but only on what 


Acts xxi. 


cs Al). 


2 


day was the feast. 

ὅτ Viz. from A.D, 52 to a.p. 58, the time when 
the Apostle was speaking. See Fasti Sacri, p. 297, 
No. 1777. The usual duration of a procurator- 
ship was two or three years, but Felix, from his 
influence at Rome, had already been six years 
in office, and was not recalled until a.p. 60. See 
Fasti Sacri, p. 319, No. 1893. According ta 
Tacitus, Felix had even held rule in Palestine 
previously to 4.p. 52, and jointly with Cumanus. 
Ita divisis ut huic [Cumano] Galileorum natio, 
Felici Samarite parerent. Tac. Ann. xii. 54 

“ The governors of provinces exercised the 
judicial office personally. 

“ The Apostle states three reasons for having 
come to Jerusalem :—(1.) To keep the feast— 
προσκυνήσων, Acts xxiv.11; (2.) To bring alms, 
Actsxxiv. 17; (3.) To makeoblations—zpoogopas, 
Acts xxiv. 17, the word before used to express 
the offerings of the Nazarites, Acts xxi. 26, from 
which, with other circumstances, it may be in- 
ferred that Paul had made a vow after the narrow 
escape at Ephesus, or on escaping the ambush 
of the Jews on his departure from Corinth. In 
the course of performing the ceremonies at 
Jerusalem (ἐν ois) the Jews found him purified 
as a Nazarite (ἡγνισμένον, Acts xxiv. 18) in the 
Temple. Paul could not mean that the feast had 
taken him to the Temple, for the Pentecost, which 
lasted only one day, had been celebrated some 
time before. It may appear singular that. if 
Paul had undertaken the vow, Luke should not 
have mentioned it, but the answer is, that Luke 
not unfrequently omits what is afterwards im- 
plied. Thus, in this very verse, Paul is intro- 
duced as saying—“I come to bring alms to my 
nation,” and yet Luke had not previously al- 
luded to the collection in Macedonia and Achaia, 
though we have the full particulars of it in the 
Epistles. 


160 [4.Ὁ. 58] 


ST. PAUL AT C4iSARLEA. 


[Cuar. IV. 


things whereof they now accuse me. But this I confess unto thee, that after the way 
which they call Heresy, so worship I the God of my fathers, beheving all things 
which are written in the Law and in the Prophets; and have hope toward God, which 
they themselves also allow, that there shall be a resurrection of the dead, both of the 
just and unjust; and herein do I exercise myself to have always a conscience void of 
offence toward God and toward men. Now, after many years, I came to bring alms 
to my nation, and offerings, in the course of which certain Jews from Asia found me, 
purified,’ in the Temple, neither with multitude, nor with tumult, who ought to have 
been here before thee, and accuse, if they had aught against me; or else. let these 
same here say, if they found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the council, 
except for this one voice that I cried standing among them, ‘Touching the resurrec- 
tion of the dead, I am called in question by you this day.’ δ᾽ 

Both sides having been heard, Felix, in the absence of all evidence against the 
prisoner, should have pronounced an acquittal, and set him at liberty. Such would 
have been the Procurator’s course, had he followed his own judgment, unbiassed by 
other considerations. He was well enough acquainted with the general features of 
Christianity, for Simon Magus (who professed himself a believer), was his familiar 
friend, and perhaps was present at this trial, and the innocence of Paul in respect 
of the crimes alleged against him, was too plain to leave a doubt on the dullest 
understanding ; indeed, the charges of sedition and profanation of the Temple had 
been mere subterfuges to cover the gist of the accusation, which was the profession of 
Christianity, and the publication of it to the Gentiles, and that without the observance 
of the Law. However, the wily Felix had no desire to offend the most influential men 


amongst the Jews, for the sake of a humble commoner, however meritorious. He 
therefore escaped from his perplexity by adjourning the cause: “ When Lysias the 
chief captain,” said he, “shall come down,*’ I will determine between you.”*? The 


Jews took care by their interest with Felix, that Lysias, whose honest testimony 
would haye entirely exculpated the prisoner, should neyer make his appearance. 

Paul meanwhile was detained in custody. The centurion, however, who had 
charge of him, was commanded not to place him in close confinement, but to give 


him as much liberty as was consistent with safety,’ and not to interdict him from 


“ Great stress is to be laid on the statement 
that he was ‘purified,’ for even a Jew might 
not, under penalty of death, enter the Temple, 
unless he had first purified himself. Thus, 
Antiochus made a proclamation in favour of the 
Jews: μηδενὶ ἐξὸν εἶναι ἀλλοφύλῳ εἰς τὸν περί- 
βολον εἰσιέναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν ἀπηγορευμένον τοῖς 
Ἰουδαίοις εἰ μὴ οἷς ἂν ἁγνισθεῖσίν ἐστιν ἔθιμον κατὰ 
Jos. Ant. xii. 8, 4. 

7 Acts xxiv. 19-21. 

* Felix therefore lent himself to the views of 
the Jews, who bemg unable to prove their 


τὸν πάτριον νόμον. 


charges, had suggested that Lysias was a neces- 
sary witness, m the hope of detaining him at 
Jerusalem. Acts xxiv. 8. 

® Acts xxiv. 32. διαγνώσομαι---“1 will give 
my final decision.’ It does not follow that there 
was to be any further hearing of the parties, 
but Felix may have reserved his judgment until 
he had seen Lysias, and he resolved not to see 
him. 


94 oy 
€XelY TE ἄνεσιν. 


The word ἄνεσιν is similarly 
applied by Jcsephus to the military custody of 


Agrippa: μετὰ ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν δίαιταν. Jos. 


Cua. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.D. 58] 161 


seeing his friends, or receiving their attentions. Meanwhile the forty Jews who had 
bound themselves by a curse not to eat or drink till they had slain Paul, must by 
breaking their yow have brought the curse upon their own heads.*° 

Felix shortly after this left Caesarea himself, and when he returned, was accom- 
panied by his wife Drusilla**—the beautiful Drusilla, the daughter of Agrippa, the 
She 


had married Azizus, King of Emesa, but, as we have seen, had been prevailed upon 


late King of Judea, and the sister of Agrippa, the present King of Trachonitis. 


by the artifices of Simon Magus to elope from her husband, and become the wife of 

the dissolute Felix. The Procurator had not long arrived, when he expressed a desire 

to hear Paul again. The Apostle’s earnest and eloquent defence had left apparently 

.a strong impression upon the mind of Felix, who was at least shrewd enough to 
appreciate talent. He had also for many years been acquainted with the leading 
features of Christianity through subordinate channels, and now he had the opportunity 
of hearing it advocated by one of its ablest champions. There may besides have been, 
on the part of Drusilla, a natural curiosity to see the man whose name from her 
infancy had been so rife amongst her countrymen. Felix, at all events, sent for his 
prisoner, not, it seems, into the judgment hall, but into the private apartments of 
the palace, and desired from him an exposition of the Christian faith. 

A storm of conflicting feelings must have swept across the Apostle’s breast at the 
scene before him. There sat Felix, old enough in years but older by his vices, a 
monarch without and arrayed in purple, a slave within and actuated by the vilest 
and basest motives. At his side was Drusilla, the fairest of the daughters of Israel, 

and now in the height of her charms, at the age of twenty, the scion of a royal line 
and yet living the spouse of a fortunate freedman. The oppressive exactions of the 
Procurator, his private debauchery, his utter disregard of the laws, his cold-hearted 
unfeeling abduction of another’s wife, were thoughts that forced themselves upon the 
Apostle’s mind as he discoursed upon Christianity, and, unawed by the exalted station 
of his auditors, he expatiated freely upon Justice and Continence and the Judgment 
to come—“ Felix trembled.”*’ “The truths struck home, and the despot, lost in the 


reverie of the moment, saw himself in the gulf of perdition; he could bear no more, 


Ant. xviii. 6,10. Like Paul, Agrippa, bound — tania, by Selene, the daughter of Antony and 


by a chain to a soldier, was allowed to see his 
friends, &e. Ib. One reason for the permission 
given to Paul to receive visitors, was no doubt 
to enable him to use his influence with his friends 
for raising the sam which Felix was looking for 
as a bribe. 

® See Stiers Reden der Apost. p. 267. 

% Felix married successively three royal 
personages or princesses: trium reginarum 
maritum. Suet. Claud. 28. These were :—(1.) 
Drusilla, the daughter of Juba, king of Mauri- 


VOL. ΤΠ. 


Cleopatra. Tac. Hist. v. 9,7. (2.) Drusilla referred 
to in the text, the daughter of Agrippa I. and 
sister of Agrippa the younger. (3.) A princess 
not mentioned in history. See Kuinoel, Acts 
xxiii. 24. 

* Acts xxiv. 25. It is well known that in the 
indictment against Warren Hastings the great 
Edmund Burke, in one of his finest apostrophes, 
and intending to cite this passage, exclaimed, 
“ Judge Festus trembled.” 


162 [a.p. 58] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. [Cuar. IV. 


and commanded Paul from his presence, exclaiming, ‘Go thy way for this time, when 
I have a convenient season I will call for thee.” ** 

It might be supposed that Felix, abashed by this rebuke, would never haye sought 
to repeat the interview. Notso. The sermon of the preacher had passed across the 
conscience of the hardened sinner, as the keel of the vessel over the waste of waters, 
without leaving a track behind. Paul was of gentle birth, and by education a scholar, 
and perhaps the Procurator found in Paul’s society a means of beguiling the weary 
hours. But there was another and more unworthy motive that actuated Felix in 
sending, from time to time, for his prisoner, and conversing with him on easy terms. 
He knew that Paul’s kinsmen were moving in an elevated sphere, and that the 
Apostle was revered and beloved by the sect of the Nazarenes, and that he had 
brought with him at the Pentecost a treasure of large amount, which his influence 
had collected in Macedonia and Achaia, and that he had many followers of sufficient 
means in Czesarea itself. He wished him, therefore, to understand that freedom was 
not hopeless, provided it were purchased with a suitable recompense.*? Such an offer 
was of course a flagrant violation of the Roman law, but Felix would pay little regard 
to such considerations.’ Paul, however, who was suffering duress for crimes he had 
never committed, was little likely to make himself a criminal by corrupting the 
fountains of justice to procure his liberation. He paid the penalty of a pure conscience 
by wearing his chain. 

Paul had a hollow friend in Felix within the Pretorium, but he experienced no 
lack of faithful service from without. Luke and Aristarchus were in attendance upon 
the Apostle at the time of his embarcation for Rome, and they had probably been so 
from his arrival at Jerusalem. The affection also of his other attached followers must 
have burnt with a brighter flame in the night of persecution. Philip, the Evangelist, 
and his family were resident at Czesarea, and Cornelius, the Centurion, was perhaps, as 
a soldier, quartered in the barracks. Paul writes to the Hebrews, according to the 
authorized translation, “ Ye had compassion of me in my bonds,” (τοῖς δέσμοις pov), 
and if so it would prove the zeal of the Hebrew converts generally on his behalf; but 
the reading, though commonly received, cannot be supported, for the persecution 
alluded to in this passage is laid at the very commencement of the Gospel (φωτισ- 
θέντες), viz. in the time of Stephen, and the text should be corrected, upon the 
authority of the best MS., “Ye had compassion upon those in bonds” (τοῖς δεσμίοις).᾽ 
We may rest assured, however, whether the circumstance be expressly mentioned or 


88. Acts xxiv. 25. conjiciendum, vinciendum, vincirive jubendum, 


* Albinus, who was another Felix, acted in a 
similar way. The only prisoners were those who 
had nothing to pay. μόνος ὁ μὴ δοὺς τοῖς δεσμω- 
τηρίοις ὡς πονηρὸς ἐγκατελείπετο. JOS. Bell. ii. 14, 1. 

1 The Julian law on this subject enacted: 
Ne quis... ob hominem in vinecula publica 


exyve vinculis dimittendum, neve quis ob homi- 
nem condemnandum, absolvendumyve .. . ali- 
quid acceperit. Dig. xlviii. 11, 7, 

101 Heb. x. 84. 

12 This is the reading adopted by Griesbach, 
Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, 


Crap. 1.1 ST. PAUL AT CH&ISAREA, [a.p. 58] 163 


not, that the Hebrew Christians (though some of the humbler sort may have had 
their minds poisoned against him by the malice of the Judaizers) were not wanting 
in fervent charity towards one who had suffered so much for the cross of Christ, and 
who had so recently exhibited his good will towards themselves by bringing them 
relief from foreign churches. 

As the early Christians were liable at any moment to be dragged to prison or 
mulcted in heavy fines, the warmth of their zeal in rendering aid to one in distress 
was the admiration of the heathen themselves. Lucian, the scoffing Atheist, who 
lived shortly after the Apostolic era, has sketched a ludicrous picture of Christian 
commiseration for a brother in bonds. Peregrinus, a literary mountebank of the day, 
and called also Proteus, had, amongst other metamorphoses, professed himself a 
Christian. He was soon idolized by the sect, and became a prophet and high priest 
among them. “For this reason,” says Lucian, “he was taken up and cast into 
prison.” (And the place of his confinement was certainly in Syria, perhaps in Cxsarea 
itself.) “ But when,” continues Lucian, “he was in bonds, the Christians taking the 
matter to heart moved heaven and earth, first endeavouring to rescue him, and when 
that was found impracticable they did him all sorts of kind offices, and that not in a 
careless manner, but with the greatest assiduity, for even betimes in the morning 
there would be waiting about at the prison little old women and widows and orphans ; 
and the chief men amongst them, by bribing the gaolers, would get into the prison 
and there pass the night with him. There was then a good supper brought in, and 
their religious discourses began, and the most excellent Peregrinus (for he was still so 
called) was pronounced by them to be another Socrates. Even from the cities in 
Asia some Christians came to him, by an order from the body, to relieve, encourage, 
and comfort him; for it is incredible what expedition they use when any of their 
friends are known to be in trouble, for in a word they spare nothing.” One might 
almost imagine that- Lucian was drawing this caricature from the very case of Paul 
himself. ἢ 

It has been thought singular, that during his residence at Cesarea the Apostle 
should not have addressed a single Epistle to any of the numerous churches planted 
by him. But why, it may be asked, should he have written a letter? There was no 
post for the transmission of correspondence, and Paul usually maintained a com- 
munication with his converts by employing trusty messengers. Thus Timothy, Titus, 
Luke, Sylvanus, Tychicus, Trophimus, Mark, Clement, Artemas, Erastus, Epaphroditus, 
Crescens, Erastus, Gaius, Aristarchus, Crescens, Secundus, Sopater, and numerous 
others, were continually passing to and fro between the Apostle and his churches, 
and it was only on some extraordinary occasion that Paul, to whom penmanship was 
an effort and dictation often inconvenient, forwarded by his envoy a written dispatch. 
During the thirty years of his ministry there emanated from him but fourteen 


18 Tuucian, Pereg. xii. 


164 [a.p, 58] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA, [Cuap. IV. 


Epistles, and for the first fifteen years he did not compose one. However, it is more 
probable that the Jews, who had influence enough with Felix to keep Paul a prisoner 
for two years, had prevailed upon the mercenary Prefect not to allow him the use of 
pen and ink, on the ground that he would thus spread the heresy and sedition with 
which they charged him. No such restriction was afterwards imposed upon him at 
Rome, but there he was living in a private lodging hired by himself. and the Jewish 
party had not the like facilities for petty oppression. 

While Paul is lying bound in the Preetorium at Cxsarea, let us sketch an outline of 
Cxsarea itself! (fig. 238). It was originally a Greek fishing town, known as Straton’s 
Tower, but as there was no harbour of refuge between Dora and Joppa, and the west- 
erly winds beat against the coast with tremendous violence, Herod the Great con- 
ceived the magnificent design of forming a grand artificial port (fig. 239), and erecting 
about it a capital city. For this purpose he threw out a semicircular mole, from 
south to north,'®’ enclosing a space as large as the Pirzeus at Athens.'’° The entrance 


— (fx = 


= =) S δ > 
Fig. 238,— View of Cesarea-on-sea from the south. From a photograph of the Palestine Exploration. 


The projecting promontory on the spectator’s left is the rocky eminence on which stood the Temple of Roma and Augustus. 
Fragments of columns are strewn about it on all sides. 


for vessels was on the north.’ The stones cast into the sea, which was 60 feet deep, 
were 50 feet long. When the mole at length rose aboye the waters, it was 200 feet 
broad. A margin of 100 feet on the west acted as a breakwater to meet the violence 
of the waves, and the inner or eastern margin, being also 100 feet wide, was laid out 
as a walk, with moorings for the vessels, and bristled with towers, one of which was 


“4 For Josephus’s description of Czesarea, see Wars, ὁ βασιλεὺς... μείζονα μὲν τοῦ Πειραιέως 
Beil i. 21,5; Ant. xv. 9, 6. λιμένα κατεσκεύασεν. Bell. i. 21, 5. 
109 περιέγραψε τὸν κύκλον τοῦ λιμένος. Jos. Ant. 17 ὁ δὲ εἴσπλους καὶ τὸ στύμα πεποίηται πρὸς 
ριέγρ μ rn ται πρ 


ἘΝ Ὡ; (Os βορρᾶν. Jos. Ant. xv. 9,6. ὁ δὲ εἴσπλους βύρειος. 


105 μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Πειραιᾶ. Ib. Inthe Bell. i. 21, 7. 


Cuar. ΤΥ] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.p. 58] 165 


of imposing appearance, and called Drusion, after Drusus, one of the imperial family 
of Rome. The port itself was named Sebastus, the Greek for Augustus, in honour of 
the Emperor. The town was built of handsome stone, with streets running down to 


Fig. 239.—-A brass medal struck in the time of Nero, representing on the obverse the Port of Ostia. From the British Museum. 


‘This medal give- a good idea of a Roman port in the apostolic age, and serves very much to illustrate that of Cesarea. 

The legend at the foot is “S Por. Ost. C.,” ie., Portus Ostiensis Senatus consulto (Port of Ostia. By decree of the 
senate). 

On the right is a semicircular pier or jetty carried on open arches, admitting but breaking the fires of the sea, and at 
the end of the pier is a strong post to support the chain, which, in case of danger, was drawn across the mouth of the port. 

On the left in the lower part are the warehouses tor Storing merchandise, and above them, at the end of the pier, isa 
temple shewing in the interior the image of the god. Jn front of it is an altar with the figure of a man offering sacrifice, Just 
as at Cxesarea there was a temple to Kome and Augustus. 

Within the port at the mouth is the colossal statue of the emperor supported on open piers, which reminds us of the Port 
of Cenchrea, in the middle of which stood the statue of Neptune (see Vol. J. pp. 299, 300). 

At the foot of the medal is the recumbent figure of Portumnus, the god of Ports, or perhaps the river god Tiber, at the 
embouchure of which river the Port of Ostia was constructed. 

In the area of the medal are represented the various vessels and boats of the day. On the left is seen entering the 
port a vessel under full sail, with the strengthening cords crossing each other at right angles distinctly marked. On the 
tight a trireme enters at full speed, with nine oars on the one side, and the rudder at the stern. Below are several vessels 
lying at anchor with thetr sails reefed, and lower still is a jolly boat. It will not escape notice that all the vessels as 
they were then rigged have only one mast and one great sail. 


the port, and others crossing at right angles, and the subterraneous constructions for 
Sewage were as wonderful as the works above. As you entered the port, the most 
conspicuous object facing you, and on a commanding eminence, was a splendid Temple, 
the Sebasteum, dedicated to Sebastus, or Augustus, in compliment to whom the city 
itself was named Cxesarea. Within the temple was a colossal statue of Augustus, 
equalling that of Jupiter at Olympia, and another of the Goddess of Rome, equalling 
that of Juno at Argos."> It was to this temple that the famous shields, the dedication 


«8 Jos. Bell. i. 21,7. The site of the Temple polished stone, and in the middle of the port 


was at the western extremity of the rocky penin- 
sula on which are now the shattered remains of 
the Crusaders’ tower. This is evidenced by the 
following facts: 1. The temple stood on an 
eminence—eri γηλόφου, Jos. Bell. i. 21,7; κολω- 
vos τις, Ant. xv. 9, 6; in loco edito ubi olim 
ab Herode in honorem Augusti Ceesaris miro 
opere dicitur fabricatum templum. William of 
Tyre, x. 15, p. 784. And such is the character 
of this peninsula, which rises to a considerable 
height above the sca level and the land adjacent. 
2. Josephus describes the whole city as of ex- 
cellent materials and workmanship (καλῆς τε 
ὕλης καὶ κατασκευῆς, Ant. xv. 9, 6); but tells us 
that round the port itself all the houses were of 


was the temple: περίκεινται δ᾽ ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν λιμένα 
λειοτάτου λίθου κατασκευῇ συνεχεῖς οἰκήσεις, καὶ ἐν 
τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις, ἐφ᾽ οὗ νεὼς Καίσαρος. Ib. It is 
not clear whether Josephus means the middle of 
the coast-line enclosed by the port or the middle 
of the basin of the port itself; but either view 
could agree with the peninsula, which is nearly 
in the middle of the coast-line, and also runs 
cut into what must have been nearly the middle 
of the basin itself. 3. The mouth of the port 
was on the north, and the temple was right in 
the face of persons sailing in. τοῦ στόματος 
ἄντικρυς ναὸς Καίσαρος ἐπὶ γηλόφου. Bell. i. 21, 7. 
ἄποπτος τοῖς εἰσπλέουσι. Ant. xv. 9, 6. A 
temple at the end of the peninsula would exactly 


166 [a.p. 58] 


ST. PAUL AT CH4SAREA. 


[Cuap. ΤΥ. 


of which at Jerusalem threw the nation into such a ferment in the time of Pontius 


Pilate, were by command of Tiberius remoyed.'” 


There was also the amphitheatre 


in which Agrippa the Elder was celebrating the games when he was smitten by the 
hand of God," and a theatre and stadium, and market-place, and a gorgeous palace,’ 


in which Herod the Great during his latter days had resided, but which was now the 


Pretorium, and oceupied by the freedman, Felix, and in the guard-room of which 


was confined the Apostle Paul. 


The city and port were completed by Herod after 


twelve years of incessant labour, in B.c. 10," and to commemorate the event Herod 


answer this description. 4. The temple would, 
asa matter of course, be surrounded by a colon- 
nade; and a great part of the Crusaders’ edifice 
now standing on the site is made of broken 
columns which no doubt belonged to the temple 
of Augustus. In the first volume of Traill’s 
Josephus, p. 287, the reader will find a repre- 
sentation of the Crusaders’ work, and will see 
what a number of broken columns are inter- 
spersed in the masonry. At the foot of the 
northern mole are also some broken columns 
(see the view in Bartlett’s Jerusalem, p. 7), but 
they could not mark the site of the Temple, for 
they are not on an eminence. Either they 
formed part of a colonnade leading to the 
northern mole or (which is more probable) have 
been washed up from the Temple on the penin- 
sula, for they lie exactly on the spot where the 
prevailing south-west wind (against which the 
harbour itself was constructed) would carry 
them from the peninsula. 

109 Philo, Leg. ad Caium, c. 38. 

no Josephus (Ant. xix. 8, 2) calls the scene of 
Agrippa’s seizure θέατρον, but as it was the time 
of a festival (ἑορτὴ, ib.), on the second day of 
the celebration of the games (θεωριῶν, ib.), the 
amphitheatre is probably meant. The amphi- 
theatre was on the south of the city behind the 
port (πρὸς τῷ νοτίῳ, τοῦ λιμένος ὄπισθεν ἀμφι- 
θέατρον, Ant. xv. 9, 6), and may be placed where 
in the accompanying chart is read “ probable 
site of theatre.” Indeed, recent exploration has 
established, that what on the plan is called 
a theatre was in fact an amphitheatre. See 
note 1, post. 

1 The site of the Palace possesses an interest 
as being the Preetorium in which St. Paul for 
two years was kept a prisoner. It probably 
stood on the commanding eminence near the 
middle of the city to the north-east of the port, 
where was afterwards erected the fortress of the 
Crusaders. (See chart.) The Palace of Herod 
at Jerusalem was the strongest fortification, 


now called the Castle of David, and the same 
policy would induce him to select the most im- 
pregnable post for his palace at Czesarea, and 
that it was placed on high ground is implied 
by Josephus’s statement that Agrippa shed tears 
on looking down on the spectators below. ἐν 
ὑψηλῷ δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς δωματίῳ κατακείμενος καὶ κάτω 
βλέπων αὐτοὺς, κιτιλ. Jos, Ant. xix. 8, 2. 

15 See Fasti Sacri, p. 103, No. 805. It was at 
Cesarea that Flavius Vespasianus was first 
proclaimed Emperor; he therefore became its 
patron and made it a colony, with immunity 
from the poll-tax, and called it Flavia after his 
own name. Stratonis Turris, eadem Crsarea, ab 
rege Herode condita, nune colonia Prima Flavia 
a Vespasiano imperatore deducta. Plin. N. H. 
y. 14. And Titus gave it immunity from the land 
tax. Digest. lib. 1. tit. 15, ο. ὃ, 5. ἡ. However it 
soon resumed its more ancient nomenclature, and 
long flourished as Czxesarea. It early attained the 
dignity of an episcopate of the Christian church, 
and Eusebius, the celebrated historian, who was 
born there, was one of its bishops. It was taken 
by the Crusaders, and was fortified by them, but 
their walls were very confined, and far within the 
circuit of the magnificent city built by Herod. 
Even at that day the port had been utterly 
ruined ; for William of Tyre writes: Est autem 
locus (Caesarea) .. . portu carens, quamvis de 
Herode legatur, quod multis sumptibus et cura 
diligentiore (invidebatur tamen) elaborayverit, 
ut tutam ibi aliquam navibus preberet sta- 
tionem. William of Tyre, x. 15, p.784. At the 
present day the site is still known as Kaisaryeh, 
but not a creature resides within many miles of 
the place. For a general description of the 
ruins, see Pococke, Buckingham’s Palestine, 
Clarke’s Travels, D’Arvieux, &e. 

The veracity of Josephus has been often im- 
pugned for stating that the port of Caesarea was 
equal in size to the Pireus at Athens. But 
Josephus is correct. The supposition of the 
small dimensions of the port rested on the as- 


Cuap. 1,1 


167 


instituted certain quinquennial games called the Cwsarean in honour of 


ST, PAUL AT CHSAREA. 


[a.p. 58] 


Augustus. 


When Judea became a Roman proyince, Cxsarea was the Roman, as Jerusalem was 


the Jewish capital of the country.!™ 


sumption that it comprised only the bay or inlet 
on one side or other of the little rocky penin- 
sula on which the Crusaders’ tower stands. But 
until the survey of the coast by the Admiralty 


the greatest ignorance prevailed both as to land 
and sea. By looking at the accompanying chart 
(fig. 240) we can form a tolerably accurate notion 
of the port. It will be observed that the course 


\ 
5 


ANCIENT MOLE © 


ANCIIENT CITY OF 
ἘΣ aoe 


of one of the moles has been traced for a consider- 
able distance to a depth of twenty fathoms water, 
and from its curving round to the south this 
was evidently the northern limb. The extent 


ns Discessere Mucianus Antiochiam, Vespasianus Cesaream. 


Tac. Hist. ii, 79. 


Fig. 240.—Plan of ruins of Cesarea-on-sea. 


Grounded on the Admiralty Chart. 


and direction of it make it probable that the 
southern mole commenced a good way to the 
south and bent round to the north in the track 
of the dotted line drawn on the chart, and if so, 


Illa Syrie, hee Jude caput est. 


168 [a.D. 59] ST. PAUL AT CHISAREA. [Cuar. ΤΥ. 


At the very time of Paul’s peaceful incarceration within the walls of the Preto- 
rium at Czesarea, a furious storm was raging without.'* The population consisted of 
Jews and Greeks, between whom a constant feud had for some time past been 
The Jews asserted their right to precedence, on the ground that 


The Greeks adyanced equal preten- 


carried on. 
Herod, their countryman, had erected the city. 
sions, because long before Herod the site had been occupied by Straton, a Greek, 
after whom it was called Straton’s Tower. The Jews had somewhat the preponder- 
ance in numbers, and were decidedly the more wealthy. The Greeks, on the other 
hand, were supported by the Roman cohorts quartered at Caesarea, composed of native 
Greeks and Samaritans, both of them the sworn enemies of the Hebrew race. 


time to time open insults had been exchanged, and, as high words led to blows, 


From 
frequent skirmishes ensued. The magistrates had occasionally made an example of 
the ringleaders by whipping and imprisonment, but nothing could extinguish the 
deadly animosity between the rival parties, and Caesarea became the arena of a syste- 


matic warfare. 
of Felix, the contest attained its climax. 


Towards the close of Paul’s confinement, and just before the recall 
The Jews and Greeks met in the market- 


it enclosed a space just about equal to that of 
the Pireeus. That in fact the southern mole was 
such as we haye suggested may be further 
evinced by the following considerations :— 

1. The walls of Herod’s city are laid down 
on the chart, and it will be seen that the northern 
wall terminates exactly at the foot of the northern 
mole. The inference is that the southern wall 
would in like manner terminate at the foot of 
the southern mole, and if we follow the southern 
wall we find it carried to the point from which 
we assume the southern mole to have started, 
and there the wall of the city ends. Unless the 
southern wall joined on to the southern mole, 
the interval between the terminus of the south 
wall and the terminus of the north wall of the 
city would have been utterly defenceless toward 
the sea, which is inconceivable. But evidently 
the moles themselves, which were 200 feet wide, 
and sustained a solid wall with high towers, 
were the ramparts of the city on this side. 

2. Josephus, in describing the port, assigns to 
it one remarkable feature which has hitherto 
escaped notice, viz. that the general basin, which 
equalled the dimensions of the Pireus, had within 
it two (if not more) subordinate bays or inlets 
for the convenience of loading and unloading 
(ἔνδον ἔχοντι δευτέρους ὑφόρμους, Ant. xv. 9, 6; ἐν 
δὲ τοῖς μυχοῖς αὐτοῦ βαθεῖς ὅρμους ἑτέρους, Bell. i. 
25); and in the port as we have drawn it, this is 
exactly the case; for the little rocky peninsula 
which supports the Crusaders’ tower does 


actually divide the basin into two smaller 
havens, and possibly the projecting rocks seen 
more to the south may be the remains of a pier 
which formed a further division. 

3. Josephus tells us that Herod erected an 
amphitheatre at Caesarea, and gives us two 
marks by which to discover the site; viz. that 
it stood on the south part of the city—mpos τῷ 
νοτίῳ, Ant. xv. 9,6; and commanded a good view 
of the sea—keijevov ἐπιτηδείως ἀποπτεύειν εἰς τὴν 
θάλατταν. Ib. On the accompanying chart the 
southern wall is traced, and close to it is placed 
the probable site of the theatre excavated on the 
hillside, and looking down upon the sea without 
any obstacle to interrupt the view. Now as- 
suming the identity of the theatre referred to 
by Josephus with that which still exists. we can 
at once prove that the port reached as far south 
as this; for Josephus adds that the amphi- 
theatre was in the rear of the port: τοῦ λιμένος 
ὄπισθεν ἀμφιθέατρον. Ant. xv. 9,6. But even 
without assuming the identity, we can arrive at 
much the same result, for as the amphitheatre 
was in the south part of the city, and was also 
at the rear of the port, it follows that the port 
reached as far down as the south part of the 
city, and if it descended as far as the southern 
wall, or nearly so, it would embrace as large a 
cireuit as the Pirzeus, which is all we have to 
show. 

ut Jos. Ant. xx.8,7; Bell. ii. 13,7. See Fasti 
Sacri, p. 318, No. 1879. 


Onar. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT CAISAREA. 


[4.Ὁ. 60] 169 


place; stones and missiles flew, and a furious engagement began. The Jews were 
winning the day, when intelligence was carried to Felix in the Pretorium, and 
marching down with a strong force, he ordered the Jews to their homes. They hesi- 
tated to obey, when Felix fell upon them in the most merciless manner, slaughtered 
a vast number, and made more prisoners; not only so, but the houses of the most 
opulent Jews were delivered up to the soldiery to be plundered, The Jews may haye 
been quarrelsome; but were not the Greeks equally so? How could Felix justify 
the carnage of the Jews only, and still more, what defence could be offered for the 
spoliation of their property? Paul had many friends then residing at Czesarea on 
his account, and as he listened to the roar of the tempest without, he must have felt 
the utmost anxiety for the safety of his dear companions. However, the tranquil 
tenor of their lives had provoked no hatred amongst the Gentiles, and the poverty 
of their dwellings was a sufficient protection against mere rapacity. The cold-blooded 
and heartless conduct of the Procurator on this dreadful day, drew upon him more 
than ever the execrations cf a nation upon whose liberties he had trampled now 
for a period of eight years. 

Paul had been two years a prisoner 115 [A.p. 60], when a dispatch arrived from 
Rome that Felix was superseded. His Procuratorship had been of unusual dura- 
tion, for the poliey of the Roman Emperors did not commonly permit a Prefect 
to remain long enough in office to gain a dangerous ascendency. The Jews now 
rejoiced at the prospect of escaping from a tyrant, and Felix was alarmed lest he 
should be called to account at Rome for his iniquitous administration. His brother 
Pallas, notwithstanding the death of Agrippina, the mother of Nero, the Emperor, 
had still considerable influence at the imperial court, and Felix could not have had 
much real ground for apprehension. He, however, at the eleventh hour made some 
attempts at conciliating the Jews, and one favour, which cost him nothing, and would 
be most acceptable to them, he freely bestowed—he left Paul a prisoner. But, a 
long series of oppression was not to escape its punishment in this summary way, 
and when Felix sailed for Rome, accompanied by his bosom friend Simon Magus, the 
Jews, at the same time, sent a deputation to accuse him before the Emperor. The 
interest of Pallas, however, was too powerful; and Felix, notwithstanding the long 
satalogue of his crimes, from the assassination of the ex-High Priest Jonathan, to 
the unjust detention of the Apostle Paul, could never be brought to condign punish- 
ment, though Felix was under the necessity of disgorging much of his ill-gotten 


NS Διετίας δὲ πληρωθείσης ἔλαβε διάδοχον ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ διετίαν τριβομένου τοῦ πράγματος ἀπειρηκώς. 
Φηλιξ Πόρκιον Φῆστον. Acts xxiv. 27. Wehave Ὑπερθέσεις γὰρ καὶ ἀναβολὰς ὁ δικαστὴς ἐσκήπτετο, 
an analogous case of protracted imprisonment βουλόμενος καὶ ἂν ἀποφύγῃ τὸ ἔγκλημα, τὸν γοῦν 
by the prefect of a province in Lampon αὖ περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἄδηλον φόβον πρὸς μήκιστον 
Alexandria, when Flaccus was governor. Λάμπων χρόνον ἐπικρεμάσας αὐτῷ, ζωὴν ὀδυνηροτέραν θανάτου 
μὲν ἀσεβείας τῆς εἰς Τιβέριον Καίσαρα δίκην σχὼν, παρασχεῖν. Philo in Flaccum, xvi. 


VOL. I. Z 


ST. PAUL AT CAiSAREA. [Cuap. IV. 


170 [a.v. 60] 


wealth, and Pallas was obliged to exert all his energies at court to screen him from 
the storm."* 

The successor to Felix was Portius Festus,"7 a name which carries a Roman 
sound, and yet he, too, was probably one of the Emperor’s freedmen.’* ‘The new 
Procurator had a straightforward honesty about him, which forms a strong contrast 
to the mean raseality of his predecessor. He certainly did not do all the justice 
which he might have done; but allowing somewhat for a natural desire to ingra- 
tiate himself with the most influential men of the nation subject to his govern- 
ment, his conduct, on the whole, was exemplary, and his firmness on many trying 
occasions cannot fail to elicit our highest admiration. 

The Procurator landed at Ceesarea, the Roman capital, when he took possession 
of the Preetorium, and was proclaimed with the usual ceremonies. At the expiration 
of three days he paid the Jews the compliment of going up to Jerusalem. His first 
interview was, of course, with the High Priest. 

Agrippa had by this time superseded Ananias in the High Priesthood, and ap- 
pointed Ishmael, the son of Fabei."® We have no particulars of Ishmael’s history, 
but he evidently entertained an acrimonious spirit against the Christian sect, for 
no sooner had Festus arrived at Jerusalem than Ishmael, and some of the most 
powerful of his countrymen, represented to the Procurator that a malefactor by the 
name of Paul had been left in bonds by Felix, and requested, as a personal favour, 
that he would issue an order for his execution. The answer of Festus was such 
as became an imperial Prefect, and worthy of being written in letters of gold. “ Ir 
IS NOT THE MANNER OF THE ROMANS TO DELIVER ANY MAN ΤῸ DIE BEFORE THE AC- 


CUSED HAS HAD HIS ACCUSERS FACE TO FACE AND HAS HAD OPPORTUNITY TO ANSWER 


FOR HIMSELF CONCERNING THE CRIME LAID AGAINST ΗΙΜ. /”° 
The Jews were foiled, and they now petitioned that if legal forms must be com- 
3 Β, t=) 


plied with, the prisoner might be sent for to Jerusalem, and be put upon his trial 


πὸ Jos. Ant. xx. 8, 9. events in the time of Festus were few, and would 


M7 Jos, Bell. 11. 14, 1. This was two full 
years after the first imprisonment of Paul. 
διετίας πληρωθείσης. Acts xxiv. 27. As Paui 
was put in bonds at the end of May a.p. 58, 
Festus probably arrived about midsummer (24th 
June), A.p. 60, and this harmonises with the 
Roman law, by which all prefects of provinces 
were obliged to leave Rome by the 15th of April, 
and the yoyage from Rome to Syria would occupy 
two or three months. liz was certainly ap- 
pointed in a.p 52, and it is equally clear that 
Albinus arrived in the province as successor to 
Festus in ap. 62. The portion, therefore, of 
this interval of ten years not occupied by Vestus 
will represent the procuratorship of #dix. The 


not require so much as two years. Festus died 
at the close of A.p. 51 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 325, 
No. 1915), and as prefects left Rome for their 
provinces on the 15th of April, the arrival of 
Festus in Judea as successor to Felix may be 
placed about midsummer, 4.p. 60. Thus, the 
procuratorship of Felix lasted from a.p. 52 to 
A.D. 60, a period of eight years, a tenure of office 
unusually long. See Fasti Sacri, p. 319, No. 
1893. 

18 Festus was not an uncommon name fora 
freedman. See Herodian, iv. 8. 

nov Jos. Ant. xx. 8,8. See Fasti Sacri, p. 318, 
No. 1880. 

20 Acts xxv. 16. 


Cuap. IV.] ST. PAUL AT CESAREA. [a.D. 60] 171 


without delay. Their secret object in this was to wreak their vengeance upon Paul, 
by employing the Sicarii to assassinate him on the road. Whether Festus, from their 
over-anxiety upon the subject, suspected a sinister motive, or whether, like Lysias, 
he had received express intelligence of the conspiracy, he answered with proper 
spirit, that Paul was a prisoner at Cesarea, and that he himself was going thither 
directly. ‘Let the chief among you,’ therefore,” said he, “go down with me and 
accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him.” ’” 

At the expiration of ten days Festus returned to Czesarea, and at the same time 
the Jews sent a deputation thither to prosecute the indictment against Paul. Festus, 
agreeably to his promise, appointed the very next day for the trial; and on the 
morrow, haying taken his seat on the tribunal in the judgment hall, with the asses- 
sors (answering to our jurymen) at his side, commanded the prisoner to be brought 
into court. 

The Jews now, as they had done before Felix, charged Paul with Heresy in being 
a Nazarene, with profanation of the Temple, and with violation of the laws of Cesar 
by turbulence and sedition. The Apostle again replied, ‘‘ Neither against the Law 
of the Jews, neither against the Temple, nor yet against Cxsar have I offended any- 
thing at 411. 55. He admitted his belief in the resurrection of Jesus, but insisted 
that he had not thereby transgressed any law.’** No evidence was adduced in 
support of the accusation, and the charges of profanation of the Temple, and breach 
of the peace, were manifestly frivolous.’° Festus, therefore, was disposed to pro- 
nounce an acquittal; but no sooner had he intimated the inclination of his opinion, 
than the Jews were in an uproar,'*® and insisted that the strength of their case lay 
in the count of Heresy, and that he ought to be tried before the High Priest and the 
Sanhedrim at Jerusalem ; and they cited, perhaps, the edict of Julius Cesar, “ That 
if at any time thereafter there should arise any question touching the Jewish law, 
the matter should be tried before Hyrcanus and his heirs,” that is, before the High 
Priest for the time being, and the Sanhedrim.’*’ Festus’s own account, and which 
is highly probable, is that the charge brought against Paul was of a perfectly different 
character from what he had anticipated,—that Paul was accused, not of treason or any 


21 οἱ ἐν ὑμῖν δυνατοί. In the Authorized trans- 23 Acts xxv. 8. 
lation the words are, “let them which among 2 Acts xxv. 19. 
you are able” and the word δυνατοὶ can be used 2 Acts xxv. 25. 
in this sense. See James iii. 2; Rom. xiv. 4; 26 Acts xxviii. 19. 


2 Cor. ix. 8; Heb. xi. 19; and the passage from av δὲ μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς 
Numerius, cited infra on 2 Tim. iii. 8. But οἱ Ἰουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι a0 
δυνατοὶ is generally used by Josephus in the sense αὐτοῖς, Viz. Ὑρκανῷ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις. Jos. Ant. 
which we have given to it in the text. Thus: xiv. 10, 2. ‘he Sanhedrim, however, had no 
Ἰουδαίων ot τε ἀρχιερεῖς ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἡ power of trying capital causes, or at least their 
βουλὴ παρῆν. Bell. 1.10, 3. καὶ τῶν Σαμαρέων ot verdict could not be carried into effeet without 
δύνατοι. Bell. ii. 12, 5. οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν Ἰουδαίων. the sanction of the Procurator. See Jos. Ant. 
Bell. ii. 14, 4. οἱ δυνατοί. Bell. ii. 14, 1, Ke. xx OF 1c 
22 Acts XXY. 9. 


Zio 


172 [A.p. 60] [Cuar. IV. 


ST. PAUL AT CHESAREA. 


crime, but only of an offence against ‘“‘ their own superstition,” and that ‘“ because he 
doubted of such manner of questions he had asked him whether he would go to 
Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters.”'** In the same spirit, Gallio on the 
judgment-seat at Corinth had said, “If it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewdness, 
O ye Jews, reason would that I should bear with you; but if it be a question of words 
and names, and of your law, look ye to it, for I will be no judge of such matters.”'* 
Festus, then, was puzzled by the nature of the charge; but he was no doubt also 
desirous, if he could with decency, of gratifying the Jews; and he therefore proposed, 
though at the expense of some personal trouble to himself, that Paul should be tried 
upon the count of Heresy before the Sanhedrim, but that Festus himself should pre- 
side. By these means impartiality would be secured, and the sentence when passed 
“Wilt thou,” 12° 


go up to Jerusalem and there be judged of 


would be final, as the joint act of the council and the Procurator. 


(13 


said Festus, turning to the prisoner, 
these things before me?" 


the tribunal before whick the prisoner should be tried.” Not only this, but Paul saw 


It was neither fair nor legal that the accuser should name 


his evident destruction in such a course; for in the first place, he might be waylaid 
and murdered on the road (for which, indeed, a plot had already been formed); and 
in the next place, if he lived to stand before the Sanhedrim, there was no doubt that, 
notwithstanding the wish of Festus to do justice in general, he would be overpowered 
by the Jewish council, and a conviction be recorded. Festus had already shown his 
leaning in favour of the Jews, and the voice of the populace at the capital would be 
brought to bear against Festus as before against Pontius Pilate. 

There was only one mode by which he could escape the toils that beset him. As 
a Roman citizen, though a Jew, he had been put upon his trial before the Roman 
Tribunal, the proper jurisdiction, and nothing had been proved against him. Festus 
had proposed to remit the case to the Jewish Sanhedrim. But the Jews, while they 
had the privilege of trying offences against their own peculiar law in their own 
courts, could not thus proceed against a Roman citizen, and Paul, though a Jew, was 


a Roman. He, therefore, exercised the privilege accorded to him, and appealed to 


the Emperor.1%* “1 stand,” said Paul, “at Cxsar’s judgment seat,'** where I ought 


28 Acts xxv. 20. 

29 Acts xvill. 14. 

130 θέλεις. For as Paul was a Roman, and the 
case had been taken wp by the Roman governor, 


C. Gracchus legem tulit, ne de capite civium 
Romanorum injussu populi judicaretur.  Cic. 
pro Rab. iv. So we read in Pliny’s famous 
letter: Fuerunt alii similis amentiz, quos, quia 


it could not lawfully, without the prisoner’s 
consent, be remitted to the Jewish judicature. 
Meyer, Apostg. 429. 

11 Acts xxv. 9. 

82 Observandum est, ne is judex detur, quem 
altera pars nominatim petat (id enim iniqui 
exempli esse divus Hadrianus rescripsit) nisi 
hoe specialiter a principe ad verecundiara petiti 
judicis respiciente permittetur. Diy. v. 1, 47. 

158. Porcia lex libertatem civium lictori eripuit. 


cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remitten- 
dos. x. 97. Persons of consular dignity, one 
for each province, were annually appointed by 
the emperors, to hear such appeals. Appella- 
tiones quotannis urbanorum quidem litigatorum 
pretori delegavit urbano; at provincialium 
consularibus viris quos singulos cujusque pro- 
vinci negotis preposuisset. Suet. Octav. 35. 
And see Dion 111]. 33. 

4 Judea was one of the emperor’s provinces, 


Cuar. 1V.] ST, PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.p. 60] 17 


C2 


to be judged. To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest ; for if 
I be an offender, or haye committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die - 190 
but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver 
me unto them. I appear unro Cxsar” (tig. 241).!% 

A Roman citizen had a right of appeal; but to allow it in all cases without 
distinction, would only retard the administration of Justice, and would often lead to 
great public inconyenience. It was, therefore, put under certain restrictions, and 
the judge exercised a discretion whether, under the particular circumstances, the 
claim ought to be conceded." Festus now deliberated with his council 155 upon the 
propriety of admitting the appeal, and as there could be no valid reason for refusing 
it, they decided in the affirmative, and Festus declared the result: “Hast thou 
appealed unto Czesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go.” There is something of petulance 


and governed by a procurator, and the maxim 
was, que acta gestaque sunt a procuratore 
Cesaris, sic ab eo comprobantur, atque si a 
Cesare ipso gesta sunt. Ulpian, Digest i. 19, 1. 
With regard to the senate’s or people's pro- 
vinces, the tribunal was different, for Nero at 
the commencement of his reign issued an edict 
that consulum tribunalibus Jtalia et publice 
provinci assisterent. Tac. Ann. xiii. 4. 

9 εἰ μὲν yap ἀδικῷ, καὶ ἄξιον θανάτου πέπραχά 
τι, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν. Acts xxy. 1]. 
How like to this are the words of Josephus: 
θανεῖν μὲν, εἰ δίκαιόν ἐστιν, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι. Vit. 
xxix. In reading the autobiography of Josephus, 
one is almost tempted to suppose that Josephus 
was not only acquainted with Christianity in 
general, but had even perused the Acts of the 
Apostles. His dream, Vit. 5. 42, strongly reminds 
us of the vision, Acts xvi. 9; and his discovery of 
the plot against his life, Vit. s. 41, of the dis- 
closure to Paul, Acts xxiii. 16; and the escape 
of Josephus from the assembly at Tiberias is 
parallel to the similar escape of Paul from the 
council at Jerusalem, Acts xxiii.6; and the 
shipwreck of Josephus in a vessel with six hun- 
dred persons on board, κατὰ μέσον τὸν ᾿Αδρίαν, 
Vit. 5. 8, on his way to Rome, when he was “a 
night and a day in the deep,” closely resembles 
the account of the similar calamity of Paul’s 
shipwreck in the Acts. 

% Acts xxv. 10, 11. A written appeal was 
quite unnecessary, as even a verbal appeal would 
suffice. Sed si apud acta quis appellaverit, 
satis erit si dicat, Appello, Dig. xlix. 1,2. Paul 
appealed at once and before sentence, but in 
certain cases at least an appeal would lie even 
within a short time after sentence. Biduum vel 


triduum (according to the nature of the case) 
appellationis ex die sententie computandum 
erit. Dig. xlix. tit. 4. 

τ Si res dilationem non recipiat, non per- 
mittitur appellare. Dig. xlix. 5,7. Consti- 
tutiones que de recipiendis, necnon, appella- 
tionibus loquuntur, ut nihil novi fiat, locum 
non habent in eorum persona quos damnatos 
statim puniri publici interest, ut sunt insignes 
latrones, vel seditionum concitatores, vel duces 
factionum. Dig. xlix. 1, 16. It was also re- 
quired; at least in civil causes, that the ap- 
pellant should deposit a certain sum to abide 
the result. Ut quia privatis judicibus ad sena- 
tum provocavissent, ejusdem pecuni facerent 
cum iis qui imperatorem appellavere. ‘Tac. 
Ann. xiv. 28. That Festus had a diseretion is 
evident from the deliberation, Acts xxv. 12, and 
from his deciding to allow the appeal (ἔκρινα). 
Acts χχν. 25. Seeon the subject οἵ appeals, Cod. 
Lib. vii. tit. 62. 

WS συλλαλήσας μετὰ τοῦ συμβουλίου. Acts 
xxv. 12. With his council or board of adviee— 
his amici curie. The prefects of provinces were 
attended by counsellors or wdpedpor, chosen by 
themselves. τοὺς δὲ δὴ παρέδρους αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ 
αἱρεῖται, ἄς. Dion, liii. 14. These were some- 
times called their ‘friends’ (φίλων), sometimes 
ὁ captains’ (ἡγεμόνων), sometimes ‘assessors,’ as 
in Philo, Leg. s. 33, pera τῶν συνέδρων ἐβου- 
λεύετο, and sometimes ‘ the council.’ Tlud negare 
possis, aut nune negabis, te, consilio tuo demisso, 
viris primariis, qui in consilio C. Sacerdotis 
fuerant, tibique esse solebant, remotis, de re 
judicata judicasse? Cie. in Very. act ii. lib, ii. 
ec. 32, s. 81; Suet. Tib. 33: and see Lardner, 
Cred. Ὁ. i. ο. 2, 5. 16; Kuinoel, Acts xxv: 12, 


174 [a.p. 60] ST. PAUL AT CHISAREA. [Cuap. IV. 


in the answer of Festus, and, perhaps, as an honest man, and intending to act 
honestly himself, he felt the appeal of his prisoner to a higher tribunal as something 
like a personal affront. 

Paul was now remitted to safe custody, but by the Roman law was not to be 
treated ag guilty pending the appeal, the infliction of any punishment being strictly 
prohibited until the final sentence of the Emperor.’ 


Fig. 241.—Coin of Porcius Laca, Fiom Pembroke collection. 


Obv. Head of Pallas with the legend P. Laca Roma, and X denoting a denarius of ten arses. Porcius Laca was the author 
of the Porcian law, by which the right of appeal trom a magistrate to the people was conceded, and severe penalti(s were 
inflicted on the breach of it. On the overthrow of the Republic to make way for the Empire, the appeal was made to the 
emperor as representing the people. See ante, p. 147. 

Rev. In the centre is the magistrate who had pronounced sentence, and on the right is the lictor with the fasces preparing 
to carry out the sentence. On the left is the Roman citizen found guilty, with the bands clasped under the toga, in the 
attitude of a suppliant, with the legend below Provoco (I appeal). See Pighius, vol. ii, p. 256. 


The Apostle had for many years desired to visit the great capital of the world, 
and the vision in Fort Antonia two years before had warned him that as he had 
testified at Jerusalem, so he should at Rome. The anxious wish of Paul was now to 
be gratified, and the prophetic announcement was to receive its accomplishment. 
The Procurator waited only for a favourable opportunity of forwarding his prisoner. 

During this brief interval Paul was called upon to plead the cause of Christianity 
in the presence of a most august assembly. 

At the period of Festus’s arrival, King Agrippa, who had now attained his 
thirty-third year, and his sister Bernice, who was thirty-two, were residing together 
at Caesarea Philippi, the capital of Agrippa’s kingdom, and as the Herodian family 
never missed an occasion of paying court to a Roman of rank, the news no sooner 
reached Agrippa and his sister that Festus had landed at Caesarea, than they set out 
with all the state they could command to visit the Procurator and offer their con- 
gratulations.“° Festus received them very graciously, and mutual hospitalities soon 
established an intimacy. In the course of conversation, Festus alluded to a subject 
which he rightly conceived would not be uninteresting to his guests. “There is a 
certain man,” said Festus, “left in bonds by Felix, about whom, when I was at 


189 The maxim was, Integer status esse videtur, ὑπαντῆσαι βουλόμενοι Τεσσίῳ. Jos. Vit. s. 11. So 
provocatione interposité. Dig. xlix. tit. 7, sect.8. when Tiberius Alexander was appointed (a.p. 
40 So Agrippa and Bernice made, a.p. 64,a 66) Prefect of Egypt, Agrippa proceeded from 
similar visit of ceremony to Gessius Florus, the Judea to Egypt to congratulate him on the 
newly-appointed Procurator of Judea, αὐτοὶ yap event. Jos. Bell. ii. 15, 1. 
{Agrippa and Bernice] εἰς Βηρυτὸν ἀφικνοῦντο, 


παρ. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT CAESAREA. [a.p, 60] 175 


Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to 
‘have judgment against him. To whom I answered, ‘It is not the manner of the 
Romans to deliver any man to die before the accused has had his accusers face to 
face, and has had an opportunity to answer for himself concerning the crime laid 
against him.’ Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay, on the 
morrow I sat on the judgment-seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth, 
against whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such 
things as I supposed,’ but had certain questions against him of their own super- 
stition, and of one Jesus which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive; and 
because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him whether he would go to 
Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters. But when Paul had appealed to 
be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might 
send him to Cesar.” “ἢ 

Agrippa and Bernice * listened with profound attention, though no doubt already 
acquainted with the leading features of the case, and expressed a desire to know the 
full particulars. “1 would also,” said Agrippa, “hear the man myself.”™"* Festus 
gladly acceded to the request, not only to afford gratification to his friends, but as 
he had been not a little perplexed about the question of Heresy, he might hope 
to derive some assistance from Agrippa in penning a proper dispatch to the 
Emperor. “To-morrow,” said he, “ thou shalt hear him.” τ 

Accordingly, the following day Agrippa and Bernice arrived at the Praetorium or 
palace with great pomp, and were ushered into the judgment-hall. Festus took his 
seat on the tribunal, and to do the more honour to his royal guests he commanded 
the attendance of the principal officers of the troops quartered at Caesarea, and 
of the most influential of the civil magistrates. The 5th, 10th, and 15th Legions 
or regiments of the line, besides five cohorts or auxiliary corps, with accompanying 


4° and the gleaming armour 


squadrons of cavalry, were usually stationed at Cesarea, 
and gay attire of the great captains of the Roman army of Judea with the furred 
gowns and flowing robes of the municipal authorities must have presented a most 
imposing spectacle, and well calculated to stimulate the energies of the Christian 
advocate. Festus now gave the order for the prisoner to be produced, and Paul, 
wearing his fetter,!*7 was ushered into court. The Procurator now opened the day’s 
proceedings with the following address :-— 

“King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us! Ye see this man, 


41 Fyom Paul’s long imprisonment, and the after deserted him. Jos. Ant. xx. 7, 3. 


utter detestation of him by the Jews, Festus 14 Acts xxv. 22. 

may well have assumed that he had been guilty 15. ΠῚ 

οἵ some heinous crime. Meyer, Apostg. 426. 46 See Jos. Bell. iii. 4,2; Ant. xix. 9,2; Tac. 
142 Acts xxv. 14-21. Hist. v. 1, 10 πὶ ὍΣ 76. 
M43 Particularly perhaps Bernice, who four 47 That prisoners sometimes pleaded i: their 


years before had married Polemo, king of chains, see Tac. Ann. iy. 28. 
part of Cilicia, Paul’s native country, but soon 


176 [4.p. 60] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. (Cuap. IV. 


ahout whom all the multitude of the Jews have pressed upon me, both at Jerusalem 
and also here, crying, that he ought not to live any longer. But having found that 
he hath committed nothing worthy of death, and he himself having appealed to 
Augustus, I have determined to send him; of whom I have no certain thing to 
write unto my Lord.'8 Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and 
specially before thee, Ὁ King Agrippa, that, after examination had, I may have 
somewhat to write; for it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not 


withal to signify the crimes laid against him.” 


Upon this, Agrippa, turning to 
Paul, said, “Thou art permitted to speak for thyself.” Paul, then stretching forth 
his hand,!*° and addressing himself? to King Agrippa, thus opened his defence. 

“T think myself happy, King Agrippa, that I am to answer for myself this day 
before thee touching all the things whereof I am accused by the Jews, especially as 
thou art expert in all customs and questions which are among the Jews; wherefore I 
beseech thee to hear me patiently. 

“My manner of life from my youth, which was from the first *’ among mine own 
nation at Jerusalem, know all the Jews who have known me from the beginning, 
if they would testify, that after the straitest sect of our religion I lived a Pharisee.’°* 
And now I stand and am judged for the hope of the promise made of God unto 
our fathers ; unto which promise our twelve tribes,’ fervently serving God day and 
night, hope to come; for which hope’s sake, King Agrippa, I am accused of the Jews. 

“Why should it be thought a thing incredible with you, that God should raise 
the dead? I verily thought with myself, that I ought to do many things contrary 
to the name of Jesus of Nazareth; which thing I also did in Jerusalem, and many of 
the saints did I shut up in prison, haying received authority from the chief priests, 


48 τῷ κυρίῳ. Augustus disclaimed the title of 
‘dominus.’ Suet. Oct. 11|. So Tiberius. Suet. 
ΤΊ. xxvii. But Caligula was greedy of it, and 
it seems to have been assumed by his successors 
till, in the reign of Domitian, it was assigned to 
the emperors by law. Suet. Domit. xiii. Kuinoel, 
Acts xxv. 26. 

M9 Acts xxv. 24-97. 

1 ἐκτείνας THY χεῖρα. Acts xxvi. 1. Some sug- 
gest that it was the left hand, as his right was 
linked by a chain to a soldier. But there is no 
necessity for this, as, though the right wrist was 
fastened to a soldier’s left, it was by a chain of 
light workmanship, and of sufficient length to 
allow the wearer the free use of the hand. Had 
it been the left hand, Luke would have so stated 
it, as the right hand was the one usually ex- 
tended by orators. Porrigit dextram, et ad 
instar oratorum conformat articulum, duo- 
busque infimis conclusis digitis, cateros emi- 
nentes porrigit, et infesto pollice leniter subri- 


dens infit. Apul. Metamor. Met. ii. p.54 (Delphin. 
ed. 1688). 

11 Paul must have spoken in Greek. See ante, 
p. 156. 

12 τὴν βίωσίν μου τὴν ἐκ νεύτητος, THY ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς 
γενομένην. Acts χχν], 4. Paul therefore had come 
to Jerusalem when he was very young. 

18 That the Pharisees were the straitest sect 
is abundantly testified by Josephus. of δοκοῦντες 
μετὰ ἀκριβείας ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰ νόμιμα. Bell. ii. 8, 
14. καὶ ἦν γὰρ μόριόν τι Ἰουδαϊκῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπ᾽ 
ἐξακριβώσει μέγα φρονοῦν τοῦ πατρίου νόμου... 
Φαρισαῖοι καλοῦνται. Ant. xvii. 2, 4, Φαρισαῖοι 
σύνταγμά τι ᾿Ιουδαίων δοκοῦν εὐσεβέστερον εἶναι 
τῶν ἄλλων καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβέστερον ἀφηγεῖσθαι. 
Bell. i. 5, 2, &e. 

1 The twelve tribes still existed, though two 
only, with a sprinkling from the other ten, re- 
turned from the Babylonish captivity. St. James 
also speaks of ταῖς δώδεκα φυλαῖς. Epist. i. 1. 


Cuar. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.p. 60] ‘ii 


and when they were put to death’? I gave my vote against them,’ and I punished 
them oft in every synagogue,’ and compelled them'* to blaspheme, and being 
exceedingly mad against them, I persecuted them even unto strange cities. 

“Whereupon as I went to Damascus with authority and commission from the 
chief priests, at mid-day, O king, I saw in the way a light from heayen, above 
the brightness of the sun, shining round about me and them which journeyed with 
me. And when we were all fallen to the earth, I heard a voice speaking unto me, 
and saying in the Hebrew tongue,’ ‘Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? It 
is hard for thee to kick against the pricks.’ And TI said, ‘Who art thou, Lord ?’ 
And he said, ‘I am Jesus whom thou persecutest—but rise and stand upon thy 
feet, for I have appeared unto thee for this purpose, to make thee a minister and 
a witness both of these things which thou hast seen, and of those things in the 
which I willappear unto thee; deliyering thee from the people and from the Gentiles, 
unto whom now I send thee, to open their eyes, that they may turn them from 
darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive 
forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith that 
is In me.’ 

“ Whereupon, O King Agrippa, I was not disobedient unto the heavenly vision, 
but showed first unto them of Damascus, and at Jerusalem, and throughout all the 
coasts of Judea,!! and to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God, and 


199 ‘The plural number is here used, but it evidently speaking Greek, which also may be 

does not appear from the Acts that any one but inferred from Acts xxi. 40. 

Stephen was put to death, and hence the phrase 160 See Vol. L, p. 51. 

is thought to be rhetorical, the plural, as is 161 This passage has always been a puzzle to 
common enough, being substituted for the sin- me. At what time did he preach “ throughout 
gular. See Kuinoel, Acts xxvi. 10. But others all the coasts of Judea Ἢ 

may have been put to death, and the case of 1. Was it on his way from Damascus to Jeru- 
Stephen only may have been recorded, because salem? But if so, he would naturally have 
he was a deacon, and so the most prominent placed Judea before Jerusalem, and have said, 
character. “and throughout all the coasts of Judea, and at 

158 κατήνεγκα ψῆφον. Acts xxvi. 10. If Paul Jerusalem.” ὲ 
had a vote, the death of Stephen must have 2. Was it on his quitting Jerusalem at the 
been by judicial process, and Paul must have close of his first visit in A.D. 39? But then how 
been a member of the Sanhedrim. could it be said that “the brethren conducted 

167 As our Lord had foretold to his disciples. him as far as Ceesarea, and sent him away to 
Matt. x. 17. Tarsus ?” Acts ix. 30. 

3. Was it during the year spent by Paul and 
Barnabas at Antioch, when Barnabas fetched 
him from Tarsus to Antioch? But this is 

τ This accounts for the following words, scarcely consistent with the statement that 
Σαοὺλ, Σαοὺλ, the Hebrew name, instead of the during this year they “ assembled themselves 
Greek Σαῦλε, Σαῦλε. Our Lord spake in the with the church there and taught.” Acts xi. 26. 
language which he had used on earth. By the 4. Was it in the course of his journey to and 
‘Hebrew’ is meant the Syro-Chaldaic, the ew- from Jerusalem in A.p. 44, when Paul and Bar- 
rent language of the day. From this allusion nabas took up the alms of the Antiochian church? 
to the Hebrew tongue, Paul himself was now 5. Was it in the course of the journey to and 

2a 


158. ἠνάγκαζον, not ἠνάγκασα--- 1 strove to com- 
pel them,’ without reference to the success of 
the attempt. 


VOL. 11. 


178° [a.p. 60] ST, PAUL AT CHISAREA. [Cuap. IV. 


do works meet for repentance. For these causes the Jews caught me in the Temple, 


and went about to kill me. Having therefore obtained help from God, I continue 
unto this day, witnessing both to small and great, saying none other things than 
those which the prophets and Moses did say should come—that™’ Christ should 
suffer ;!* that being the first to rise from the dead, he should show light unto the 
people and to the Gentiles”—"™* 

Thus far Festus had listened with mute attention. He could not but admire the 
impressive address of one so eloquent and evidently so sincere. But the hearing of 
a voice from heaven, and the resurrection from the dead of one who had been 
crucified, appeared to him the baseless dream of a visionary, and unable to refrain 
himself longer he burst forth with the exclamation, “ Paul, thou art beside thyself, 
much learning doth make thee mad!”’* Paul replied calmly, “I am not mad, most 
noble Festus,° but speak forth the words of truth and soberness, for the king 
knoweth of these things; before whom also I speak freely, for I am persuaded that 
none of these things are hidden from him, for this thing was not done in a corner ;”*" 
and then, turning to Agrippa, he said, ‘‘ King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets ? 
I know that thou believest.” Agrippa was deeply moved, and the confession fell 
unbidden from his lips, “‘ Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian!”* Then 


from Jerusalem in a.p. 48, when Paul and Bar- 
nabas went up to Jerusalem to take the opinion 
of the council there ? 

But to the two last hypotheses, and also to the 
three preceding, there is the following common 
objection. Paul, in writing to the Galatians, 
states that, after his visit to Jerusalem on his 
return from Damascus in A.D. 39, he “ came into 
the regions of Syria and Cilicia, and was wn- 
known by fuce unto the churches of Judea, which 
were in Christ.” Galat. 1. 21. How long, then, 
did this absence and estrangement from the 
churches of Judea continue? The Apostle 
leads us in the Epistle to suppose that it was at 
least until his next visit to Jerusalem: “ Then, 
fourteen years after, I went up again to Jerusa- 
lem” (Galat. ii. 1); and this visit was im A.D. 
58. And if so, the churches of Judea could 
not have heard his preaching in a.p. 44 or 
A.D. 48. 

6. Can the preaching of Paul throughout the 
coasts of Judea be referred to this visit of A.D. 
53, when he sailed from Corinth to Jerusalem, 
and then went down to Antioch? The last ob- 
jection will not apply to this theory; and 
although the silence of Luke upon the subject 
rather negatives the supposition, I am not 
aware of any positive argument against the 
hypothesis. 


As the Apostle mentions the fact of his haying 
preached throughout Judea in his address to 
King Agrippa in A.D. 60, at the close of his two 
years’ imprisonment at Czesarea, it is not impos- 
sible that he may have referred to his further- 
ance of the Gospel throughout Judea during his 
incarceration; for though he could not person- 
ally make a cireuit of the cities, he may well 
have employed his faithful attendants on mis- 
sions for that purpose; and his asking, while at 
Rome, for the prayers of the Hebrews, that he 
might the sooner be restored to them, implies 
that his labours in Judea had endeared him to 
the Christian community. Heb. xiii. 18. 

162. εἰ that, as a little before in Acts xxvi. 8. 

168 The Greek word is παθητὸς, ‘ patibilis,’ the 
subject of suffering. 

164 Acts xxyvi. 2-23. 

169 Festus evidently understood Paul, who 
was therefore speaking Greek. Festus, as a 
Roman, would understand Greek, but not He- 
brew. 

165 Οὐ μαίνομαί, φησι, Kpatute Pyote. So 
Philo: Οὐ μέμηνα, ὦ οὗτος, οὐδὲ ἠλίθιός Tis εἰμι. 
In Flaccum, 5. 2. 

167 Acts xxvi. 25, 26. 

8 ἐν ὀλίγῳ pe πείθεις. Acts xxvi. 28. 
words have been variously rendered. 

Some suppose them spoken ironically : Think- 


These 


Cuar. LV.) ST. PAUL AT CHiSAREA. [a.D. 60] 179 


Paul, holding up his chain, uttered the solemn ejaculation, “I would to God that not 
only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both almost and altogether! 
such as I am,—except these bonds!” a masterstroke of true eloquence that the 
finest orators of Greece and Rome haye never excelled! The effect was electrical, 
and Agrippa felt that if Paul proceeded he must not almost but altogether ἄγον 
himself a Christian. He could not sever himself from his countrymen to whom the 
name of Christ was an abomination—he could not encounter the scorn of the 
Procurator, who had pronounced Paul a madman—and unable to cope with the 
Apostle’s arguments, he deemed it the wisest course to withdraw from the con- 
troversy. He, therefore, rose from his seat, and at the signal Festus and Bernice 
and the other magnates rose also. They retired aside, and agreed unanimously, 
“This man doeth nothing worthy of death or of bonds.”'! Agrippa, though he 
could not bring himself to hazard the petty kingdom of Trachonitis for an ever- 
lasting crown, had at least the magnanimity to declare, ‘This man might have 


been set at liberty if he had not appealed unto Cesar. 


2172 


An appeal to Rome was necessarily accompanied with a statement of the case! 
under the hand of the judge, called the Liter dimissoriz, or Libelli appellatorii or 


est thou in so few words, or in so short a time, 
to persuade me to be a Christian? See Meyer, 
Apostg. 488; Jos. Bell. vi 2,6. It must be ad- 
mitted that ἐν ὀλίγῳ is not the sane as παρ᾽ 
ὀλίγον, and therefore does not signify literally 
‘almost.’ But the English version may be 
thought to represent well enough the sense of 
the original. ’Ev ὀλίγῳ is strictly, ‘in a little thou 
persuadest me,’ or ‘you go ἃ little way toward 
persuading me,’ ‘ you somewhat persuade me.’ 
Another interpretation is this: ἐν ὀλίγῳ, as the 
expression is used by the Apostle himself in 
another place, Ephes. iii. 3, may mean ‘ in short.’ 
Thus Paul had been recounting the scene of his 
conversion, and was proceeding to argue in 
favour of Christianity generally by an appeal to 
prophecy, when he was interrupted by Festus’s 
exclamation, “Paul, thou art beside thyself.” 
Paul then turning to Agrippa, began to interro- 
gate him: “King Agrippa, believest thou the 
prophets? I know that thou believest.” Agrippa 
had been a patient hearer while Paul was de- 
fending himself or was arguing generally; but 
now that the Apostle made a personal appeal to 
Agrippa, and was about to urge the Christian 
faith upon his acceptance, the bigoted prince, at 
once repudiating the idea, exclaims, “In short, 
you are now for persuading me, the most zealous 
of Moses’ followers, to be a Christian!” But 
this interpretation is not consistent with Paul’s 


reply, “I would to God that both almost (ἐν 
ὀλίγῳ) and altogether (ἐν modd@),” Ke.; for evi- 
dently Paul does not here use the expression ἐν 
ὀλίγῳ in the sense of ‘in short,’ but in the sense 
of ‘in a small degree,’ as opposed to ἐν πολλῷ 
‘in a great degree” At the same time, it is not 
impossible that Agrippa should have used the 
phrase in one sense, and Paul in another. 

39 ἐν πολλῷ. Acts xxvi. 29. Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, and Alford read ἐν μεγάλῳ. 

πὸ τῶν δεσμῶν τούτων. Acts xxvi. 29. The 
word δεσμοὶ implies bondage merely, and not 
necessarily more than one chain. Thus Paul at 
Rome was allowed to live in his own hired lodg- 
ing, with his right hand linked to a soldier's left, 
and yet he speaks of ‘his bonds ’—rév δεσμῶν. 
Philipp. iv. 28. 

mM Acts xxvi. 31. 

1 Acts xxvi. 32. 

"8 © Libelli dimissorii’ or ‘apostoli.’ Dig. xlix. 
tit. 6. Libelli qui dantur appellatorii ita sunt 
concipiendi ut habeant scriptum, et a quo dati 
sint, hoe est, qui appellet, et adversus quem, et a 
qua sententia. Dig. xlix. 1,4. In the case of Paul, 
Festus had not pronounced any final decision; 
but an appeal was allowed in special cases, ante 
sententiam. Appellari potest, si questionem in 
civili negotio habendam judex interlocutus sit, 
vel in criminali si contra leges hoe faciat. Dig. 
xlix. 5, 2. 


2 A Ὁ 


180 [a.p. 60] ST. PAUL AT CHISAREA. [Cuar. IV. 


apostoli. As Festus himself was ignorant of the Jewish law, and Agrippa, on the 
other hand, wes perfectly familiar with it, one object which Festus had proposed in 
ordering the hearing of Paul in the presence of Agrippa was that he might know 
what to write; and now the opinion expressed by Agrippa in favour of Paul’s entire 
innocence (though extra-judicial) had an important influence on Festus’s statement 
to the Emperor; and the result was that the prisoner, though after a tedious deten- 
tion in the imperial city, was at length set at liberty even by the greatest tyrant 
that the world had ever seen. 


CHAPTER Υ. 
Paul is sent to Rome—His Shipwreck by the way. 


And now, lashed on by destiny severe, 

With horror fraught the dreadful scene drew near. 

The ship hangs hovering on the verge of death; 

Hell yawns, rocks rise, and breakers roar beneath, 

Uplifted on the surge to heaven she flies, 

Her shattered top half-buried in the skies, 

Then, headlong plunging, thunders on the ground, 

Earth groans, air trembles, and the deeps resound. 
Falconer. 


THERE were other prisoners to be sent to Rome besides Paul, and it was not long before 
a convenient opportunity presented itself. A merchantman’ of Adramyttium, a city 
of Mysia, opposite the isle of Lesbos (fig. 242), was making her homeward yoyage from 
Egypt and touched at Caesarea. The intention at this time was that Paul and his party 


Fig. 242.—Coin of Adramyttium. From the British Museum. 


Obv. Head of Antinous, who was deified in the reign of Hadrian, with the legend Avtwoos Iaxyos (Antinous Bacchus), 
Antinous from hix beauty being called the young Bacchus. ᾿ 
Rev. Figure of Ceres with the legend Ἐγέσιος ανεθηκε (Kgesius dedicated). Αδραμντηνῶν (of the Adramyttians). 


should take their passage for Adramyttium, and then pursue the overland route to 
Italy by the great Via Egnatia from Neapolis through Philippi, Thessalonica, and the 
Macedonian towns to Dyrrhachium, the port for Brundisium.”. This was the road 
by which, some years after, the martyr Ignatius was conveyed from Antioch to 
Rome under similar circumstances; and such a route would be particularly eligible 


1 πλοίῳ. Acts xxvii. 2. here Lydian Asia, which the vessel would have 
2 This route is implied in μέλλοντες πλεῖν τοὺς to pass on its way to Adramyttium, a city of 
κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν τόπους. Acts xxvii.2. Asia means Mysia, just north of Lydian Asia. 


182 [a.D. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuap. V. 


on the present occasion, as it was now late in the year and the seas would soon be 
closed. 

Festus committed Paul and his fellow-trayellers to the charge of Julius, a cen- 
turion (fig. 245) of the Augustan cohort,’ a very humane officer, and kindly disposed 


Fig. 243.—A Roman centurion. 


This figure is the effigy of M. Favonius Pollio Facilis, a centurion of the twentieth legion, who was quartered at Camulo- 
dunum, now Colchester, and died there, and was buried in the Roman cemetery just without the Roman walls on the south 
of the road leading from Headgate to Lexden. In honour of his memory his two freedmen (fur he was a persen of some con- 
sequence) erected over his remains a sepulchral monument, on which was sculptured in basso-relievo a full-length portrait 
of the deceased. It was brought to light two or three years ago by Mr. George Joslin, who, in prosecuting his antiquarian 
researches, discovered it at the depth of about three feet from the surface, in two pieces. The above engraving is from a pho- 
tograph which was kindly presented to the author by Mr. Joslin himself. We have here, therefore, a faithful likeness 
taken from life of a Roman centurion, such as might have been seen marching at the head of his cohort through the streets 
of Camulodunum eighteen hundred years ago, in the days of the apostle Paul. 

The height of the canopy in which the figure stands, including the base, is 6 feet, and the width 2 ft. 4in, ‘The inscrip- 
tion at the foot when filled up is, M. Favonius M. F. Pollio Facilis centurio Legionis xx.: Verecundus et Novicius Liberti 
posuerunt. Hic situs est. That is, “Marcus Favonius (son of Marcus) Pollio Facilis, centurion of the 20th Legion. Erected 
hy Verecundus and Novicius, the freedmen. Here he lies.” 

The accoutrements of the centurion consist of a breastplate with a girdle and greaves, and shoes or sandals, and attached 
to the left shoulder is the sagum, or military cloak. In the right hand he holds the vitis or vine-stick, the badge of a centu- 
rion, and with which he was privileged to chastise the soldiers and maintain discipline. ‘lhe vitis was so peculiarly the 
mark of a centurion, that in inscriptions this rank was for brevity denoted by the initial letter V, but to distinguish it from 
the ordinary letter it was inclined sideways > as in the present instance. In the left band he grasps a sword attached to a 
belt, which passes over the right shoulder. On the right side is seen a short sword or dagger, which remarkably illustrates 
the statement of Josephus that the Roman legionaries carried two swords, a long one on the right hand and a short one on 
the left. Bell. iii.5, 5, A latere pugionem, Tac. Hist. iii. 68. This position of the sword is reversed in the monument, the 
case of a centurion being an exception to the general rule, from his holding the vitis in his right. 


σπείρης Σεβαστῆς. Acts xxvii. 1. The word to a Roman legion. There were five cohorts 
σπεῖρα signifies an auxiliary cohort as opposed usually stationed at Caesarea. Jos. Bell. iii. 4, 2; 


Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.p. 60] 183 


towards Paul, A company of Roman soldiers was added as a military escort, and (as 
Ignatius alone was guarded by ten, whom he calls his ten leopards,*) there could 
scarcely have been asmaller number, though precaution might have required more, for 
Paul, be it remembered, was not the only prisoner, but others also were forwarded to 
the capital of Italy at the same time.® By the courtesy of the Proeurator, Luke and 
Aristarchus,* who had arrived with Paul at Jerusalem, and seem to have remained 
in constant attendance upon him during his imprisonment, were allowed to accom- 
pany him on his voyage, Luke as far as Rome itself, and Aristarchus as far as Thes- 
salonica, his native city. The faithful Timothy was at Ephesus, and other attached 


followers may have been absent on errands to different Christian communities, 
The vessel sailed from Port Sebastus in the month of August, a.p. 60,’ and as the 


Ant. xix. 9,2, The σπεῖρα Σεβαστὴ was probably 
one of the five cohorts, and was distinct from 
the σπεῖρα ᾿Ιταλικὴ, Acts xi. 1, and from the 
Σηβαστηνοὶ (the mounted troops of Sebaste or 
Samaria) mentioned by Josephus, Ant. xx. 6, 1; 
xix. 9,2; Bell. ii. 12,5. As, however, the Se- 
basteni, or people of Sebaste (the then name of 
Samaria), were numerous in the army—emt τῷ 
τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους ἐκεῖσε στρατευο- 
μένων Καισαρεῖς εἶναι καὶ Σεβαστηνοὺς, Ant. xx. 8, 
7 ;—and as there was a troop of horse called the 
Sebastene or Augustan—iAnv ἱππέων καλουμένην 
Σεβαστηνῶν, Bell. ii. 12,5; Ant, xx. 6,1; xix. 9, 
2—it is not unlikely that there was a correspond- 
ing foot regiment or cohort called σπεῖρα Σεβαστή. 
There may even have been several σπεῖραι Σεβασ- 
ταὶ, as levied from Sebaste or Samaria, of which 
this was one; for observe that the expression of 
Luke is, that Julian was a centurion, not τῆς 
σπείρης Σεβαστῆς ---' the Augustan band,’ but 
σπείρης Σεβαστῆς - an Augustan band.’ 

It has been supposed by others that the σπεῖρα 
Σεβαστὴ Was a company of the Augustani—the 
bodyguard at Rome. Tac. Ann. xiv, 15; Suet. 
Nero, 25; Dion xiii. 8. See Meyer, Apostg. 442; 
Wieseler, Apostg. 359. 

Others, again, contend that by the Augustan 
band is meant a company of the Preetorian 
guards, and that Julius is the same person as 
Julius Priscus, the centurion who in a.p. 70 was 
appointed by Vitellius one of the two Prefects of 
the Pretorium, Tac. Hist. 11. 92,and on the over- 
throw of the Vitellian party killed himself from 
shame and vexation. Tac. Hist. iv. 11. If this 
be so, Julius had perhaps been the military 
escort of Festus on his appointment to Judea, 
and in that capacity had accompanied him from 
Rome to Cesarea, and was now returning. The 
favour of Julius, if one of the Praetorian guard, 


would also account for the wonderful impres- 
sion made by Paul's ministry at Rome amongst 
the Praetorian troops. Phil. i. 18. That a Pree- 
torian officer, with a company of Pretorians, 
was often sent out of Italy on some imperial 
mission appears from Plin. N. H. vi. 35, who 
speaks of, missi ab eo [Nerone] milites Przetoriani 
cum tribuno. It is noteworthy that while Julius, 
a centurion of the Augustan cohort, was at 
Cesarea, it is not said that the Augustan cohort 
itself was there. 

* Ten. Ep. Rom. v. 

° καί τινας ἑτέρους δεσμώτας. Acts xxvii. 1. 

ὁ It has been suggested by J. B. Lightfoot 
(Philipp. p. 34), and is not improbable, that 
Avistarchus did not intend to accompany Paul 
farther on his way to Rome than to Thessaloniea, 
the native city of Aristarchus. Acts xx. 4. The 
ship in which Paul embarked was from Adra- 
myttium (πλοίῳ ᾿Αδραμυττηνῷ, Acts xxvii. 2), 
and they meant to sail along the coasts of Asia 
(μέλλοντες πλεῖν τοὺς κατὰ THY ᾿Ασίαν τύπους, Lb.), 
“ Ayistarchus, a Macedonian οἵ Thessalonica,” it 
is added, “ being with them.” Ib. Why the 
mention of Aristarchus in this way in connec- 
tion with an intended voyage towards Macedonia, 
except on the tacit assumption that he was going 
home, and was not bound for Rome ? 

7 The date of the embarkation may be thus 
fixed. The arrival of Festus in Judea was about 
midsummer, or the 24th of June, A.p, 60, 
Fasti Sacri, p. 819, No. 1893. We have, then, to 
allow three days for his sojourn at Cesarea 
(“after three days,” Acts xxv. 1), and then two 
days for his going up from Czsarea to Jerusalem ; 
and ten days and upwards (say twelve days) for 
the stay at Jerusalem (“more than ten days,” 
Acts xxy. 6); and then two days for the return 
to Ceesarea; and one day more for the hearing 


See 


184 [Δ.Ὁ. 60] [Cuap. V. 


VOYAGE TO ROME. 


westerly winds generally prevail at that period of the year, they had a favourable 
breeze, and the next day ran into Sidon, a distance of about sixty-seven geographical 
miles (fig. 244, 245, 246).* This maritime seat of commerce Paul had visited before, 


From Cassas. 


Fig. 244.—View of Sidon from the north. 


and must have preached the Gospel there more than once. He had therefore many 
friends in the town, and as the vessel was not to sail immediately, the centurion 
Julius, from the dictates of a naturally kind heart, and also, perhaps, from the in- 
structions of Festus to treat Paul with liberality, permitted him, chained by the wrist 
to a soldier, to call upon his Christian brethren, and receive from them those hospi- 
talities which respect for the Apostle could not fail to elicit. 

The mercantile business transacted, they again weighed anchor, and as the ship 
was to touch next at Myra, in Lycia, they would fain have stretched across and taken 
the direct course by keeping Cyprus on their right hand,’ but the wind, which had 
veered somewhat to the north, was now contrary, and they stood for the promon- 
tory of Pedalium, the south-eastern horn of Cyprus, and then sailed under the lee of 


” 


of Paul (“the next day,” Acts xxv. 6); and then has derived the most valuable assistance from 


a good many days, say ten (“after certain days,” 
Acts xxv. 13); and then several days—say seven 
(“many days,” Acts xxv. 14); and then another 
day (“on the morrow,” Acts xxv. 23); and then 
an interval—say twenty days—spent in prepara- 
tions for the voyage and finding a ship, making 
in all fifty-eight days from the 24th of June, 
A.p. 60, which brings us to the 21st of August, 
A.D. 60. In describing the voyage, the author 


the Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, by the 
late James Smith, of Jordan Hill, who has at 
least settled one moot question, viz. whether the 
scene of the shipwreck was at Malta or Meleda. 

8 Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 22. 

* Thus following the direction of Paul’s pre- 
vious voyage, when he sailed direct from Patara 
in Lycia to Tyre, and kept Cyprus on the left 
hand. Acts xxi. 2. 


' Nebhi Shamcoon 
a —_ 
; 


Dabagha /Zennery 
= 4 


Σ ἐξ Olja ---τττίτειστο \ 
ἡ  ΦΒυαδοέ εἴ Dake sd 


\ 
eo Sa Gardens 
"|. ‘Cemetery Sn ee 
cu bel el Fouka \ 


Fig. 246.—Coin of Sidon. From the British Museum. 
Obv. Head laureated with a star—Rev. Female figure on back of a bull, with the legend Σιδωνος (of Sidon). 


VOL. IT. 


186 


VOYAGE TO ROME. 


[CHap. V. 


the island in a northward direction.” On clearing the island, they came within the 
influence of the land-breezes, which about this time blow off the southern coast of 
Asia Minor, and had also the benefit of the current which during the later months 
sets in strongly to the west." With wind and tide in their favour, they made good 
way through the sea of Cilicia, and then of Pamphyha, and having reached the 
embouchure of the river Andriacus, now Andraki (fig. 247), they entered it and cast 


anchor in the port of Myra. 


Fig. 247.—Entrance to the River Andviacus, on τὶ hich, at a distance of two miles and a half from the sea, was the City of 


Myra. From Ionian Antiquities. 


This emporium of trade lay two miles and a half up the stream on the left bank 
as you ascended, and was situate on an eminence overlooking the plain.” The broad 
channel of the river below the city had been formed into a port, and the entrance to 
it in case of danger was protected bya heavy chain, drawn when necessary across the 
stream. Myra at one time was the metropolis of Lycia, and Scewulph, an Anglo- 


0 ὑπεπλεύσαμεν τὴν Κύπρον. Acts xxvii.4. As 


the ancients, like the moderns, constructed their 
maps with the north at the top, it has been sup- 
posed by some that to sail under a place was to 
sail south of it. But ὑποπλεῦσαι is a nautical 
phrase, and means to sail along that coast, 
whether north or south, which is sheltered from 
the wind. In this case, as the wind was N.W., 
they sailed along the south-east of the island. 
See Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 24. 

τι Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 28. 


Bs ES as : thea , 
© εἶτα Mupa ἐν εἴκοσι σταδίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης 


ἐπὶ μετεώρου λόφου. εἶθ᾽ ἡ ἐκβολὴ τοῦ Διμύρου 
ποταμοῦ. Strabo xiv. 3,7 (p. 246, Tauch.). See 
Fellowes’s Travels in Lycia; Spratt and Forbes’s 
Lycia; Texier’s Asie-Mineure. Capt. Beaufort 
(p. 29) thinks the distance from the sea three 
miles. 

18. Λέντλος ἐπιπεμφθεὶς ᾿Ανδριάκῃ Μυρέων ἐπινείῳ, 
τήν τε ἅλυσιν ἔῤῥηξε τοῦ λιμένος καὶ ἐς Μύρα ἀνήει. 
App. B. C. iv. 82. 


4 untpdmodts τῆς Λυκίας Mupa. 


Hier. Synecd. 


δοὺς δίκαιον μητροπόλεως καὶ ἄρχοντα τῇ λεγομένῃ 
πόλει Μύρᾳ. Malala xiv. 


Cuar. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. Fa.D. 60] 187 


Saxon pilgrim of the twelfth century, speaks of it as still the port of the Adriatic, as 
Constantinople was of the figean.’? But commerce is fickle, and Myra has been 
deserted, and is now a desolation (fig. 248). The traveller, however, still wonders 
at the vast theatre excavated from the mountain on the we st, and surveys with 
interest the silent Heiss of generations passed away, and the broken arches of the 
aqueduct that once conveyed the pure mountain stream to a dense multitude, of 
whom even the bones have long since crumbled to dust.!® 

At Myra the centurion most unluckily, as it turned out, changed his plan. Egypt, 
as is well known, was one of the granaries of Rome, and vessels laden with corn were 
during the navigable months continually passing from Alexandria to Italy. The 
shortest route lay along the coast of Africa, but as the north-w esterly wind invariably 
blows at this season, they not unfrequently sailed by way of Syria te the coast « 


Fig. 248.— View of the theatre and other remains of Myra. From C. Texier. 


Asia Minor, and then shaped their course westward amongst the islands of the Algean, 
and so passed between Crete and the Peloponnesus.’* By this means they avoided 
the Syrtis of Africa, and supplied the want of a compass by keeping in sight the 


successive landmarks.!* 


© Early Travels in Palestine, by Wright. from Egypt, as appears from an ancient inserip- 
16 See Fellcwes's Lycia. tion: “ Horrea Imp. Cesaris Divi Trajani Par- 
17 See Wetstein on Acts xxvii. 6. thici F. Divi Nerve Nepotis Trajani Adriani 


8 Myra was a storehouse of the corn brought Augusti Cos. iii.” Karamania, by Capt. Beaufort, 


Ὁ Β Ὁ 


[a.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuar. V. 


One of these Alexandrian corn-ships was now lying at Myra, and ready to sail for 
Italy, and Julius, availing himself of a circumstance so fortunate, as he conceived, 
abandoned the design of sailing along the coast of Asia with the view of taking the 
Via Egnatia, and transferred his prisoners from the Adramyttian to the Alexandrian 
vessel. It was late in the year, and severe weather might be expected, but the craft 
in which they embarked was of the largest burden, and capable of encountering the 
violence of a heavy sea. We have curiously enough a description of one of these 
Alexandrian corn-ships in Lucian, who lived next after the apostolic age. The vessel, 
the Isis, like that in which Paul sailed, had gone round by Syria, and along the coast 
of Asia Minor, and then encountering adverse winds, had been driven into the Pireeus. 
It was an unusual sight in the Port of Athens, and soon attracted a crowd of idlers 
from the city. Lucian introduces a dialogue amongst a party who had just examined 
the Isis; and one of them is made to say, ‘But what a ship it was! The car- 
penter said it was 180 feet long, and 45 wide, and from the deck down to the pump 
at the bottom of the hold 453. 


yard it carried! and with what a cable was it sustained! and how gracefully the stern 


And for the rest, what a mast it was! and what a 


was rounded off, and was surmounted with a golden goose” (the sign of a corn-ship) ! 
“and at the other end how gallantly the prow sprang forward, carrying on either side 
the Goddess after whom the ship was named! and all the rest of the ornament, the 
painting, and, the flaming pennants, and above all the anchors, and the capstans, and 
windlasses, and the cabin next the stern, all appeared to me perfectly marvellous. 
And the multitude of sailors one might compare to a little army, and it was said to 
carry corn enough to suffice for a year’s consumption for all Attica, and this unwieldy 
bulk was all managed by that little shrivelled old gentleman with a bald pate, who 
sat at the helm twisting about with a bit of a handle those two monstrous paddles, 


one on each side, which serve as rudders.” 


p. 27. And the ships that brought the corn probably about one-half only of the length of 


from Heypt carried back timber from the woody 
mountains of Lycia. Ib. p. 10. 

19. Tucian, Nav. v. These facts enable us to 
caleulate the tonnage of an Alexandrian corn- 
ship. In a general way, the tonnage of a vessel 
may be ascertained by multiplying the length of 
the keel (in this case 180 ft.) by the extreme 
breadth (in this case 45 ft.), and the product by 
half the breadth, which may be taken as the 
average of its depth (225 ft.), and dividing the 
whole by 94. See Voyage and Shipwreck, by 
James Smith, of Jordan Hill, p. 148. Thus, 
moxse XS = 1988, or nearly two thousand tons. 
Jas. Smith finds an error in the assumption that 
the length of keel was equal to the length of the 
ship, inasmuch as, from the great projection of 
the head and stern, the length of the keel was 


the ship; and he estimates the tonnage as some- 
thing between 1100 and 1200 tons. J. Smith’s 
Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 150. But, on the 
other hand, Jas. Smith takes the depth of the 
ship at 224 ft., whereas Lucian expressly men- 
tions the depth from the deck to the bottom of 
the hold at 453 ft., so that the truth would 
seem to lie somewhere between the two estimates 
—say 1500 tons, a size equal to our largest class 
of merchantmen. 

The rigging of an Alexandrian ship was simple 
enough. A foresail called the artemon (τὸν 
dpréwova), a mainsail or velum, and a topsail, or 
siparum. Jas. Smith thinks that an ancient 
ship had only “one great square sail, with a 
small one at the bow.” Voyage and Shipwreck, 
p. 151. But Seneca; in a passage which will be 


Crap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.v. 60] 189 


Such was the vessel to which Paul was now commit{ed (fig. 249). The number of 
souls. on board, including the centurion and his soldiers, and Paul and the other 
prisoners, was two hundred and seventy-six. Here Aristarchus probably parted from 
Paul, for Aristarchus had embarked in the Adramyttian ship with the view of sailing 


Fig. 249. —Representation of an ancient ship, From a sculpture on the tomb of Naroleia Tyche at Pompeii. From a photograph. 


The name of Nevoleia was probably derived from navis (a ship), and hence a ship was the emblem or armorial bearing 
of the family. 


along the coast of Asia and then pursuing his way to Thessalonica, his native place, 
and now that the centurion altered his plans and resolved on a sea yoyage by the 
Alexandrian yessel, Aristarchus took his leave and continued on board the ship of 
Adramyttium. But he afterwards rejoined the Apostle at Rome, for we find him there 
at the date of the Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon.?! 

The Alexandrian ship, with the centurion and Paul on board, weighed anchor 
from Myra, and from this moment their difficulties daily increased, till a continued 
scene of disasters was at length closed by an absolute wreck. There appears, how- 
ever, to have been no want of seamanship on the part of the commander or the crew. 
The Etesian winds which blow from the north-west,”? and commence, according to 
Pliny, about the 20th July and continue till about the 28th August, an interval of 
of September be expected to cease, and be 


forty days,** might now at the beginning 
have enabled them to reach Rome. This 


succeeded by a south wind,** which would 


found cited ina future page,speaks of the velum τῆς ἄρκτου φερομένων καὶ ζεφύρου. Aristot. de 


as distinet from the siparum, and shows that Mundo, e. 4. 

the siparum was the upper sail, and the most * Qui dies [exortus Canicule] xv. ante Au- 
effective for progress of the vessel. See Seneca, gustas calendas est [i.e. 18th of July]. Post 
biduum autem exortus, iidem Aquilones con- 


Epist. 77. : 
30 Coloss. iv. 10. stantius perflant diebus quadraginta, quos Etesias 
2 yO vocant, Plin. N. H. ii. 47. 


* οἱ Ἐτησίαι λεγόμενοι μίξιν ἔχοντες τῶν τε ἀπὸ ** Post eos (Etesias) rursus Austri frequentes 


190 [a.D. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [CHav. V. 


expectation, however, was not fulfilled, and the ship was still obliged to keep close 
in shore, to take advantage of the land breezes and the current. Even these aids to 
navigation had almost lost their effect, for from Myra to Cnidus, at the entrance of 
the Aigean Sea, the coast trends away to the north, and so hes more exposed to the 
Etesian blasts. The ship in consequence made but little way, and it was not till 
after the lapse of many days, that by dint of tacking and beating about, they at 
length found themselves off Cnidus (fig. 250, 251), a distance from Myra of one 


hundred and thirty geographical miles.” 


Fig. 250 — View of the Peninsula of Cnidus with the two ports one upon each side of the isthmus, and of the site of the city oy 
Cnidus on the mainland. The spectator is looking south. Krom Laborde. 


Fig. 251.—Coin of Cnidus. From the British Museum. 
Obv. Head of Venus.—Hev. Head of a lion with the name of the chief magistrate. 
Here, as the coast turns abruptly to the north, the land breezes and current, by the 
aid of which they had been able to work up against a north-west wind as far as 


usque ad sidus Arcturi, quod exoritur undecim habit of touching at Cnidus, appears from Thu- 
diebus ante equinoctium autumni. Plin. N. H.  ecydides; for οἱ ἐν Μιλήτῳ ἐκέλευον. . . περὶ τὸ 
ii. 47. Τριόπιον [the headland of Cnidus] .. . ras az’ 

τ Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p.34. That Αἰγύπτου ὁλκάδας προσβάλλουσας συλλαμβάνειν. 
the merchantmen from Alexandria were inthe  Thucyd. viii. 35. 


Cuapr. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME, [a.p. 60] 191 


Cnidus, now ceased entirely, and they encountered at once the full force of the 
Etesian winds. To make head against them was impossible, and their only alternative 
was, instead of the direct course to the north of Crete, to steer southward, and run 
under the lee of the island. They made therefore for Cape Salmone (fig. 252), the 


᾿Ξ 


From the British Museum. 
Obv. Head of Diana.—Kev. Plan of the Labyrinth with the legend KNQSIQN (of the Gnossians). 


Fig. 253.- Coin of Gnossus in Crete. 
§ 


eastern promontory of Crete (fig. 253), and passing that point they again had the 
advantage of a weather shore,”° and being somewhat screened from the violence of 
the wind, they managed, but not without great difficulty, to coast half-way along 
the island as far as Fair Havens (still called Λιμεώνας Kanovs), two leagues from 
Cape Matala, the promontory to the west (fig. 254, 255).2* 

Here all further progress was stopped, for beyond Cape Matala the coast sweeps 
round to the north-west, and by reason of the prevailing blasts from the north-west, 
the vessel could not double the promontory. They therefore waited in Fair Havens 


a place has reference to the land, and means, to 
sail under shelter of the land. 

* Pococke, vol. ii. p. 250. In the same way 
Sir James, afterwards Lord De Saumarez, after 


*° The weather side of a ship is that exposed 
to the wind, and the shore on that side is the 
weather shore, and is therefore the shore which 
is sheltered from the wind by the land. The 


lee side of a ship is that away from the wind, 
and the shore on that side is the lee shore, and 
is therefore the shore exposed to the wind. 
Thus ‘weather shore’ and ‘lee shore’ have re- 
ference to the ship. 


To sail ‘under the lee’ of 


the battle of the Nile, had intended to pass by 
the north of Crete, but the wind being contrary, 
he was forced to run to the south of the island. 
Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 40. 


[Cuar. V. 


192 [a.v. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. 


for a change of wind.** None however occurred. The Fast or great day of Expiation, 
which was celebrated this year on 24th September, was past,2° and though the vessels 
of the ancients under favourable circumstances, might continue at sea till 11th 
November,” yet after the autumnal equinox (24th September), navigation was 


Vig. 254.—Fair Havens. From a plate in Cassell’s Bible Dictionary, taken from J. Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck. 
The spectator is looking west. 


attended with danger. It therefore became a question whether they should winter in 
Fair Havens, or, on the first opportunity, make for the more secure Port of Phcenix, 
now Lutro, which lay about forty miles to the west, on the other side of Cape 


** On the slaty ridge which forms the western 
horn of the bay are found the ruins of a church 
‘dedicated to St. Paul; and Captain Spratt sup- 
poses that Paul may, during the sojourn at Fair 
Havens, have preached to the natives on this 
spot. Capt. Spratt’s Crete, ii. 4. 

* According to the Rabbins, navigation at sea 
was practicable only from the Feast of Pentecost 
to the Feast of Tabernacles, which occurred only 
five days after the Fast. See the passages cited 
by Schoettgen, Horse Heb. i. 482. 

Ὁ Ex die igitur iii. Iduum Noyembris usque 
in diem yi. Iduum Martiarum maria clanudun- 


tur. Nam lux minima, noxque prolixa, nubium 
deusitas, aeris obscuritas, ventorum imbrium 
vel nivium geminata szevitia, non solum classes 
a pelago, sed etiam commeatus a terrestri itinere 
deturbat. Veget. de Re Milit. v.; Plin. N. H. 11. 
47. And see Ces. B. G. iv. 36; v.23. F. Martin, 
in his Notes on the Four Gospels and the Acts, 
observes : “ Philo notes that after the Fast no- 
body thought of putting to sea. The second 
parliament of James IIT. enacted that no ship 
should be freighted out of Scotland with staple 
goods from the day of St. Simon and St. Jude 
to Candlemas.” 


Cuap. V.] 


VOYAGE TO ROME. 


[a p. 60] 193 


Matala,®” and across the Bay of Messara. This was a very debatable point. On the 
one hand Fair Havens was a tolerable roadstead, behind some isolated rocks, but 


though a good 


shelter, as was now experienced, from north-westerly winds, and pro- 


Fig. 255.— Map of Fair Havens. 


Se oe τ 
3 Ἂς in 
) Founda πεν 
Ξε BAX 
VAnc™\Laseam or 
= THALASSA 


(es 
SF 


Boat Passage 


From Admiralty Chart. 


tected on most points of the compass, it was exposed on the east and south-east, and 
was therefore an unsafe refuge in winter? The city of Laswa,** however, lay at a 


* That Pheenix is Port Lutro has been proved 
by J. Smith, of Jordan HilJ, in his Voyage and 
Shipwreck. Thus Ptolemy (iii. 17, 3) makes 
the longitude of Phoenix the same as that of 
Lutro. Strabo describes Phcenix as on the 
south of the isthmus or narrowest part of Crete, 
x. 4 (Ὁ. 370, Tauch.), and Lutro is so situate. 
Hierocles Synee. calls Pheenix Φοινήκη. ἤτοι 
᾿Αραδένα, and Pashley (ii. 257) found, just above 
Lutro, two villages called Aradhena and Ano- 
polis. The mention of Anopolis is a further 
confirmation that Lutro is Phoenix; for while 
Hierocles calls Pheenix Aradhena, Stephanus 
Byz. calls Aradhena Anopolis: ᾿Αραδὴν πόλις 
Κρήτης: ἡ δὲ ᾿Ανώπολις λέγεται διὰ τὸ εἶναι ἄνω. 
The relative situations of Aradhena and Anopolis 
will be seen in the accompanying chart, p. 195. 


VOL. I. 


82 Spratt’s Crete, ii. 2, 4. 

*"Laswa is perhaps the Aicoos mentioned by 
Hierocles Synecdemus in connection with Pheenix 
and Aradhena. Lissus is called Lisia in the 
Peutinger Tables, and stated to be sixteen miles 
from Gortyna, which is about the distance of 
Fair Havens from Gortyna. It is now known 
by the name of Lapsea. “Near the Καλοὶ 
Ameéves, on the summit of the hills, are the re- 
mains of the city Lapsea, surrounded by pre- 
cipitous mountains. A temple with its statues 
lies in ruins, and other vestiges may be traced 
near the harbour.” Museum of Class. Antiq. vii. 
287. Captain Spratt describes it as standing on 
the promontory which forms the eastern horn 
of the Bay of Fair Havens. Crete, ii. 8. He 
rather fancifully traces the name from the Δίσση 

20 


194 [a.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuar. V 


short distance from Fair Hayens, a circumstance not immaterial during three or four 
dreary months, to the comfort of the mariners. Phcenix, on the other hand, was a 
safe harbour in all weathers, and was the only port along the southern coast of Crete 
which was so.** It lay on the east side of a promontory on which was built the city 
of Pheenix,*® and would hold ten or twelve large vessels.*° The port was formed by 
an island lying in front of it, and having two entrances looking respectively to the 
south-east and north-east “ἢ (fig. 256, 257). 

The risk of proceeding thither at this late season of the year was a serious 
obstacle. Julius, the centurion, and the captain and pilot and other nayal officers 
met in council, and Paul, who had no little experience in nayal matters, for he had 
been already thrice shipwrecked,** assisted, by the courtesy of Julius, at the consulta- 
The Apostle’s advice at once was to remain at Fair Havens, and he predicted 
“Sirs,” he said, “I perceive 


tion. 
in the most distinct terms the danger of quitting it. 
that this voyage will be with hurt and much damage, not only of the lading and ship, 
but also of our lives.”*® The centurion was well acquainted with Paul, and gave him 
credit for a clear head and sound judgment, but in matters of seamanship he rather 
deferred to the captain and pilot, who agreed in representing Fair Hayens as an 
unsafe winter harbour, and urged the necessity, at whatever hazard, of making for 


Port Phoenix. 
carrying the resolution into effect.*° 


The council so decided, and they now watched for an opportunity of 


πέτρα Of Homer, for he tells us that just opposite 
the eastern promontory on which Laseea stood 
is an islet or rock called Traphos, which (and 
no other) would answer Homev’s description : 

ἔστι δέ τις λισσὴ αἰπεῖά τε εἰς ἄλα πέτρη 

ἐσχατιῇ Τόρτυνος, κ.τ.λ. 

Οὐν85. iii, 293. 

And he identifies Laszea with Thalasszea, a coin 
of which (though it could only have been a 
small coast town) is to be found in Mionnet. 
Spratt’s Crete, 11. 9... Pliny mentions a city of 
Crete by the name of Lasos, but does not give 
the situation. Plin. N. H. iv. 20. 

“ Spratt’s Crete, 1]. 249. 

35. Spratt’s Crete, ii. 254. 

* Spratt’s Crete, ii. 251. 

“7 βλέποντα κατὰ λίβα καὶ κατὰ χῶρον. Acts 
xxvii. 12. ‘Looking down the south-west wind 
and the north-west wind, or towards the points 
io which they blow. The harbour was formerly 
said to be nearly choked up from the effects of a 
mountain stream which discharges itself into it. 
See Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 50. But 
more recently J. Smith, in a letter to a friend, 
furnishes some further particulars, and states 
that Loutro is an excellent harbour. “ You 
open it unexpectedly; the rocks stand apart, 
and the town appears within. During the Greek 


war, when cruising with Lord Cochrane. . . 
they chased a pirate schooner as they thought 
right upon the rocks. Suddenly he disappeared, 
and when rounding in after him, like a change 
of scenery the little basin, its shipping, and the 
town of Loutro revealed themselves.” Sée Alford’s 
New Testament. 

$8 2 Cor. xi. 25. 

% Acts xxvii. 10. 

Ὁ That the port of Phcenix was a favourite 
resort of the Alexandrine vessels is curiously 
enough confirmed by an inscription found there, 
purporting that Dionysius of Alexandria, cap- 
tain of the ship whose sign was Isopharia, and 
of the feet of Theon, had superintended the 
dedication of an altar or temple to Serapis, &e. : 
“Jovi Optimo Maximo, Serapidi et omnibus 
Diis et Imperatori Ceesari Nervee Trajano Aug. 
Germanico Dacico, Epistelus Libertus stabu- 
larius, curam agente operis Dionysio Sostrati filio 
Alexandrine Gubernatore Navis Parasemo Isopha- 
ria ΟἹ. Themis.” Spratt’s Crete, vol. ii. p. 254. 

The old town of Phcenix was on the pro- 
montory to the west of the harbour; but Lutro, 
the modern village, is on the seaside at the head 
of the port. Ib. The promontory divided the 
Port of Phoenix on the east from the Bay of 
Pheenix, now Phenika Bay, on the west. 


Cnar. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [A.p, 60] 195 


About the middle of October the wind at length shifted, and a gentle breeze 
sprang up from the south. All now was alacrity. The anchor was weighed, the 
sails were set, and the ship bounded forward. After clearing the harbour, their 


Fig. 256.— View of coast about Port Pheniz. From Admiralty Chart. 


Phenika Bay. Site of the Port Phenix or Lutro City of Sphakia. 
Thought by Words- city of Phoe- in the bay to the right 
worth to be Port nix on the of the Promontory. 
Pheenix. promontory. See chart. 


course, till they rounded Cape Matala, was close to the land. A ship which could 
not lie nearer to the wind than seven points could just weather that point which 
bears west by south from the entrance to Fair Havens. We see, therefore, the propriety 


TAA 
Hy 

i} HN 

Mi 


ΞΕ. το’ 
we Leanta 


ANAPOLIS ae 
Kabos * ep Sharia 


is 
a 


rh: ἘΣ Ni, Ses Ane’ ve 

WANS Farageie “Anapolis 2 variand Ὁ 
Riza 3, ey Ξ 
ye θὲς 


Sen 


LN a Z Phineka 
j erie = Bay / 
=~ Y)-; 


py ew 
|\Thealis Kort _ 
᾿ eet 


| = 


Fig. 257.—Chart of Port Lutro (Pheniz) and coast. From Admiralty Chart. 


of the expression “ they sailed close by Crete.”*' The distance from the anchorage at 
Fair Havens to Cape Matala was four or five miles."* They now doubled the Cape, and, 


ἢ ἄσσον παρελέγοντο τὴν Κρήτην. Acts xxvii.  Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 56. 


13. Smith's Voyage and Shipwreck, p. δῦ. 
202 


196 [a.p, 60] 


VOYAGE TO ROME. 


(Cuap, V. 


deeming their purpose accomplished, steered merrily across the gulf for Port Phoenix, a 
distance of thirty-four miles. Alas! the tempting breeze had but lured them to their 
doom. They had not made half their passage when a typhoon ** from the north-east 
(not uncommon in those seas, and called Euroclydon)** struck against the vessel.” 


* The term implies a vortex or whirlwind, 
from the sudden shifting of the wind from the 
south to the north-east. 

~* Acts xxvii. 14. Another reading is Evpa- 
κύλων, Euroaquilo, or north-east. Euroclydon 
is from Εὖρος, ‘the east wind, and κλύδων, “ἃ 
billow; and Euroaquilo from Evpos, ‘the east 
wind, and ᾿Ακύλων, ‘the north wind, and there- 
fore signifying a north-easter” Neither Euro- 
clydon nor Euroaquilo is found elsewhere. It is 
hard to say, since the MSS. are about equally 
balanced, whether Euroclydon or Euroaquilo is 
the true reading. Bryant, in his Observations on 
the Wind Euroclydon, contends for Euroclydon. 

His first great argument is that Euroaquilo 
would be a compound of Εὖρος, a Greek word, 
and Aquilo, a Latin word, and therefore not, 
like Euronotus (Plin. N. H. ii. 46), a compound 
of two Greek words. But though ‘ Eurus’ was 
originally Greek, yet in the time of the Apostle 
it had become naturalised amongst the Romans. 
Thus, Eurus jam civitate donatus est, et nostro 
sermoni non tanquam alienus intervenit. Senec. 
Nat. Quest. y. 16. And not only so, but the 
Latins used the compound word Euroauster, 
and certainly Auster was Latin and not Greek. 
Gellius ii. 22. 

Another argument of Bryant is that Euro- 
aquilo, even if admitted to be well compounded, 
could not denote a north-east wind; for 
while Aquilo is certainly the north, Eurus is 
not the east wind, which was known as subso- 
lanus or solanus, and so answered to the Greek 
ἀφηλιώτης ; and further, that Eurus amongst 
the Greeks, as shown by the Temple of the 
Winds at Athens, was the south-east, answer- 
ing to Vulturnus amongst the Latins; and that, 
when the word Eurus was introduced amongst 
the Romans, it preserved the same meaning, as, 
Qui surgit ab oriente equinoctiali [E.] subso- 
lanus apud nos dicitur; Greeci illum ἀφηλιώτην 
vocant. Ab oriente hiberno [S. E.] Eurus exit, 
quem nostri vocavere vulturnum, &e. Senec. 
Nat. Quest. v.16. Ab oriente zquinoctiali sub- 
solanus, ab oriente brumali vulturnus: illum 
Apelioten, hune Eurum Greci appellant. Plin. 
N.H. i. 47, 46. Favonio [W.] contrarius est 
quem subsolanum appellayimus Huie 
[Coro=N. W.] est contrarius Vulturnus [S. E.]. 


Plin. N. Ἡ. 1]. 47. Ventumque Vulturnum [S8. E.] 
Eurum Grecis dictum. Ib. xviii. 77,3. So that 
Euroaquilo in composition would be not N.E., 
but 8. E. N., which would be a contradiction in 
terms. To this it may be answered that not 
only Homer, Odyss. v. 295, and the poets gene- 
rally, but also Aristotle, De Mundo, ec. 4, Strabo 
11. 3, Arrian Periplus Euxin. 5. 4, Stobzeus lib. i., 
and others (see Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, 
p. 123), assume Eurus to be the cardinal point 
of East. Besides, to say that Eurus is 8. E. 
proves too much, for then even Euroclydon 
would indicate a wind to the S. of E., whereas 
it is clear that the wind in question was to the 
N. of E., or the vessel could not have been car- 
ried down from Crete to Clauda, and the ma- 
riners would not have been apprehensive of 
falling upon the Syrtis. Eurus,- therefore, 
whether the true reading be Euroclydon or 
Euroaquilo, must mean due east. 

The language of Luke seems in one particular 
to favour the reading of ‘Euroclydon; for he 
writes, ἔβαλε κατ᾽ αὐτῆς ἄνεμος τυφωνικὸς, ὁ καλού- 
μενος, K.7.A.—i.e. ἃ wind which was known by a 
special name, and called so-and-so; whereas, if 
the wind was merely a point of the compass, 
as Euroaquilo, it could no more have been said 
“which is evlled a north-easter,” than it could 
be said “ which is called the north wind, or the 
south wind,” as the point of the compass named 
would indicate the wind without any qualifica- 
tion. As Luke, therefore, calls attention to the 
fact that the wind had acquired a peculiar appel- 
lation, it may be fairly argued that the wind in 
question was not a point of the compass—i.e. 
was not Euroaquilo, but Euroclydon. It is im- 
material to decide, as, whichever be the true 
text, it is clear that the wind, in fact, whatever 
its name, was from the N. E., or some point very 
near it. 

* wer’ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἔβαλε κατ᾽ αὐτῆς ἄνεμος τυφω- 
νικὸς, ὁ καλούμενος Ἐὐροκλύδων. Acts xxvil. 14. 
“A typhoon struck against her,” viz. the ship — 
τῆς vjos. A person who had been some weeks 
on board would thus shortly but naturally ex- 
press himself. The vessel would be always in 
his mind, and instead of repeating the word 
“ship,” he would use the word “ she ὁ or “ her.” 
So Shakespeare, in the ‘Tempest,’ before any 


Cuap. V.] 


VOYAGE TO ROME. 


[a.p. 60] L197 


They could neither regain Fair Havens nor hold on for Phcenix, but with sails 


spread and the boat in the water,*’ as in a pleasure excursion, they were at the 


mercy of the gale, and being wholly unable to face it * (fig. 258), were swept along 


Fig. 258.—A painting from the walls of a house in Herculaneum, exhibiting 
the passage in Luke where the ship is said to “ 


by it, or, in nautical phrase, they scudded before it** to the south-west. 


vessels with eyes on the prow, and ilustrating 


eye” (ἀντοφθαλμεῖν) or face the vind. 


Driven in 


this direction for twenty-three miles,’ they neared the little island of Clauda, now 


mention is made of a ship, writes, “ Down with 
the topmast ; yare, yare; lower, lower; bring /er 
to with main-course.” Tempest, act i. scene 1. 
The term commonly employed by Luke for the 
merchantman in which he sailed is wAotov, but 
he also uses the word vais, xxvii. 41. If this 
interpretation be not adopted the words kar’ αὐτῆς 
can only be applied to mv Κρήτην, which had 
immediately preceded, and if so, what can be the 
meaning? To say that the wind drove them 
against or toward Crete is absurd, as they were 
carried in the very opposite direction. Alford 
suggests that the wind came down upon them 
from Crete (as in Bn δὲ κατ᾽ Οὐλύμποιο καρήνων, κατ᾽ 
᾿Ιδαίων ὀρέων, κατὰ πέτρης, &e.) But this makes 
the wind a local one, and connects it particu- 


larly with the island, whereas the wind from 
their being driven before it for fourteen days 
was manifestly of a general character and of the 
widest This interpretation, 
seems the only one, if the reader reject the 


range. howeyer, 
hypothesis that by κατ᾽ αὐτῆς the ship itself is 
referred to. 

* Thus Cicero, Funiculo qui a puppi religatus 
scapham annexam trahebat. De Invent. ii. 51. 

τ ἀντοφθαλμεῖν --- to look at it. Acts xxvii. 
15. The ancient vessels, as many still in the 
Mediterranean, had a large eye painted on each 
side of the bow. See fig. 258. 
“ἢ ἐπιδόντες ἐφερόμεθα. Acts xxvii. 15. 
"ἢ Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 64 


198 [A.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuap. V. 


Gozzo,®° and they gladly rounded the eastern cape and ran under the lee of the shore. 
There was no anchorage, or none practicable against a north-easterly wind, but they 
were somewhat less exposed to the violence of the gale, and they now endeavoured 
to repair their fault by taking every precaution that good seamanship dictated for 
encountering the storm. Their first object was to secure the boat by hoisting it on 
board, a task of no little difficulty, as having been dragged through a heavy sea for 
nearly thirty miles it was completely swamped. Their next care was to prop or 
undergird the γ 6556]. Having been caught by the storm with her sails set, she had 
suffered a severe straining, and was beginning to leak. To prevent her, if possible, 
from going to pieces, they passed a strong cable several times round her, about 
midships, where the timbers, from the leverage of the mainmast, had most suffered. 
They next “made the ship snug” by lowering the sails, and bringing down upon 
deck all the spars and rigging.” 

Now came the question, what course were they to steer. They could not seud 
before the wind, not only from the danger of a pooping sea beating against the stern, 
but four-and-twenty hours’ drift in the direction of the storm would carry them 
to certain destruction upon the Great Syrtis or sandbank of Africa. They could not 
heave-to on the port-tack, or, in other words, turn the head of the vessel to the left, 
for in that quarter, and at no great distance, lay the coast of Libya, and they would 
soon be wrecked upon a lee shore. The only remaining alternative, and which they 
adopted, was to heave-to on the starboard tack, or to the right, in a north-westerly 
direction. 

They therefore set the storm-sail to keep the vessel steady, and steered as close 
to the wind as a north-easterly gale would permit. They were now fairly committed 
to their fate, and were drifting in Adria® to the north-west, at the rate of about forty 


Shipwreck, p. 63. But undergirding is occa- 
sionally resorted to eyen at the present day. 
52 χαλάσαντες τὸ σκεῦος. Acts xxvii. 17. 


3° Κλαύδην. But Griesbach prefers the read- 
ing of Καῦδα. In Pliny, Suidas, and Mela, the 
island is called Gaudos, whence the Greek name 


Gaudonesi, or Isle of Gaudos, now Italianised 
into Gozzo. 

‘1 That undergirding was in use amongst the 
ancients is evidenced by many passages. 
συμβουλεύσας τοῖς Ῥοδίοις ὑποζωννύειν. 


Leg. 64. 


νηός τοι πλευρῇσιν ὑπὸ ζυγὰ θήσομεν ἡμεῖς, 
Κλεάρισθ᾽, ot’ ἔχομεν. 


ναῦς 


Polyb. 


Theognis, 513, 


ζωνεύματα, trofapmara’ σχοινία κατὰ μέσον τὴν ναῦν 
δεσμευόμενα. Hesych.; and see some possible 
references to the same custom, Horace, Carm. 1. 
14,6; Thucyd. 1. 29; Appian, B. C. v. 91. In 
modern times the strain is spread over three 
masts with small sails, which can be quickly 
taken in; but the ancient ships had to sustain 
the leverage of a single mast with a ponderous 
yard at the upper end. Smith’s Voyage and 


53 The sea now commonly called the Adriatic, 
is that between Italy on the west and Dalmatia 
and Illyria on the east ; but this was not so when 
Luke wrote. Originally the Adriatic (which 
took its name from Adria, a town of celebrity at 
the mouth of the Po) reached from the end of 
the gulf to a line drawn from Aulon in Illy- 
yieum to Hydrus in Calabria; but so early as 
the time of Scylax, the Adriatic had extended 
itself southwards so as to embrace within it the 
Tonian Sea, which washed the western shore of 
Greece. λιμὴν Ὑδροῦς ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Αδρίου ἢ τῷ "Ioviov 
κόλπου στόματι. Seylax, Japyges. So Horace 
speaks of the battle of Actium as fought in the 
Adriatic. 

Actia pugna 
Te duce per pueros hostili more refertur; 


Adversarius est frater, lacus Adria. 
Hor. Ep. i. 18, 61. 


Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.p. 60] 199 


miles a day. The storm, instead of abating, as they might reasonably have expected, 
continued with unabated violence,‘ and the timbers in consequence being more and 
more strained, and the leakage increasing, the next day they were obliged to lighten 
the vessel by heaving overboard the least valuable and most weighty part of her 
burden. This formed a temporary relief, but the ship, from the fury of the gale, 
soon laboured as much as before, and the day following they threw overboard the 
tackling of the ship. Paul and Luke both assisted personally, for Luke observes, 
“ We cast it out with our own hands.”°* The mainyard was probably an immense 


And Strabo writes: ὁ δ᾽ Ἰόνιος κόλπος μέσος ἐστὶ 
τοῦ νῦν ᾿Αδρίου λεγομένου. Strab. ii. 5 (p. 196, 
Tauch.) Here Strabo alludes to the ’Adpias as 
used in a wider sense than formerly, but does 
not give us the limits. Elsewhere he speaks 
only of the μυχὸς or κόλπος ᾿Αδριατικὸς, and not 
of the πέλαγος ᾿Αδριατικόν. See vii. 5, and ex- 
cerpt. 3 from the same book. Ovid, however, 
his contemporary, supplies the omission, and we 
learn from him that the ’Aépias reached all the 
way from Sicily to Greece. Thus Ceres in search 
of her daughter Proserpine, sails from the straits 
of Messana to Greece. 


Effugit et Syrtes, et te, Zanclaea Charybdi ; 
Et vos, Niswi, naufraga monstra, canes; 
Adriacumque patens late, bimaremque Corinthon. 
Sic venit ad portus, Attica terra, tuos. 
And the same poet, in referring to his own 
voyage from Italy to Greece on his way to exile, 
proceeds : 


Aut hance [literam] me gelidi tremerem cum mense Decembris 
Scribentem mediis Adria vidit aquis, 
Aut positquam bimarem cursu superavimus Isthmon, 
Alteraque est nostra sumpta carina fuge. 
Ovid. ‘Trist. i. 11, 3. 

The shipwreck of Josephus on his way to 
Rome occurred at nearly the same time with 
that of St. Paul, and he speaks of the Adriatic 
in exactly the same sense as Luke; for, sailing 
from Judea to Puteoli, his ship foundered κατὰ 
μέσον τὸν ᾿Αδρίαν, Vit. iii., and he was picked up 
at sea by a vessel on her voyage from Cyrene to 
Puteoli, ib. The lines of the two yessels, one 
from Judea and the other from Cyrene, would 
meet in the sea called by Luke the Adriatic. 
The same extended sense continued to be given 
to ’Adpias for some ages after the Christian era. 
Thus Pausanias (cire. 180 a.p.) speaks of the 
Straits of Messana as connecting the Tyrrhene 
sea in the north with the Adriatic on the south : 
οἵ τε γὰρ ἄνεμοι ταράσσουσιν αὐτὴν [θάλασσανἿ, 
ἀμφοτέρωθεν τὸ κῦμα ἐπάγοντες ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αδρίου καὶ 
ἐξ ἑτέρου πελάγους ὃ καλεῖται Τυρσηνόν. Υ. al I 
and again as lying between Sicily and the Morea, 


for the Alpheus passes under it from Arcadia to 
Ortygia: ἔμελλε δὲ dpa μηδὲ ᾿Αδρίας ἐπισχήσειν 
αὐτὸν τοῦ πρόσω: διανηξάμενος δὲ τοῦτο πέλαγος 

. ἐν ᾽Ορτυγίᾳ ἐπιδείκνυσιν. viii. 54,2. In the 
same way does Ptolemy distinguish between the 
Adriatic κόλπος, or gulf, and the Adriatic πέλαγος, 
or sea: vii. 5,3 and 10; viii. 7,2; viii. 8, 2; i. 
15,3; making the Adriatic πέλαγος, or sea, reach 
from Sicily to the Gulf of Corinth. περιορίζεται 
[Sicily] . . . ἀπὸ μὲν ἀνατολῶν τῷ ᾿Αδριατικῷ. Vili. 
9, 2; and thence to the south of Greece as far as 
Crete. ὁρίζεται [the Peloponnesus] . . . 
μεσημβρίας τῷ ᾿Αδριατικῷ πελάγει, iii. 15, 3; ἡ 


ety 
απὸ O€ 


Κρήτη περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν δυσμῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αδρια- 
τικοῦ πελάγους, iii. 17, 1; and see viii. 12,2. So 
Philostratus describes the Isthmus of Corinth as 
dividing the Aagean from the Adriatic: Αἰγείου 
καὶ ᾿Αδρίου μέσος. cones, ii. 16, Paleemon; 
and again as joining the Sicilian sea. ὁ ποταμὸς 
οὗτος [the Alphzeus in Peloponnesus] ’Aépia καὶ 
Σικελικῷ πελάγει ἐπιχεῖται. Vit. Apoll. viii. 15; 
and even meeting the Tyrrhene sea at the Straits 
of Messana. 
καὶ πορθμὸν ἔνθα ὁ Tuppnvds ᾿Αδρίᾳ συμβάλλων 
χαλεπὴν ἐργάζονται τὴν Χάρυβδιν. Vit. Apoll. ν. 
11. And again Hesychius: Ἰόνιον πέλαγος ὁ νῦν 


παραπλεύσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ Μεσσήνην τε 


*Adptas. 

It is evident from these citations (and we need 
not pursue the subject further) that in the first 
century after Christ, and for a long period sub- 
sequently, the Adriatie—é ’Adpias—embraced 
the great basin of the Mediterranean now called 
the Syrtic basin, between Sicily on the west and 
Crete on the east, Africa on the south and Venice 
on the north. See also Biscoe on the Acts, ¢. 10; 
Wetstein’s note on Acts xxvii. 27; and Smith’s 
Geog. Dict. 

 ohodpas χειμαζομένων ἡμῶν. Acts xxviii. 18. 

δ αὐτόχειρες τὴν σκευὴν TOU πλοίου ἐῤῥίψαμεν. 
Acts xxvii. 19. On other occasions in the nar- 
rative of the voyage, Luke uses the third person 
plural. 


200 [A.D. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuar. V. 


spar, and the united efforts of both passengers and crew must have been required, 
particularly in a high wind, for launching it into the sea. Several dreary days now 
succeeded. 

The fury of the storm at length somewhat subsided, but a hard gale was still 
blowing,®’ and the shattered and leaky ship was little capable of resisting its violence. 
It was evident that unless they could soon make some shore she must be a wreck. 
But where was the land to be found? They had no mariner’s compass, and the 
heavens being overcast, neither the sun by day nor the stars by night were visible, 
to enable them to steer their course. They held on therefore upon the same tack. 
All hopes of safety were now abandoned, and perhaps the gloomy prospect assumed 
a darker hue from the exhaustion of continued labour at the pumps, and the abstinence 
from food which anxiety for their lives, and the casualties of the storm, had imposed 
upon all on board. 

There was one passenger, however, who, as the chosen champion of Christianity, 
could not yet be withdrawn from a scene of trial. The protecting hand of Heaven 
still followed the Apostle Paul, and as he had been diyinely warned of the danger of 
the voyage, so now, while rapt in sleep, and as the storm raged around him, he again 
received a preternatural intimation that he must stand before Cesar, and that the 
lives of his fellow voyagers would be spared. The morning broke, and no dawn of 
hope appeared in the horizon; but Paul, strong in faith, assembled the passengers 
and crew, and communicated the glad tidings:—‘ Sirs,” he said, “ye should have 
hearkened unto me, and have not loosed from Crete, and ye would have saved*™ this 
harm and loss; and now I exhort you to be of good cheer, for there shall be no loss of 
any man’s life among you, but of the ship; for there stood by me this night the angel 
ot God, whose I am, and whom I serve, saying, ‘ Fear not, Paul ; thou must be brought 
before Cesar; and, lo, God hath given thee all them that sail with thee.’ Wherefore, 
sits, be of good cheer, for I believe God, that it shall be even as it hath been told me ; 
nevertheless, we must be cast away on a certain island.” 

While riding in safety at Fair Havens, they had paid little regard to the Apostle’s 
warning against coming disaster; but amid the gloom of the Adriatic they would 
hail with joy from the lips of one, whom they must now have regarded as a prophet, 
the pleasing prediction of their escape from the yawning billows which raved around 
them. Paul had declared that they “must be cast away on a certain island” and 
they now looked anxiously for the land of promise. 

It was on the fourteenth night®* of their drift across the broad expanse of waters 
when the watchful mariners caught the first prognostication of an approaching shore. 
No mountain range towered before them, but the ear caught the sound of breakers, 
and the experienced eye detected through the darkness on the left a white surge, 


© χειμῶνος οὐκ ὀλίγου ἐπικειμένου. Acts ΧΧΥΙ͂Ϊ. ὅτ Acts xxvii. 21-26. 
ὅδ ὡς δὲ τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτη νὺξ ἐγένετο. Acts 


** κερδῆσαι. In Eng. ver. “ gained.” XXxvil. 27. 


Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.D. 60] 201 


as of billows beating against a foreland.** They sounded, and found themselves in 
twenty fathoms water; they presently sounded again, and the depth was only fifteen 
fathoms ; they were, therefore, rapidly nearing some land, and they could now plainly 
discover breakers ahead (fig. 259), and if the vessel were to be dashed against a 
rocky coast, they would have little chance of their lives. Their only resource in such 
a moment of awful suspense was, if possible, to anchor the vessel, and as soon as day- 


Fig. 259.— View of Koura Point. From Admiralty Chart. 
The entrance to the Bay of St. Paul is on the spectator’s right, and the battlements line the left shore as you enter, See 


the chart of the bay (fig. 260). 

light appeared to run the sinking ship aground where the shore was safest. The 
vessel, according to the ancient practice, was supplied, as a protection against a lee 
shore, with several anchors,®® and they at once cast out four from the stern. By 
anchoring not from the bow but the stern they would the soonest arrest the ship’s 
way, and when morning broke her head would be toward the shore." The anchors 
held fast, and the onward course of the vessel was arrested. The two rudders or 
paddles, one on each side (fig. 262), by which the ship was steered, and useless for 
the present, were lifted out of the water, and fastened by the bracings or rudder 
bands, so as to be clear of the anchor cables. 

More than eighteen hundred years have elapsed since the hearts of all on board 
have ceased to beat; but imagination still pictures to itself the alternations of 
hope and fear which must then have agitated each anxious breast, as they waited 
impatiently for the dawn of day to disclose to their straining sight the features 
of the coast on which they were cast. The shore was close at hand, but between 
them and it lay a yawning gulf. The vessel, held by her anchors, was pitching 


°° The promontory of Koura. thirty guns) have anchors only at the stern 
8 JTjucian, in describing the Alexandrian corn- (Iliad, a’ 486), and that these are let down some 
ship (p. 188, ante), speaks of her anchors (ai distance from the ship, one on each side, that 
ἄγκυραι) in the plural. Lucian, Nav. vy. the cables may not interfere.” Note by F. M. 
οἱ « Sir J, Chardin says, the Egyptian kayicks (Fred. Martin) on Acts xxvii. 29, 
(of about 400 tons, and carrying twenty-four to 


VoL. 1. 2D 


202 [A.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuae. V. 


heavily, now mounted on the crest of the foaming billow, and now plunging into the 
depth as if never to rise again. In an instant she might founder or go to pieces, 
and to inerease the dismalness of the scene, the overcast heavens poured down a 
continued deluge of rain or sleet, and the weary limbs of the mariners were half 
benumbed with cold. 

In such a scene of danger the noblest natures only are capable of generous senti- 
ments, and we marvel not when we read that the sailors meditated a desertion of the 
vessel in her hour of peril. Their design was to man the only boat which the ship 
carried, and regardless of the safety of others, to row themselves toward the shore, 
and find, if they could, some practicable landing-place. To cover their intention, 
they pretended that besides the four anchors from the stern, another anchor ought to 
be laid out from the prow. If merely dropped, they pretended, from the head of 
the vessel, it would have no effect in steadying her, and recourse must therefore 
be had to the boat for carrying the anchor to a distance from the vessel before it 
was cast. They now began lowering the boat into the sea. Had they executed their 
dastardly plan, the lives of all who remained on board might have been sacrificed, 
for how were the landsmen, who were left behind, to handle a vessel of the largest 
burden? Paul, with his fellow-prisoners, was standing near the boat amongst the 
Roman soldiers under the command of Julius, and his eagle eye and prophetic 
spirit at once penetrated the base project, and he exclaimed to the centurion in whose 
charge he was, “ Except these abide in the ship you cannot be saved!” No sooner 
were the military guard apprised of the treacherous design of the cowardly seamen, 
than they rushed to the boat, and severing the hawsers let her fall off into the sea. 
How forcibly does this evince the absolute ascendency which Paul had gained over 
his comrades! He had said that their lives should be spared, and though, humanly 
speaking, the boat offered the fairest prospect of gaining the land, yet, at a word 
from him, they deprived themselves even of this last resource. 

It wanted now but a short time to daybreak, when the finai effort was to be made 
for their lives, and when every one on board would be called upon to exercise his 
best faculties and put forth his utmost bodily energies for the rescue of himself and 
his comrades. Paul, who throughout retained the utmost presence of mind (for ‘‘ to 
live was Christ, and to die was gain”), now impressed on those around him the 
necessity of invigorating their fainting limbs by proper nourishment, and he stimu- 
lated their appetite by assuring them of their personal safety. ‘‘ To-day,” he said, 
“as the fourteenth day® that ye have tarried and continue fasting, having taken 


© Philipp. i. 21. night, or Luke is reckoning by the νυχθήμερον 
°S Τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτην σήμερον ἡμέραν προσδοκ- of the Jews—i.e. he considers the night as pre- 
ὥντες, ἄσιτοι διατελεῖτε, μηδὲν προσλαβόμενοι, k.r.A. ceding the day. The expression that they had 
Acts xxyii. 99. Luke had previously spoken of ‘taken nothing” is hyperbolical, and means 
the fourteenth night, Acts xxvii. 27. The Euro- only that they had omitted their accustomed 


clydon, therefore, had broken upon them at meals. 


Cnap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.D. 60] 203 


nothing ; wherefore I pray you to take some meat, for this is for your health, for 
there shall not a hair fall from the head of any of you.’** With these words the 
Apostle set an example to the rest, and took bread, and, saying grace in their 
presence with the same calmness as if he were on land, brake it and began to eat. 
Encouraged by the air of confidence displayed by him on whom all eyes were 
fastened, the ship’s crew gathered comfort, and they also refreshed themselves. 

They had now made their last meal on board, and as the vessel could not 
be saved, and there was no further occasion even for the corn with which she 
was loaded, they cast her freight into the sea, and thus lightened her as much 
as possible, that so they might run her the more easily on shore. 

The wished-for morning at length broke, and through the gloom (for the rain 
was still falling) the outlines of the coast gradually rose to their view. The land 


| 


TRADITIONAL WRECK 
JOE ST Pau 
Z 


Koura Point 


. 4 “ 
Peters 


Texas ‘ 
‘ BADIU ABA 
᾿ & 


‘nse 


Fig. 260.—Chart of St. Paul’s Bay. From Admiralty Chart. 


was not marked by any distinguishing feature which could be recognised; but they 
saw before them a spacious bay two miles long by one broad with an iron-bound 
coast, except that along the western side of the bay the cliffs gradually lowered, 
and terminated on the south-west in a flat open shore" (fig. 260). They had 
anchored during the night at the entrance of the bay on the northern side, and 


& Acts xxvii. 33, 34. οἷς ἐστι προσχεῖν: ἀκτὴ. ἠὼν, αἰγιαλὸς, χηλή, 
8 κόλπον τινὰ ἔχοντα αἰγιαλόν, Acts xxvii. 99; ὕφορμος. λιμὴν, καταγωγή. Pollux i. 9. 


and Julius Pollux writes: χωρία ἐπιθαλασσίδια 
Ὡ D 9 


204 [Cuar. V. 


[a.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. 


had been justly apprehensive of “ falling wpon the rocks” in front. They were now 
minded to change the vessel’s track, and steer for the flat open shore.*° But 
the historian adds, “if it were possible,’ for to make a tack athwart the wind 
with a disabled ship was a manceuvre not easy of execution. However they hoped 
for the best, and ventured on the hazardous experiment. Not to lose time by taking 
up the anchors, they cut the cables and let the anchors go” (fig. 261), and at the same 


———— 


οι 


Fig. 261.—Ancient anchors. From Rossi's Roma Sotterranea. 


time loosened the bands of the rudders” (fig. 262), and once more committed them- 


selves to the waves. The efforts of the helmsman were all in vain. The wind was 


Fig. 262.—From Rossi's Roma Sotteranea. 
In the centre is the mainmast with the sail 
reefed up to the yard. At the head of the vessel is the artemon, or foresail for steadying the ship's course, and giving 


We have here ar illustration in a general way of an ancient sailing ship. 


effect to the steerage when the mainsail was furled. At the stern are seen the two great paddles, one on each side, 


acting as rudders. 5 
the subject of the piece is the throwing overboard of the prophet Jonah, but it is supposed that some mystical meaning 


lies concealed under the dstensible scene. 
not to be resisted—they were “ beaten out of their course ” and drifted rapidly towards 
the iron-bound coast at the north-west corner of the bay, a place “where two seas 
met,” *° 7.e., where an outlet or strait communicated with the sea on the north so that 


“Ὁ ἐξῶσαι. Acts xxvii.39. Literally, tothrust (πηδάλια, whence the word ‘ paddles’), one on 


the ship aside out of her proper course. 


ei δύναιντο. Ib. 
eaten SoA ; ἈΕῚ ΤΣ SNe ὩΣ 

καὶ τὰς ἀγκύρας περιελόντες εἴων εἰς τὴν θάλασ- 
σαν. Acts xxvii. 40. 
᾿ ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων. Acts 
xxvil. 40. The πηδάλια were two broad paddles 


each side of the ship, and by means of which 
the ancients steered the vessel. See the sketch, 
fig. 262. 

τὸ περιπεσόντες δὲ εἰς τόπον διθάλασσον. Acts 
xxvii. 41. 


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720 PPL [7 1% 9Y/ Of, 


Cuar. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.v. 60] 205 


the northern arm of the bay instead of being a peninsula (as it had appeared from the 
mouth of the bay) was in fact an island. What was to be done in this emergency ? 
They turned the head of the vessel towards the shore and “ran her aground” upon 
what proved to be a mudbank.” The fore part of the vessel now stuck fast, while 
her stern was beaten by the fury of the billows. It was evident that in a few 
minutes the shattered hulk would go to pieces, and every one looked wildly around 
for the means of safety. The soldiers who were chained to their prisoners at once 
disencumbered themselves of their charge, but even in that hour of peril were 
actuated by a stern sense of duty, and rather than permit their escape, would have 
put them instantly to death ;* but the life of Paul was to be saved at all risks, and 
Julius, the centurion, with great humanity, took the responsibility on himself, and 
prohibited the cold-blooded butchery.* He at the same time commanded such as 
could swim to cast themselves first into the sea. This they did, and gained the 
shore, and then lent what assistance they could to their less fortunate comrades. 
Thus it was, that as the vessel went to pieces, some on boards, and some on broken 
fragments of the ship, made their way through the surf, and they all, two hundred 
and seventy-six in number, struggled safely to land.™ 

The sight of a vessel in distress had in the mean time attracted the natives 
to the spot, and the wretched castaways were received with a kindness which would 
have done honour to any civilized country. The sacred historian indeed designates 
them as ‘barbarians,’ but the term indicates only that they were not Greeks.” The 
ship's crew now learnt for the first time that the coast on which they had been 


aan 
7798 00803 3>, 


oor 
Ὁ οὐ °%Co, 
ο oN. 


Fig. 263.— Coin of Malta under the Phanician rule. Fram Pellerin. 


Obv. Head with caduceus.—Rev. Wreath of laurel, and witain it In Phoenician characters the word Alal. or Anan. 
N.B. See a similar coin of Gaulos in Smith’s Geographical Dictionary. 


stranded was the island of Melita or Malta (fig. 263, 264, 265). The bay into which 
they had been driven (known ever since as St. Paul’s Bay) was about seven miles to 


The Maltese were Phcenicians, who were called 


1 ἐπώκειλαν τὴν ναῦν. Acts xxvii. 41. 
κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν Barbarians, as they could speak 


2 Acts xxvii. 42. 


18. Tb. ver. 43. neither Greek nor Latin. They came partly 
4 Th. ver. 44. from Tyre and partly from Carthage. ἔστι δὲ ἡ 

τὸ Barbari antiquitus dicebantur omnes gentes νῆσος αὕτη Φοινίκων ἄποικος. Diod. Sic. y. 12. 
exceptis Grecis. Festus, sub voce ‘ Barbari.’ μικρὸν ἀπὸ ἙἭ μαίας εἰσὶ νῆσοι τρεῖς μικραὶ, ὑπὸ 
᾿ Καρχηδονίων οἰκούμεναι Μελίτη, πόλις καὶ λιμὴν, 

Huic nomen Grece Onagos fabulx ; Γαῦλος πόλις, Λαμπάς. Seylacis Perip. © Carthago.’ 


Demophilus scripsit, Marcus vertit Barbare (i.e. Latine). , i ae , 5 Ts ae 
Plaut. Asin. Prolog, 10. ἐν δὲ Σικελίᾳ ἔθνη βάρβαρα τάδε ἐστίν: ᾿Εδύνοι, 


205 [a.p. 60] VOYAGE 10 ROME. [Cuap. V. 


the north of Valetta, the present capital. The foreland against which they had seen 
at night the billows dashing on their left (the first intimation of approaching land), 
was Koura Point.*® The precise part where the vessel was run on shore was “a place 


Fig. 264.—Coin of Malta under the Greeks. From the British Museum. 
Obv. Head of Isis with the legend MeActauwv (of the Maltese).—Zev. Figure of Osiris. See 1 Eckhel, p. 268. 


where two seas met;” a most accurate description, as the northern side of the bay 
is formed by the rocky island of Salmonetta, and the spot where the ship grounded 


Fig. 265.—Coin of Malta with Greek population under Roman rule. From Pellerin. 


Obv. Female head with the legend Μελιταιων (of the Maltese).—Fev. Curuie chair of a Roman magistrate, and the legend 
©. Arruntanus Balbus Proprtor, and therefore struck when Balbus was Propreior of Sicily to which Malta was an appendage. 


was a little to the south of the western extremity of the island, and where con- 
sequently the sea within the bay meets the sea without the bay through the channel 
that divides Salmonetta from the mainland.” 
the bay from the east off Point Koura, exactly correspond with the account of 


The soundings at the entrance of 


Σικανοὶ, Σικελοὶ, Φοίνικες, Τρῶες" οὗτοι μὲν BapBapor, 
οἰκοῦσι δὲ καὶ Ἕλληνες. Scylacis Perip. ‘ Sicilia.’ 
Μελίτη νῆσος... ἔστι καὶ πόλις ἄποικος Καρχη- 
δονίων καὶ δῆμος τῆς Οἰνηΐδος φυλῆς. Steph. Byz 
ᾧκουν δὲ καὶ Φοίνικες (Σικελίαν). . . Βάρβαροι 
μὲν οὖν τοσοίδε Σικελίαν καὶ οὕτως ᾧκησαν. Thucyd. 
vi. 9. Pheenician antiquities have been found 
in Malta; and Boeckh gives a bilingual inscrip- 
tion in Pheenician and Greek, which he attri- 
butes to the first century before Christ. It is 
engraved on an ancient candelabrum dedicated 
to Hercules by two Tyrians named Dionysius 
and Serapion. See the Pheenician inscription in 
Académie des Inscript. vol. xxx. p. 426, accom- 
panied with an essay upon the subject. The 
candelabrum was discovered amongst the ruins 
of the Temple of Hercules at Marsa Scirocco, 


the ancient Ἡρακλέους Λιμήν. See Boeckh, Corp. 
Inserip. No. 5753. No doubt both Greeks and 
Romans afterwards immigrated into Malta, but 
they formed the upper class, while the mass of 
the population was still Punic. 

τὸ Tt is a singular coincidence that Koura 
should so nearly resemble, if it be not identical 
with, the Greek word χώρα, or land. 15 it pos- 
sible that Koura should haye been so called as 
being the first land seen by Paul and his com- 
rades? The words of Luke are: 
ναῦται προσάγειν τινὰ αὐτοῖς χώραν. Acts XXVil. 
27. 

7 Τῇ 1851 the author made an excursion to 
St. Paul’s Bay from Valetta, in a row-boat, and 
cast anchor on the spot where the wreck occurred. 
Our attention was forcibly called to the truth of 


ε , « 
UTEVOOVY OL 


Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.p. 60] 207 
Luke. The distance from Clauda is four hundred and seventy-six miles, which the 


vessel had accomplished in thirteen days, being about the rate at which a modern 
ship of the same burden with the same wind would have drifted.” 

The unfortunate voyagers had now escaped with their lives, but they were still 
in a wretched plight, for some had their clothes dripping from the sea, and others 
had no clothes at all, and the cold was severe (for it was about the 10th of November), 
and the rain was falling heavily. Malta at this time was under Roman dominion, 
and Roman enlightenment had softened the manners of the people, and the ship- 
wrecked mariners met with every attention which their present distress required. 
They were conducted to a sheltered spot near at hand, and a fire was kindled. Paul 
had been the master-spirit on board, and he was now equally alert on land. While 
others were probably attending to their own personal comfort, we find Paul with his 
wonted energy and disinterestedness engaged in collecting fuel, but the miraculous 
incident that followed we shall relate in the words of the sacred narrative: “ And 
when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks" and laid them on the fire, there came a 
viper out of the heat and fastened on his hand. And when the barbarians saw the 
_ venomous beast hang on his hand, they said among themselves, no doubt this man is 

a murderer,” whom, though he hath escaped the sea, yet Vengeance‘ suffereth not 
to live.** And he shook off the beast into the fire, and felt no harm ;** howbeit, 
they looked when he should haye swollen, or fallen down dead suddenly ; but after 


Luke’s description, that “ two seas met,’ for one 
lay open to our view through the broad mouth 
on the east by which we had entered, and the 
other disclosed itself through the channel be- 
tween the island and the mainland. The latter 
passage is very deep, and the rocks on both sides 
precipitous, and we made our exit from the bay 
through it. 

78 Josephus in his autobiography gives an 
account of a shipwreck that he suffered in sail- 
ing from Judea to Italy, and from some resem- 
blances between the shipwreck of Josephus and 
that of St. Paul it has been contended that they 
both were passengers by the same vessel. But 
on a little examination the resemblances are in 
particulars which were common to voyages at 
that day, and the discrepancies between the two 
render the identity impossible. No doubt, in 
both cases the shipwreck was on a voyage from 
Judea to Italy, and occurred in the sea called 
Adria, and Josephus as well as Paul proceeded 
after the wreck to Puteoli. But, on the other 
hand, the wreck of Paul was in a.p. 60, and 
that of Josephus four years later. ‘The one 
vessel had 276 men on board (Acts xxvii. 27), 
and the other 600 (Jos. Vit. 3). The one 


vessel was run aground on the coast of Malta 
(ἐπώκειλων τὴν ναῦν, Acts xxvii. 41), and the other 
foundered at sea (βαπτισθέντος τοῦ πλοίου, Jos. 
Vit. 5). Paul was carried, in the spring, by 
a ship of Alexandria (πλοίῳ ᾿Αλερανδρίνῳ, Acts 
xxviii. 11); but Josephus and eighty others 
were picked up at sea by a ship of Cyrene, &c. 
Jos. Vit. 8. See Fasti Sacri, p. 383, No. 1950. 

19 φρυγάνων. Acts xxviii. 3. In Theophrastus, 
H. P.i. 4, is the following definition: φρύγανον 
δὲ τὸ ἀπὸ ῥίζης πολυστέλεχες καὶ πολύκλαδον οἷον 
καὶ γάμβρη καὶ πήγανον. Language could not 
more accurately describe the thorny heather 
referred to infra, p. 208. See Kuinoel, Acts 
Xxvili. 3. 

Ὁ Paul was a prisoner for some crime, and 
they argued that it must have been a dreadful 
one, such as murder. 

‘| 4 Aikn—the goddess Nemesis, or Retribu- 
tion. 

82 Uxrave Avypds ἔχις" τί μάτην πρὺς κύματ᾽ ἐμόχθει, 

τὴν ἐπὶ γῆς φεύγων μοῖραν ὀφειλομένην 5 
Statyllius Flaccus, Anthol. vii. 290 (Tauch.). 

8 Christ had promised his disciples that they 
should take up serpents and feel no harm. Mark 
xvi. 18. 


208 [a.p. 00] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuar. V. 


they had looked a great while, and saw no harm come to him, they changed their 
minds, and said he was a God.’ ** 

It has been objected to this account: 1. That there is no wood in Malta, except 
at Bosquetta, and, 2. That there are no vipers in Malta. How, then, it is said, 
could the Apostle have collected the sticks, and how coulda viper haye fastened upon 
his hand? But when I visited the Bay of St. Paul in 1851 by sea, I observed trees 
growing in the vicinity, and there were also fig-trees growing amongst the rocks at 
the water's edge where the vessel was wrecked. But there is a better explanation 
still. When I was again at Malta in 1853, 1 went with two companions to the Bay of 
St. Paul by land, and this was at the same season of the year as when the wreck 
occurred. We now noticed on the shore just opposite the scene of the wreck, eight 
or nine stacks of small faggots, and in the nearest stack I counted twenty-five 
bundles. They consisted of a kind of thorny heather, and had evidently been cut for 
firewood ; as we strolled about, my companions (whom I had quitted to make an obser- 
vation) put up a viper, or a reptile having the appearance of one, which escaped into 
the bundles of sticks. It may not have been poisonous, but was like an adder, and was 
quite different from the common snake ; one of my fellow-travellers was quite familiar 
with the difference between snakes and adders, and could not well be mistaken. 
After all, therefore, it may be found that vipers, though rare, still exist at Malta. 
Assuming, however, that there are none at the present day, the objection is of little 
weight, for vipers are common enough in Sicily, and no doubt were so originally in the 
adjacent island, but Malta (which is now more densely populated than any other part 
of Europe, and contains 1200 persons to the square mile), has for many centuries been 
under such a state of high artificial cultivation, that vipers might well be exter- 
minated from a narrow space, twenty miles by twelve, just as wolves have been 
from Great Britam. Upon this point, writes the author of the Voyage and Ship- 
wreck:*° “I would merely observe that no person who has studied the changes 
which the operations of man have produced on the fauna (animals) of any country 
will be surprised that a particular species of reptiles should have disappeared from 
that of Malta. My friend the Rey. Mr. Landsborough, in his interesting excursion in 
Arran, has repeatedly noticed the gradual disappearance of vipers from that island 
since it has become more frequented.” 

Malta at the time of the shipwreck was attached to the Propretorship of Sicily, 
but being a place of some consequence hada resident Governor by the title of Mparos, 
or Primate,** as appears by an ancient inscription found at Civita Vecchia, in which 
a certain Roman Knight is styled Πρῶτος Δελιταίων, Primate of the Maltese.*? The 


* Acts xxviii. 3-6. *" Malta and the adjacent island of Gaulos 

% Page 111. (now Gozo) were under the jurisdiction of the 

* The term was probably introduced by the same primate. ‘Chus in a Greek inscription 
Pheenicians, who colonised the island. found at Civita Veechia : 


THE BAY OF ST. PAUL FROM THE SOUTH. From a Sketch by Mrs. F. Mountain. 


In the centre of the plate is the Island of Salmonetta, at the west end of which the “two seas met.” The ship marks the spot 
where the wreck occurred. 


THE GROTTO IN WHICH, ACCORDING TO TRADITION, ST. PAUL LIVED DURING 
HIS SOJOURN IN MALTA, From a Sketch by Mrs. F. Mountain. 


The Grotto is in the valley of Mousta, a ravine on the road from the bay of St. Paul to Civita Vecchia, the ancient Melita, the 
capital of the Island 
To face Vol. ii. 2. 208. 


ST. PAUL AT MALTA. 


[a.p. 60] 209 


Cuap. V.] 


capital was Melita (now Civita Vecchia), situate on a bold eminence, near the centre 
of the island, about five miles from St. Paul’s Bay, and commanding a view of it, 
which will account for the circumstance of a concourse of people being so soon 
attracted to the spot, Publius was then Primate (or, as it is translated, the Chief 
man), and his residence was at Melita, the capital, and according to tradition occupied 
the site of the present cathedral. 

Publius was a young man (at least his father was still living), and was actuated 
by kind and generous feelings, and no sooner was he made acquainted with the 
disaster, than he opened his doors to the luckless crew, and afforded them for three 
days, z.e., until they could be otherwise provided for, the most liberal entertainment. 
The humanity of Publius, and the islanders subject to his jurisdiction, did not go 
unrewarded, for Paul was made the instrument in the hands of Providence of 
conferring the greatest of blessings upon them; “for it came to pass, that the 
father of Publius lay sick of a fever and of a bloody flux, to whom Paul entered 
in, and prayed, and laid his hands on him, and healed him; and when this was done, 


others also which had diseases in the island, came and were healed ” (fig. 266).*° 


A. Κλαυδιὸος Kup. Προυδὴνς Ιππεὺυς Ῥωμαιων 
Ilparos Μελιταιων και Ταυλων 
Ἄρξας και ἀαμφιπολευσας 
Gew Αυγουστω. 

Aulus Claudius Quirinus Prudens, a Roman 
Knight, Primate of Melita and Gaulos, Viceroy 
and Priest to Divus Augustus. Bryant’s Obser- 
vations, p. 52; Boeckh, Corpus Inscript. Gree. 
No. 5754; Reinesius, Syntagma Inscriptionum. 

Besides the Primate, there was also an Im- 
perial Procurator. Thus in another inscription 
found at Malta we read: 

Chrestion Aug. L. 
Procurator Insularum 
Melit. et Gaul. 
Columnas cum fastigiis et parietibus 
Templi Dez Proserpine 
Vetustate ruinam imminentibus 
Restituit 
Simul et pilam inauravit. 

That is, “Chrestion, a freedman of Augustus, 
Procurator of the Islands Melita and Gaulos, 
repaired the pillars, together with the roof and 
walls, of the temple of the goddess Proserpine, 
which through age were ready to fall. He 
likewise gilded the ball.” Bryant’s Observa- 
tions, &e., p. 52. Bryant assumes the word 
πρῶτος in the Greek inscription to be the mere 
translation of Procurator, the more correct title. 
But it is well known that in all the provinces 
there was not only a prefect to govern, but also 


VOL. I. 


a procurator for fiscal purposes; and so in Malta 
there was the primate, or governor, and also a 
procurator. See Bryant’s Observations, p. 52. 

There is also a coin of Melita making mention 
of a proprator (but this must have been in the 
time of the republic): obverse, MeAcracov—re- 
verse,“ C. Arruntanus Balb. Propr.” round a 
curule chair. See the coin engraved, ante, 
p. 206. 

Another ancient Latin inscription found on 
a marble dug up in Malta, but much obliterated, 
runs as follows: 

(Municjipi Mel. Primus omni. . . 
. . . Item xdem Marmo/ream Apojllinis 
consecravit. 

which Ciantar interprets to mean that some one 
(whose name is lost) “ Primate of the municipium 
of Malta” (for both Malta and Gozo were muni- 
cipia), conferred some public benefit and “ also 
dedicated a temple of Apollo of marble.” Ciantar, 
De Antiqua Inscriptione nuper effossa in Melitze 
urbe Notabili, 1739. Here we have the Latin 
Primus Melite, corresponding to the πρῶτος 
Μελιταίων of the Greek inscription. 

δ In the time of Cicero, Malta was certainly 
included in the province of Sicily. Cie. Verr. iy. 
18. If this arrangement was still in force, Pub- 
lius would be the legate of the Pretor of Sicily, 
which was one of the Senate’s or people’s pro- 
yinces. 

© Acts xxviii. 8,9. This healing power also 


25 


Fig. 266.—Leaf of a Roman Diptych, containing two portraits of St. Paul. 


Cuar. V.] ST. PAUL AT MALTA. [a.v. 60] 211 


This engraving represents one leaf of an ancient and very curious ivory diptych brought from Rome in the time of the 
first Napoleon by Baron Denon, and supposed to date back not later than the fourth century. 

Τὰ the central group is St. Paul shaking off the viper from his hand into the burning sticks at his feet, without any bodily 
harm, to the great amazement of Publius, the primate of the island, and his armed body-guard. 

At the foot of the sculpture are seen two young persons (those in the middle) on the very verge of the grave; one of them 
fearfully emaciated, in the last stage of consumption, and the other paralysed and withered on one side. On the spec- 
tator’s left is the parent of one of the two patients appealing to the physician on the extreme right for relief, but the physician 
confesses at once that he has no remedy for the one or other of the invalids, but points upward τὸ the apostle Paul as the 
only hope by miraculous iuterpos'tion. 

In the uppermost group we recognize again the features of the apostle. He is now seated in a curule chair, such as was 
used by the Roman prwtors and other persons of duthority, and apparently ordaining a bishop (perbaps Linus, the first 
bishop of Rome), as the priest before him holds a bible in his left hand, one of the accompaniments of episcopal ordination. 
Behind the chair stands a grave and reverend personage, who officiates as chaplain 

The original of this singular remnant of antiquity is now in the hands of M. Carrand, of Lyons, and the above cut is from 
a facsimile of it In the British Museum. An engraving from the original will be found in Amaury Duval’s Monumens des 
Arts du Dessin, 4 vols. fol. Paris, 1829. See further Marriott’s ‘ Testimony of the Catacombs,’ Ρ. 67. 


The seas were now closed against any further voyage, and Paul and his comrades 
had no alternative but to pass the winter in the island, upon which they had been cast. 
The natural sympathy of the Maltese appears to haye required no stimulus, but had 
it been otherwise, the miraculous powers displayed by the Apostle, coupled with 
the authority possessed by Julius as an Imperial officer, and in charge of prisoners on 
their way to Rome, would have secured abundant hospitality. During their stay in the 
island the exertions of Paul in the cause of Christianity were unceasing, and many must 
have been conyerted from the worship of Hercules and Proserpine, and Apollo and 
other idols, to the pure doctrines of the Gospel. Indeed, if we may believe the ancient 
Martyrologies, Publius himself became a convert, and was the first Bishop of Malta.” 


had been foretold by our Lord to his disciples. argued, with equal force, that Troy had never 
Mark xvi. 18. any actual existence. 

® See Thevenot’s Travels in the Levant, part i. The claims put in for Meleda are reducible to 
c. 5. Thevenot remarks that Paul, as a legacy three grounds: 1. That the vessel in which Paul 
to the Maltese, banished al! the venomous rep- sailed was wrecked in Adria, which, it is said, 
tiles. See Bryant’s Observations, p. 45. must mean the Adriatic gulf; 2. That the in- 

The question whether the shipwreck occurred habitants of Melita were βάρβαροι, which would 
at Malta, or at Meleda in the Adriatic gulf, pos- apply to Meleda, but not to Malta, whose in- 
sesses comparatively little interest since the pub- _ habitants were civilised ; and 3. That there were 
lication of the admirable Voyage and Shipwreck no poisonous serpents in Malta, whereas there 
of St. Paul, by James Smith, of Jordan Hill,which are such in Meleda. 
is allowed universally to have established Malta as 1. As to the first position, the reader is re- 
the real scene. The reader, however,may expect ferred to the note ante, p. 198, from which it 
some notice to be taken of a point so long and appears that this whole argument has arisen 
so warmly disputed. from a confusion between the Adriatic gulf 

The idea of substituting Meleda, in the (κόλπος ᾿Αδριατικὸς) and the Αδρίας simply— 
Adriatic, is as old as Constantine Porphyro- i.e. the Adriatic sea (πέλαγος). ‘The former 
genitus, who writes: νῆσος μεγάλη τὰ Μέλετα, ἤτοι 15. that still known as the Adriatie gulf; but 
τὰ Μαλοζεᾶται, ἣν ἐν ταῖς Πράξεσι τῶν ἀποστόλων 6 =the ~Adriatie sea is accurately described by 
ἅγιος Λουκᾶς μέμνηται, Μελίτην ταύτην προσαγορεύων. Ptolemy as the great basin of the Mediterranean 
Constantin. Porphyr. de Admin. Imp. p. 36, cited which lies between Italy, Sicily, Greece, and 
by Winer, Bibl. Realw. Crete. 

Porphyrogenitus in this view has been followed 2. As to the second argument, the word 
by several others, both Germans and English; βάρβαρος may either mean an uncivilised and 
but the most judicious writers have from the first inhuman people, or a people distinct from the 
decided against Meleda and in favour of Malta. Greeks, who, when Luke wrote, called all but 
Amongst the English advocates of Meleda, the themselves barbarians. Now, Luke does not 
best known is Bryant (Observations, &c.), an use the word βάρβαρος in the former sense, for 
author who was fond of startling paradoxes,and {πὸ inhabitants “showed us no little kindness.” 


2 kb 2 


212 


ST. PAUL AT MALTA. 


[Cuap. V. 


[a.v. 60] 


Acts xxviii. 2. But he means only that they 
were not Greeks. They were, in fact, Phoeni- 
cians, who were always classed by the Grecks 
as βάρβαροι. See this subject also discussed 
ante, p. 205, note. 

3. The third argument—that there are no 
vipers in Malta—is equally destitute of weight ; 
for as the face of a country changes, the animals 
change. Lions were once in Judea, and wolves 
in England. Malta is now the most populous 
spot of Europe, and the wonder would be, not 
that vipers have been exterminated, but that 
they should still exist. See further on this sub- 
ject, also ante, p. 208, note. 

On the other hand, the pages of James Smith, 
of Jordan Hill, demonstrate, by accumulated 
evidence collected during the whole voyage, from 
its commencement to its termination, that the 
shipwreck was at Melita, or Malta. He tracks 
the course of the Apostle from place to place 
with unanswerable exactness. 

We leave the general survey, which is con- 
tained in the text, to speak for itself, and shall 
draw attention to some striking points only. 

1. For Paul's vessel to have been driven from 
the south of Crete to Meleda, in the Adriatic, 
the wind must have been from the S. E., and 
the advocates of this theory maintain that it was 
so. But,in the first place, the oldest version, 
the Vulgate, and the two most ancient MSS. (the 
Vatican and the Alexandrian), and others, have 
not the reading of Εὐροκλύδων, but Εὐρακύλων, 
or Euroaquilo; and if this be the true reading, 
the question is settled, for Euroaquilo can only 
mean the north-east. But even with the read- 
ing Euroclydon, it is palpable, from other cir- 
cumstances that the wind, whatever its name, was 
from the N. E.; for Fair Havens, which is still so 
called, lies about half-way along the south coast 
of Crete; and when they had sailed but a little 
way from it (οὐ πολὺ, Acts xxvii. 14), they were 
caught by the Euroclydon, and forced down to 
the island of Clauda, which is south-west of 
Fair Havens; so that the Euroclydon must have 
blown from the N.E. Not only so, but when 
they had passed Clauda, they were apprehensive 
of falling upon the great Syrtis (τὴν Σύρτιν, Acts 
xxvii. 17), which again was to the 8.W.; so that 
the wind was still from the Ν. E. 

2. Upon the subject of the wind, it is further 
to be remarked that the S. E. wind, or Scirocco, 
even in Noyember, is a hot and dry wind, and 
seldom or never lasts more than five days (Smith’s 
Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 109). But the Euro- 
clydon was cold and wet (διὰ τὸν ὑετὸν τὸν 


ἐφεστῶτα καὶ διὰ τὸ ψύχος, Acts xxvili. 2), and 
lasted for fourteen days. Acts xxvii. 27. 

3. When Paul sailed again from Melita, it was 
in the Castor and Pollux, a ship of Alexandria, 
which had wintered in the island in ordinary 
course. Acts xxvili. 11. Melita, therefore, must 
have been in the usual track from Alexandria to 
Rome, which Malta was. But Meleda was quite 
remote from it, and half-way up the Gulf of 
Venice. 

4. Paul was wrecked in the sea called Adria, 
in a vessel from Alexandria, and the ship which 
carried him from Melita to Rome was from Alea- 
andria, Josephus also, four years after this, was 
wrecked in the Adri, in a vessel which carried 
him from Judea (Jos. Vit. 3),and was picked up 
at sea in the same Adria by a vessel from Cyrene. 
Ib. It is plain, therefore, that the Adria in 
question was on the high road to Rome from 
Alexandria, and from Judea, and from Cyrene. 
The Adria, therefore, was clearly that bounded 
by Sicily, Italy, Greece, and Crete, and could 
not be the Adriatic gulf, which stretched away 
to the north far away from the track from Alex- 
andria, Judea, and Cyrene, to Rome. 

5. The wreck itself occurred at a spot where 
two seas met, and at Malta, in the Bay of St. 
Paul, two seas do meet round the island of 
Salmonetta ; but there is no such feature of two 
seas meeting to be found at Meleda. 

6. The Castor and Pollux, in which Paul left 
Melita for Rome, touched first at Syracuse. Acts 
xxviii. 12. Therefore Syracuse lay in her course, 
and, we may add, in her direct course ; for when 
the same ship sailed again, Luke mentions that 
they made a circuit (περιελθόντες, Acts xxviii. 18), 
which implies that they had not done so before. 
Now, if the ship started from Malta, Syracuse 
did lie in her direct course; but if from Meleda, 
in the Gulf of Venice, she must have made a 
most unaccountable deviation to get to Syra- 
cuse, and for what? To tack about and go back 
again. 

7. Had the wind been from the S. E., as sup- 
posed, then, as they were caught by it a little 
way from Fair Havens, which lies about the 
middle of the southern side of the island, the 
vessel must inevitably have been driven thence 
upon the coast of Crete itself; and had they 
cleared the island of Crete, then in their course 
from Crete to Meleda, they would have sighted 
and almost grazed the western coast of Greece, 
and passed amongst the islands in front of it, 
and then have entered the contracted mouth of 
the Gulf of Venice. And could they have done 


βαρ. V.] 


ST. PAUL AT MALTA. 


[a.p. 60] 


213 


all this without having once seen any of the 
numerous headlands on their right and left? 
Aets xxvii. 20 and 27. 

8. We shall only further remark that tradi- 
tion has uniformly pointed to the Bay of St. 
Paul in Malta, as that where the wreck oc- 


ewred, and a monument was long ago erected 
to mark the spot. But the inhabitants of Me- 
leda have no trace of any similar tradition, and 
must be not a little surprised at the honour pro- 
posed to be conferred upon them. 


214 


CHAPTER VI. 


Paul a Prisoner at Rome for two years—He writes the Epistles to the Ephesians, 
Colossians, Philemon, and Philippians. 


“The city which thou seest, no other deem 
Than great and glorious Rome, Queen of the earth, 
So far renown’d, and with the spoils enrich’d 


Of nations. 


There the Capitol thou seest 


Above the rest lifting his stately head 

On the Tarpeian rock, her citadel 
Impregnable ; and there Mount Palatine, 
The Imperial palace, compass huge and high, 
The structure skill of noblest architects, 
With gilded battlements conspicuous far, 
Turrets and terraces and glittering spires.” 


Paradise Regained. 


Pavt’s sojourn in Malta was, we are told, a period of three months,’ and this will 
bring us to about the 8th of February, a.p. 61. The navigation of the seas by the 
ancients commenced at this time, as we learn from Pliny * and Vegetius;* and Julius 
the centurion now looked around him for some means of conveying his prisoners to 
their final destination. The more usual track of the corn vessels between Egypt and 
Rome lay along the coast of Africa to Malta and Sicily, and thence through the 
straits of Messana to Puteoli, the port of Rome. From Puteoli the cargoes were 
either transshipped into smaller craft to be carried to the artificial harbour forined by 


Claudius at Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber, or were transported to Rome by land 


carriage along the Via Appia. 


One of these Alexandrian vessels, whose sign was 


Castor and Pollux (the tutelary deities of mariners),* had wintered at Malta, probably 


‘ One tradition is that the Apostle during 
this period resided in a grotto stiil shown at 
Civita Vecchia, near the cathedral. It is under 
a chapel which forms the right wing to the 
church of St. Paul. After descending a few 
steps, a door is unlocked on the right, and you 
enter a grotto having the usual vaulted appear- 
ance, and about the size of an ordinary room. 
The stone from which it has been excavated is 
of a light colour, and so soft that you can crush 
it with the hand. The legendary tale is that, 
though most travellers carry away a fragment, 
the size and shape of the grotto are miraculously 


preserved. The author, however, observed a 
considerable hiatus on one side, made by the 
pickaxe ; not to mention that the sides of a 
grotto, as well as the walls of a house, are 
capable of renovation by the introduction of 
new materials. Another tradition is that Paul 
resided in a much more spacious grotto in a 
ravine on the road from the Bay of St. Paul to 
Civita Vecchia. See accompanying plate. 

> 180 IN, me AY 

8 Veget. de Re milit. iv. 39 

* παρασήμῳ Διοσκούροις---Ἶ.6. the vessel carried 
as figure-heads at the prow the twins Castor and 


Cuar. VI] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 215 


at Valetta, on her way to Italy, and was now about to resume her voyage. Julius 
availed himself of so favourable an opportunity, and embarked his soldiers and their 
prisoners on board. They had been thrown upon the island in the most helpless and 
destitute state, but so exemplary had been their conduct during their abode, and such 
had been the benefits conferred upon the Maltese by the hands of the Apostle, that 
“when we departed,” says Luke, “ they honoured us with many honours, and laded 
us with such things as were necessary.” 

The Castor and Pollux sailed with a fair wind, and soon ran into Syracuse 
(fig. 267, 268, 269), the first port at which she was to touch, and distant from Malta 
about one hundred miles.° Here the vessel rested three days for the purposes of trade, 
as Syracuse was at that period a flourishing emporium, for which it was peculiarly 
caleulated from its excellent port. The city was situate on a broad foreland on the 


Fig. 267.— View of Syracuse. From Admiralty Chart. 


The spectator is standing at the amphitheatre to the north of the great port, and is looking over the port to the south. 
he city is on the island to the left. 
eastern coast of Sicily, and on the south-west was a magnificent basin protected 
by the island of Ortygia, which, stretching in front of it and almost touching the 
mainland at the north, left a spacious entrance into the harbour on the south. 
At the end of three days the Castor and Pollux again set sail, but as the wind 
was westerly, and they were under shelter of the high mountainous range of Etna on 


Pollux (viz. Castor on one side of the prow and Paul’s vessel, carried an insigne, which served also 
Pollux on the other), and Luke leaves it to be for the tutela. See Kuinoel’s note, Acts xxviii. 11. 
implied that this was the name of the vessel. ° Acts xxviii. 10. The ‘honours’ probably 
Most commonly amongst the ancients there was _jncluded pecuniary aid. ‘Honor’ was often 
a figure or insigne at the prow,and a paintedre- used for money; whence ‘ honorarium, a fee. 
presentation or image of the tutelary god, called ® Diod. Sie. v. 12. 

the tutela, at the stern. Sometimes the prow, as in 


Ρ ~ Convent of 
ΠΕΡΊ 
- a Yet the Curia, 
ie Altar of Conce: 


| seyciee | 
Vianist_ 
‘ ΗΝ, 


pring 


to Bacchus 


>The Capnchius 


UM sneiently Pert Marmores 
2 wae 


‘ Ὁ 


Ονυ. Head of Proserpine with the legend Συρακοσίων (of the Syracusans).—/er. A chariot of four horses and Victory 


crowning the charioteer. ‘his coin commemorates the victories of Syracuse in the public games of Greece, and especially 


at the Olympia. 


Ἂ 


Fig. 268.—Plan of Syracuse and its ports. 


wy) 


SSS: 


ἡ 
ae men 
THE 'ANCIEN: 


\\ 


i 


ΧΩ Lucta 


WS 


From Admiralty Chart. 


929° 2 


Yo 
p22 200000! a 


Fig. 269,— Coin of Syracuse. 


From the British Museum. 


oy rock 
7) 


Cuapr, VI.] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 211 
their left, they were obliged to stand out to sea in order to fill their sails, and so 
came to Rhegium by a circuitous sweep, or, as it has been translated, “ they fetched a 
compass.” Rhegium lay on the coast of Italy, near the mouth of the narrow strait 


Fig. 270.—Rhegium, now Reggio. From St. Non. 


The spectator is looking south-west, with the port on the right, and Mount Etna in the distance, on the opposite side of the strait. 


which separates it from Sicily. Caligula had projected a port there for the protection 
of the Alexandrian corn-ships, but he had no liking for the only rational work that 
he ever undertook, and died without bringing it to completion (fig. 270)" 

As the breeze (which often takes the direction of a narrow channel) came directly 
down the strait, the Castor and Pollux was unable to proceed, and so waited at 
Rhegium until the wind shifted, They remained only one day, when a south wind 
sprang up (the most favourable that could be desired), and the ship was again under 
sail. After a run of fifteen miles they reached the headland on the east coast, so 
famous in story as the abode of the monstrous Seylla, who, with her six long necks 


and heads, was continually howling and barking like so many dogs at the passing 


7 The Greek word is περιελθόντες. Acts xxviii. at Rhegiurn appears from Suetonius: Quare 
13. I was informed by a friend, many years ago, festinans a [Judea} in Italiam, cum Rhegium, 
that when he made the voyage himself, in a dehine Puteolos oneraria nave [Titus] appu- 
sailing vessel, from Syracuse to Rhegium, the _ lisset, Romam inde contendit. Suet. 'Lit. 5. Just 
vessel took a similar cireuit fora similar reason. such was the course pursued by Paul. 

That the Alexandrian yessels usually touched * Jos. Ant. xix. 2, 5. 


VOL. II. 2 


218 [3.Ὁ. 61] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


mariner (fig. 271); and just opposite the headland, near the Sicilian coast, was the no 
less celebrated whirlpool, the Charybdis. Thus in the infancy of navigation the 
mariner was sorely put to it how to thread his way safely between the ragged 
insidious rocks on the right, and the absorbent eddies of the whirlpool on the left. 


Fig. 271.— The ragged rocks of Scylla on the right, i.€., to the east of the strait. 
Just opposite to the rocks was the whirlpool called Charybdis, whence the famous line from the Alexandreis of P, Gaultier : 


Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim. 
The fables of Homer and the poets offered no real danger to the Castor and Pollux, 
which now cleared the strait, and made for Puteoli.? The distance of this town 
from Rhegium was about one hundred and eighty-two miles, and the second day 
they had accomplished the voyage. 

The bay of Naples (fig. 272), in which Puteoli was situate, was one of the finest in 
the world, of an amphitheatric form, and about twenty-five or thirty miles across. The 
southern horn of the crescent-like bay was formed by the promontory of Minerva, and 
the northern by the promontory of Misenum. Off the headland of Minerva was the 
island of Caprez, the residence of the gloomy Tiberius, and as the Castor and Pollux 
passed it, the voyagers might have seen the precipitous rock frowning over the sea, 
from which the tyrant, after putting them to the most exquisite torture, was wont 
to hurl his victims; while boatmen waited below with bludgeons to dispatch any that 
might survive the fall..° Off the opposite promontory were the islands of Ischia and 
Procida, and in the harbour of Misenum, close under the promontory and to the east 
of it, lay at anchor the Imperial fleet of the Lower Sea." The admiral in command 


° From Rhegium to Puteoli by sea, and thence τὸ Suet. Tib. 62. 
to Rome by land, was the common track. See τ The fleet of the Upper Sea was stationed at 
Suet. Tit. 5. Rayenna. 


Cuapr. V1.] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [A.p. 61] 219 


at this time was Anicetus, a freedman, who had been tutor to Nero, and had recently 
advised him how best to make away with his mother Agrippina.!2 At the north- 
eastern corner of the bay was Neapolis (Newtown) or Naples, and to the west of Naples 
toward Cape Misenum was another smaller bay, running up northward from the bay 
of Naples, and of the width only of about five miles.?* On the eastern side of it stood 
Puteoli, and on the western was Baie, the fashionable watering-place, the Brighton 
of Rome ; and not far from the sea-shore, between Baiw and Misenum, was Baulos, 
the emperor’s marine villa—the most lovely spot on the face of the earth, as all who 
have visited it must acknowledge. Puteoli, or Pozzuoli as it is now called, was 
originally confined to a narrow rocky promontory, an elevated ridge projecting oppo- 


Fig. 272.— View of the bays of Puteoli and Neapolis with Mount Vesuvius. From Admiralty chart. 


site Baie ; but afterwards it extended itself a considerable distance eastward inland 
and also northwards round the little bay. From a point of the shore about fifty 
yards to the north of the promontory on which Puteoli had been originally built, 
and where the sea begins to form an inner bay to the east, was thrown out a mole for 
protection from the waves, and for the convenience of landing passengers and mer- 
chandise. The pier was not a continued solid mass as usually was the case, but 
stretched itself into the sea upon twenty-five arches, of which the author in 1851 
counted thirteen still remaining, the very same number as had been counted by Evelyn 
more than 200 years before." Puteoli was the great port of the Roman capital. Here 
voyagers from abroad disembarked, and here persons commencing their travels took 
ship. Through this gate passed the immense exports and imports to and from the 
Imperial city. In particular, the corn from Alexandria was conveyed thither, and the 
wheat ships were allowed the peculiar privilege of entering the bay with all their 
sails set, while other vessels on rounding Capree were compelled to strike their 
topsails. An Alexandrian yessel could therefore be distinguished at a considerable 


2? Tac. Ann. xiv. 3. καὶ εἴκοσι. Dion lix. 17. 
8 Dion makes the distance from Puteoli to 4 Evelyn’s Diary. 
Baulos three miles and a quarter: σταδίους ἕξ 


2Fr2 


220 [a.p. 61] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


distance, and as soon as she hoye in sight, the herald of a squadron at her wake, a 
crowd soon gathered on the pier of Puteoli to watch the longed-for arrival.'® 

It was about the middle of February, a.p. 61, that the Castor and Pollux 
entered the bay-of Naples with Paul on board, and we may well suppose that the 


Fig. 273.—The mole of Puteoli. From Antichita di Pozzuoli. 


The spectator is looking up the bay to the north. It was at th’s pier that Paul landed when on his way as a prisoner 
from Caesarea to Rome. 


Apostle gazed with interest on the scene of transcendent beauty around him. On the 
left rode in the harbour of Misenum the Imperial fleet; further on glittered the 
palace of Baulos, and then the gay Baie, and opposite to it lay a forest of masts 
behind the rock and pier of Puteoli. On the right rose Vesuvius, overhung by a 


® Subito nobis hodie Alexandrine nayes ap-  genere velorum Alexandrinas quamvis In magna 
] s 1 g 


paruerunt, que premitti solent et nuntiare  turbanavium intelligit. Solis enim licet siparum 
secuture classis adventum (Tabellarias vocant). intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves, . . . 
Gratus illarnm Campanie adspectus est; omnis ceeterze velo jubentur esse contents: siparum 
in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit, et ex ipso Alexandrinarum insigne est. Senec. Epist. 77. 


NOW POZZUOLI, 


PUTEOLI, 


BAY OF 


Pik 


face Vol. ii. p 


The spectat 


Rear 


Se ee Tl ΩΝ 


Cuap. VI.J VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 221 


perpetual cloud, and at its base stood the ill-fated Pompeii, then in all its pride, a 
few years after suddenly consigned to the tomb, to be again rescued after the lapse of 
centuries from its premature grave. The Castor and Pollux now cast anchor at 
the pier of Puteoli, and Julius landed his prisoners amid the gaze of a thousand idlers, 
whom curiosity to see the disembarkation had attracted to the spot (fig. 278). 


Fig. 274—Jn front is the pedestal of a statue erected in the principal thoroughfare of Puteoli *n honour of the Emperor Tiberius, to 
commemorate his benefactions to the cities of Asia which had suffered Jrom the earthquake of A.D. 17 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 163, 
No. 1093). From St. Non. 


The several cities are personified, and the third from the spectator’s left of the front group is Ephesus, the city at which the 
Apostle had resided for three years. |’aul during his weeks stay at Puteoli must often have looked with interest on this 
monument, and have recalled the stirring scenes which he had witnessed a few years before at the capital of Asia. 


Julius had throughout the voyage treated Paul with unvaried kindness, and he 
still exhibited the same humane courtesy. At Puteoli (fig. 274)—as the populous 
thoroughfare between Rome and all foreign parts—were numerous Jews,’ and 
not only so, but a community of Christians'’ also had already been formed. Paul, 
by the leave of Julius, now opened a communication with them, and so warmly did 
they welcome him, that (with the permission of the centurion, whose plans required 


that sojourn) he remained their guest for a week. 


is Joss Ant. xvu. 12, 1. % Acts xxviii. 14. 


bo 
its) 
τὸ 


[a.p. 61] JOURNEY TO ROME. [Cnar. VI. 


During the delay at Puteoli intelligence had been transmitted to the Christians 
of Rome that Paul had arrived at the seaport, and that in a few days he would 
resume his journey to the metropolis. The distance was about a hundred and forty- 
one miles (fig. 275). 

At the expiration of the week, Paul, with a promise of revisiting the Christians of 
Puteoli at a future day should he obtain his release, bade adieu to his kind friends ; 
and Julius and his soldiers, with their prisoners, set forward on their route. The high 
road lay through Cume and Liternum to Sinuessa, thirty-three miles from Puteoli."* 
Here they found themselves upon the celebrated Via Appia, running from Brundisium 
through Sinuessa to Rome. The track of the road still remains. It was from 
thirteen to fifteen feet broad, and the foundation was of concrete, or cemented rubble- 
work, and the surface was laid with large polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, 
usually basaltic lava, irregular in form, but fitted together with the greatest nicety. 
The distances were marked by milestones (fig. 276), and at intervals of about twenty 
miles were “mansions” or post-stations, where yehicles and horses and mules were 
provided for the conyenience of travellers, and the transmission of Government 
dispatches." 

From Sinuessa Paul and his company followed the Via Appia through Minturne, 
Formie, and Fundi to Terracina, a distance of forty-seven miles.” From this point 
they might either take the more circuitous road by land round the Pontine marshes, 
or traverse the canal running across the morass in a direct line in a trackboat drawn 


18 The Antonine Itin. gives the distances thus: ferring to the laws, how well everything was 


ae ete millia pas, regulated. A birota could only carry 200 
uteoli to Cume . 4 5 iii Ξ ἥ A : 

Te ee Ξ pounds weight ; a rheda might carry 1000; a 

Sinuessa . ᾿ς τ xxiv carrus might be charged with 600 pounds 

ἜΞΕΝ weight. A carpentum was a more ancient 


τὸ ‘The following account of the Via Appia, vehicle, and carried 1000 pounds; but it could 
and the mode of travelling upon it, is from Sir contain only two, Aas at most three Weiser 
W. Gell :—“ On each side of the road were dis-  ~De anagarie carried 1500 pounds. Carriages 
might be found at every post, and not less than 
forty post horses were kept. Saddle horses were 
called equi cursuales. A rheda had eight mules 
in summer and ten in winter, and a birota three 
mules.” Gell’s Topography of Rome and its 
Vicinity, p. 129 (1834); p. 73 (1846). 

Ὁ The Antonine Itinerary gives the distances 


posed, at the distance of every forty feet, low 
columns as seats for the weary, and to assist in 
mounting on horseback. The road was provided 
with inns and ornamented with statues—numi 
viali, Lares viales, or Dei vizei,as they are called 
by Varro— Mercury, Apollo, Bacchus, Ceres, 
Diana, Janus, and Hercules. At every thousand 


paces, of five feet each, was a milestone—lapis, WES Gnethyeneensy 5 4 «ite 
lapis milliaris, or columna milliaris. The stages Formiay ν᾿ Ἐπ 
were called mansiones and mutationes, the Bund) νὰ πὴ. πΠ 
latter name being derived from the changing of Perracina o> 7 0 35 
the horses. The carriages in use were cars ἶ 4 5 
(birote or bigee) with two wheels and as many The Jerusalem Itinerary thus : 

horses, waggons (rhede and quadrige), and Ξσστοίς ea eaten is 
coaches drawn by six horses (seijuge). The ante ou SiS i 
post horses were called veredi and the postilions Terracina. 0. 0. ΧΗ 


veredarii, It is surprising to observe, upon re- alii 


— ee 
a = 


Cuap. VI.] JOURNEY TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 223 


by mules." The latter route has been immortalized by the humour of Horace, in his 
well-known journey to Brundisium. Which of these two routes Julius adopted we 
are not informed, but both road and canal met at Appii Forum, a small town eighteen 


Pithecusa eve 
Aenaria 1* 


Fig. 275.—Route of Paul along the Via Appia from Puteoli to Rome through Forum Appii and Tres Taberne. From Spruner. 


miles from Terracina,” rife with insolent bargemen and exorbitant yictuallers.** But 
Julius was an Imperial officer, and the parochi (πάροχοι), or public entertainers, were 
bound to supply to him and those under his charge lignumque salemque, or as we 
should express it, “ bed and board.” 

The Christians of Rome were already numerous, being many of them of exalted 
rank, and having heard from Puteoli of Paul’s expected approach, a body of them, in 
honour of the great Apostle of the Gentiles, and in testimony of their sense of his 
unparalleled exertions and sacrifices in the sacred cause, now met him*™ at Appii 
Forum, forty-three miles from the capital. Amongst them must have been many of 


* Tt would, however, appear from Strabo that ** This was a usual practice. See Jos. Ant. 
the road and canal were parallel, or nearly so: xvii. 12,1; Suet. Calig. 4; Plut. Anton. 11; 
παραβέβληται τῇ ὁδῷ τῇ ᾿Αππίᾳ διῶρυξ. Strabo, Dion lviii. 4; Tac. Ann. iii. 5; Οἷς. Ep. Fam, 


y. 3 (p. 3877, Tauch.). xvi. 11: Appian, Bell. Mithrid. 116. 
* Anton. Itin. gives from Terracina to Appii 35 The Antonine Itin. gives— 
Forum xviii.; the Jerusalem Itinerary gives— pare Β Ἂ τ 
τ ii Forum to Tres Tabernz . x 
Terracina to Ad Medias. “ - x us Aricia . F . xvi 
AppiiForum . . . . - ix Rome) * yi, a @ ν xvi 
xs xiii 
3 Differtum nautis, cauponibus atque malignis. 


Hor. Sat. i. 5, 4. The Jerus. Itin gives— 


224 [a.v. 61] 


JOURNEY TO ROME. 


[Cuae. VI. 


those whom Paul had saluted in the Epistle to the Romans, and also perhaps Aquila 
and Priscilla, whom Paul had met at Corinth on the expulsion of the Jews from 
Rome by Claudius, but who had since returned to the Imperial city.*° The sensitive 
heart of Paul was deeply moved by such affectionate zeal, and he gave God thanks 
that the persecution which he was enduring for the cross of Christ, instead of ope- 
rating as a terror to the brethren, should thus haye stimulated them to so public a 
profession of their holy faith.’ The reason of their not advancing beyond Appu 
Forum probably was, that not knowing whether the Apostle would come by the 
road or the canal, they might possibly miss him by the way. 

From Appii Forum the united company adyanced along the Via Appia to Tres 
Taberne, or the Three Taverns, a well-known station, distant from Appu Forum ten 
miles,”* and here another party of Roman brethren, those perhaps of maturer age,” 
bade welcome to the Apostle, so that from this point his progress, instead of the 
forced march of a criminal, was more like a triumphal procession. They next passed 
through Aricia (now La Riccia), sixteen miles from Rome, a spot still distinguished 
by some remnants of its ancient celebrity.* 

They now descended into the valley of Egeria, and passing the sacred fount on 
their right, advanced up a gentle rise toward the walls of Rome, through the wood 


Appii Fornm to Sponse 4 Ε vii 
Aricia 5 δ xiv 
Ad Nonum . . vii 
Rome . φ ix 


XNXVH 
5 Rom. xvi. 3. 
Acts xxviii. 15. 
That Appii Forum and Tres Taberne were 
not far apart appears from Cicero. Ab Appii 
Foro hora quarta. Dederam aliam paulo ante 
Tribus Tabernis. Epist. Attic. ii. 10. The Acta 
Petri et Pauli make Tres Taberne thirty-eight 
mniles from Rome. ἔστω δὲ τὸ διάστημα ἀπὸ Ῥώμης 
ἕως Τρίβους Ταβέρνης μίλια τριάκοντα ὀκτώ. Tisch- 
endort’s Apocryph. Act. Apost. 5. 20. 

There are no remains of the three taverns by 
that name at the present day, but the site may 
be placed at or near the modern Cisterna. Ac- 
cording to Nibby, who carefully examined the 
country, the old Via Appia, on which Tres 
Taberne was situate, ran directly from Castella 
to Terracina, whereas the present road consider- 
ably deviates, which is the cause that Tres 
Tabernee has been lost sight of. In ancient 
times the Three Taverns was a central town, 
and a vast deal of traffic passed through it, as 
not only did it lie on the great Appian highway, 
but here also was the junction of the much- 
frequented road from Antium. This fact is 
established by a remark of Cicero, who writes 


tft ww 
a 


to Atticus: Emerseram commode ex Antiati in 
Appiam ad Tres Tabernas ipsis Cerealibus, quum 
in me incurrit Roma veniens Curio meus. Epist. 
Attic. u. 12. In the Authorized Version Tres 
Tabernz has been translated the Three Taverns, 
but Luke, though writing in Greek, did not 
translate Tres Taberne into Greek, but speaks 
of it by its Roman name, as Τριῶν Ταβερνῶν. 
Had Luke, therefore, translated the Acts into 
English he would have called the place Tres 
Taberne, and not the Three Taverns. 

* Thus, on Pompey’s triumphant return from 
the East, his fellow-citizens, says Appian, αὐτῷ 
προσιόντι ἀπήντων κατὰ μέρος, ποῤῥωτάτω μὲν οἱ 
νέοι, ἐξῆς δὲ ὡς ἠδύναντο καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἕκαστοι. Ap- 
pian, Mithrid. 116. 

*° According to the Acta Petri et Pauli, 5. 20, 
the Apostle slept at Aricia. κινήσαντες δὲ ἐκεῖθεν 
{from Tres Tabernze }, ἐκοιμήθησαν εἰς πόλιν καλου- 
μένην ᾿Αρικίαν. ‘The book is not authentic, but it 
is of early date, and is an index to the customs 
of the time. 

The Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries make 
Aricia 16 miles from Rome, which is probably 
the correct estimate. Strabo places it 160 
stades, or 20 miles, from Rome, and Philo- 
stratus, on the contrary, only 120 stades, or 15 
miles, while the Peutinger Table places it at 
still less, viz. 13 miles. Vit. Apoll. iv. 36. 


παρ, VI] JOURNEY TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 225 


once devoted to the Muses but then occupied by Israelites, the meanest of their race, 
the pedlar and the fortune-teller. Even for this privilege, the satirist indignantly 
tells us, a tax was levied by the Imperial government. 


“ Here, where of old the godlike Numa paid 
Nocturnal visits to his heavenly maid, 
The gipsy Jewess plies her trade by day 
And sleeps by night upon her wisp of hay! 
Her only home the shelter of a tree, 
And even for that the State demands a fee. 
Shame on my country! Hence, ye Muses, hence ! 
And yield your grove that Rome may draw her pence.” 


As they approached to Rome the suburbs were lined with the splendid villas of 
senators and knights, and wealthy commoners, and the tombs of the mighty dead. 


Fig. 276.—The first milestone on the Appian Way on quitting Rome by the Port Capena. From Canina’s Via Appia. 


Just before reaching the gate of the city they passed under the arch of Drusus 
(fig. 277), erected twenty years before in honour of Drusus, the father of the Emperor 
Claudius, and who is celebrated by Horace as the conqueror of the Rheti and 


81: Hie, ubi nocturne Numa constituebat amica, Omnis enim populo mercedem pendere jussa est 
Nune sacri fontis nemus et delubra locantur Arbor, et ejectis mendicat sylva Cameenis. 
Judzis, quorum cophinus foenumque supellex. Juv. Sat. iii, 12. 


VOL. II. - BE 


226 [a.D. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


Vindelici.? The arch still remains, and the spectator gazes with the more interest 
as he remembers that under this venerable fabric passed 1800 years ago the foot- 


Fig. 277.—The arch of Drusus. From a photograph. 


The arch stood just without the Porta Capena, and Paul chained to a soldier must have passed under it. 


steps of the great Apostle of the Gentiles. They now advanced into Rome itself 
by the Porta Capena, or Capuan gate, dripping from the leakage of the ancient 
aqueduct which was carried across it. 

The Apostle was now in the City of the Seven Hills, which for so many years had 


2 “Hor. Od. iv. 4: Hence the gate in later times, when enclosed 
> See Rome, a Tour of Many Days. By Sir within the city, was called Aveus Stillans. 
George Head. 1849. Vol. ii. 418. Schohast on Juvenal. 
Se ee The Via Appia started from this gate, and the 


miles were measured from it. The fortunate 

“ Substitit ad veteres arcus madidamque Capenam.”” discovery of . - = 
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Juy, Sat. iii, 11. ὌΥΘΙΣ of as first milestone at a little dis 
“ Capena grandi porta qua pluit gut:a.” tance outside the present Porta di S. Sebastiano 
Mart. iii, 47. has determined the site of the Porta Capena to 


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Cuar. VIL] . ST. PAUL AT ROME. 


[a.v. 61] 


been the great object of his holy aspirations. He was there as a prisoner, but no 
matter, he was at Rome, and we shall see that the cause of Christianity did not sutter 
by his chai. Paul’s ultimate destination was the Pretorium, or Palace of the 
Cesars, and in passing thither he must have gazed with astonishment on the sub- 
lunary grandeur that surrounded him—the triumphal arches and colonnades, the 
temples and basilicas that lined the road from the Porta Capena to the Forum. 
While the Apostle is on his way to the Palace, let us take a cursory glance at 
the state of public affairs at this period. The emperor Claudius (fig. 278) who, on 
the assassination of Messalina (fig. 279) for her debaucheries, had married Agrippina 


Fig. 278.—Coin of Claudius. From the British Museum. 
Obv. Head of Claudius with the legend Ti. Claudius Cawsar Aug. P. M. Tr. P. P. P—Rev. Ex. 8. C. P. P. Ob cives servatos. 


(fig. 280). was about seven years before the arrival of Paul, viz. in October, a.p. 54, 
taken off by poison administered by the hands of his beloved wife. He left three 
children, Britannicus (fig. 281), Octavia (fig. 282) (married to Nero), and Antonia. 
By the artifices of Agrippina he had been induced to pass over his own son Britan- 
nicus, and to nominate Nero (fig. 284), the son of Agrippina, as his successor. Nero, 
who on assuming the purple was a mere stripling of seventeen, soon discovered 
himself to be a monster, of which, happily, there has never been a parallel. He 
had passed through the hands of various instructors, and had eventually even fallen 
under the care of the celebrated Seneca (fig 283), but the evil seeds previously 
sown had struck root so deeply, that all the labours of the philosopher could not 
eradicate the rank vegetation. Amongst other tutors he had been disciplined by a 
dancing-master, and a barber,** and his character received a corresponding impress. 
He had a good figure, but was inclined to corpulency, had handsome features, was of 
ruddy complexion, with blue eyes, and wore his light hair, like a girl, in tresses, and 
when he visited Greece it was even bound in a fillet at the back of the head. He 
was usually attired in the most fantastic dress, and never put on the same robe 
twice.’ In some respects he was not devoid of talent, for he was a tolerable painter 


be at a spot now distinguished by a post with Greek and Rom. Geogr., art. “Rome,” by Dyer, 
the letters P. C. (Porta Capena), 1480 yards γ. 755. 

within the Porta di 8. Sebastiano, and 300 yards % Suet. Nero, 6. 

from the entrance to the Via S. Gregorio. Smith’s 35 Suet. Nero, 30, 51. 


Fig. 279.—Coin of Messalina, wife of Claudius. From the British Museum. 


Obv. Head of Messalina with the legend Μεσσαλεινα SeBaory vea Hpy (Messalina Augusta. The young Juno). 
Rev. T. Καδιος Ῥουφος Ανθυπατος Νεικωεον (Ὁ. Cadius Rufus Proconsul. Or the Niceans). He was Proconsul of Bithynia 
in a.p. 49, the year in which Paul and Barnabas commenced their second circuit. See Fasti Sacri, p. 290, No. 1794. 


Fig. 280.—Coin of Agrippina, wife of Claudius. From the British Museum. 


Ob». Portrait of Agrippina with the legend Agrippina M. F. Germanici Cwsaris—Rev. Ti. Claudius Casar Aug. Germ. 
P.M. Tr. P. Imp. PP. 


Fig. 281.—Unique coin of Britannicus, son of Claudius. From the British Museum. 


Obv, Head of Britannicus with the legend Τὶ Claudius Casar Aug. Ε΄, Britannicus.—fev. Youth in fullarmour with the legend 
S.C. (Senatus Consulto). 


Fig. 282.—Coin of Octavia with Nero. From the British Museum. 


Obv. Head of Nero with the legend Nep. KAav. Kaco. SB. Τερμ. (Nero Claudius Cesar Germanicus)—Rev. Head of 
Octavia with the legend Oxraovia SeBacrov (Octavia [wife] of Augustus) LTD, i.e. in the third year of the reign of Nero, 
which places it in a.p. 56, while Paul was at Ephesus. ¥ 


Cuap. VI.] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 601] 229 


and sculptor and poet, but his chief passion was to drive the chariot, and sing with 
a thin, shrill voice to the sound of the guitar.** Had he merely wasted his time in 


Fig. 283.— Bust of Seneca, the brother of Gallio and of Lucan the author of the Pharsalia. The tutor of Nero. From the 
Museum at Naples. 


such frivolous and unworthy pursuits, he might have ruled the destinies of the world 


for half a century, but his crimes grew by degrees to such enormity, that human 
nature could endure the curse no longer. 


Fig. 284.—Coin of Nero. From the British Museum. 


Obv. Head of Nero with the legend Nero Claudius Casar Augustus Germanicus Tr. P. P. P. Imp.—Rev. Temple of Janus 
with the legend Pace per Terram marique parta Janum clusit. 


Immediately on his accession he imprisoned Narcissus, the famous freedman, who 
soon fell a victim to the damps of a dungeon.** The only reason for this was, that 
Narcissus, in the intrigues about the Court of Claudius, had not been the partisan of 
Agrippina and her worthless son. The following year Nero poisoned Britannicus, the 
son of Claudius, to prevent the possibility of a rivalship,®* and we shall presently 


ὅτ The cithara was pronounced hithara. Our * Fasti Sacri, p. 303, No. 1807. 
word ‘ guitar’ is derived from it. * Fasti Sacri, p. 304, No. 1820. 


230 [4.Ὁ0. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


have to record a more dreadful deed. His wife Octavia, the daughter of Claudius, a 
woman of singular virtue, was for that very reason the object of his detestation, and 
he soon threw himself into the more congenial embraces of Acte, a courtesan, and 
shortly afterwards lived in adulterous intercourse with the infamous Poppea, who 
had been successively the wife of Rufus and Otho, both of whom were still living.” 
It is almost unnecessary to remark that a voluptuary of this kind was wholly 
averse to serious business. At first the ambitious Agrippina possessed herself of 
supreme power, and administered public affairs by the hands of her minion Pallas, the 
brother of Felix, but jealousy of the influence gained by Acte, and then by Poppa 


Vig. 285.—Coin of Peppaa, with the lecend Wormara Σεβαστη. LI (Poppwa Augusta L 10). The tenth year of the reign 
of Nero esponds to the year from 13th October a.p. 63 to 13th October a.p. 64, during which time therefore the coin was 
siruck. ‘This was soon after Paul’s liberation from imprisonment in a.p. 63. From the British Museum 


(fig. 285) led to unpleasant altercations, and the mother and son soon became conscious 
of mutual aversion. Agrippina was driven from the palace, and deprived of her German 
body-guard,*' and Pallas was removed from the office which he had so long held of 
comptroller of the household (a rationibus).* The reins of government were now 
committed to Burrhus and Seneca (fig. 286), the two redeeming statesmen of the age. 


Fig. 286.—Senecu, as tutor af Nero, caricatured as a butterfly driving a dragon. From the Museum at Naples. 


They were men of opposite characters, but cemented together by an anxious desire to 
promote the public welfare. Burrhus was the Prefect of the Pretorians or Imperial 
Body-guard, a rough soldier, with one hand mutilated from the wars ;** Seneca, pale 
and meagre from study and spare diet, was withal a courtier of gentle and polished 
manners. Burrhus could scarcely write at all; Seneca was the most elegant scholar 


© Fasti sacri, p. 304, No. 1819. 13 Fasti Sacri, p. 304, No. 1819. 
 Fasti Sacri, p. 904, No. 1821. 43 Tac. Ann. xii, 14, 


Cnar. VL] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 231 


of the day. Both were plain-spoken, and endeavoured, as far as was practicable, to 
counteract the baneful influences by which the Emperor was hurried to his destruc- 
tion. They were fortunately many years in power, and the harmony between them 
was never broken. When one was in danger, the other came to the rescue, and when 
eventually the fiendish spirit of Nero could bear the one no longer, the fall of the 
other very soon followed. 

In March, a.p. 59, about two years before Paul’s arrival, Nero perpetrated the 
hideous crime of matricide. Poppa had established her influence over the Emperor 
the year before, and distrustful of the permanence of her own power so long as 
Agrippina lived, she had continually instigated him to that inhuman act. Nero, to 
veil his purpose, proceeded to Baiz to celebrate there the festival of the Quinquatria, 
which occurred on the 19th of March. He pretended to be reconciled to his mother, 
and invited her from Antium in the most affectionate terms, Agrippina was per- 
suaded, and Nero welcomed her with a tender embrace to Baulos. A banquet 
followed, and Agrippina was placed at the Emperor’s side. At night she set out on 
her return by water to her villa overlooking the Lucrine Lake, which opened into 
the Bay of Baie. Nero attended her himself to the seaside, and as he placed her 
on board the Imperial yacht, gave her a parting salute. The vessel was, in reality, a 
decoy ship, built under the directions of Anicetus, the admiral, and so constructed 
that at any moment it could be made, by mechanical contrivances, to fall to pieces. 
The galley was put under sail, and the signal was given for sinking her. A blunder, 
however, was made, or the machinery was imperfect, for though the cabin of Agrip- 
pina fell in, and both of her attendants were killed, yet Agrippina herself, not 
without a wound, threw herself into the sea and swam to a boat, and so escaped to 
her villa. Nero, dreading the vengeance of the enraged lioness, commanded Anicetus 
to use violent means, and he, accompanied by two officers, the same night forced his 
way into the villa, and dispatched Agrippina with the sword.“ : 

So horrible a crime could not but shake the nerves of the most hardened repro- 
bate, and Nero for some time was seen rapt in moody reverie, or to start with sudden 
terror. He dared not return to Rome, but retired to Naples, and then wandered 
about Campania. At length the servile adulation of the senate and people of Rome, 
who missed the sunshine of the Imperial presence, reassured him of their faithful 
allegiance, and he revisited the capital. All restraint upon his conduct being now 
removed (for Agrippina to the last had exercised a degree of power),*° Nero gave free 
indulgence to every wild whim of the moment. Chariot driving and singing were still 
the baubles that amused him, and matricide as he was, he was bent upon displaying 
his acquirements before the public eye. 

Burrhus and Seneca could only so far prevail as to confine the disgraceful exhi- 


* Fasti Sacri, p. 317, No. 1871. 
* Cupientibus cunctis infringi matris potentiam. Tac. Ann. xiy. 1. 


232 [a.D. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


bition within somewhat narrower bounds. A private circus was constructed on the 
other side the Tiber, in the Vatican Valley, near the site of the modern St. Peter’s, 
and here Nero drove at first in the presence of a select few ; but his thirst for applause 
could not be restrained, and the whole Roman people were soon admitted indiscrimi- 
nately to the unprecedented spectacle of an Emperor playing the charioteer. He 
next instituted games called Juyenilia, in honour of the first growth of a beard, which 
he now shaved and dedicated in a golden box to Jupiter Capitolinus. Upon this 
occasion the noblest Romans were degraded into actors, and Nero himself sang the 
popular airs of the day to the guitar. Grallio, the late Pro-consul of Achaia, before 
whose tribunal Paul had been cited some eight years before, was now employed as 
stage manager, to announce to the delighted audience that Nero Crauprus Cmsar 
was aBour To sinc.“ Even Burrhus and Seneca were obliged to witness the perform- 
ance and lend their applause, though tears the while ran down the cheeks of the 
honest old soldier, to see his master so disgrace the Imperial purple.’ The same 
games were also made the vehicle of every sensual gratification. The young profli- 
gate thinking to hide his own delinquencies under the general infamy, gave open 
encouragement to vice by stipendiary payments, and if the passions of men cannot 
be subdued even by stringent laws, it may well be supposed what licence prevailed 
when the chief magistrate himself offered a premium to depravity. 

Such was Nero, and such, or the like, were the scenes enacted at Rome at the 
time of Paul’s arrival. Burrhus and Seneca were still administering public affairs, 
the one in the military and the other in the civil department. Nero, now of the age 
of twenty-three and a few months, was residing with Poppaa, in his princely palace 
on the Palatine Hill, while Octavia his wife was living in seclusion and almost 
forgotten. 

Julius and his charge arrived at the Palace and delivered up his prisoners to the 
Prefect of the Pratorium, or Prefectus Preetorio. The word Pretorium signified 
originally the tent of the Preetor or commander in-chief, and the Cohors Pretoria 
was his body-guard. When Augustus established himself as Emperor he was careful 
to continue the republican names, and his body-guard, as that of the commander-in- 
chief, were still called the Pratoriani, and their commander bore the title of Praefectus 


Pretorio. The Pretorians consisted of nine or ten cohorts of 1000 men each, and in , 


the time of Augustus, and for some years under Tiberius, the Praetorian cohorts were 
dispersed in different quarters through the city and in the suburbs, but in the reign 
of Tiberius, Sejanus, their Prefect, having ambitious views and knowing “ unity to 
be strength,” induced the Emperor to form them into one camp without the city, but 
immediately adjacent to it.8 This camp was called, not the Praetorium (which 


‘© Dion Cass. [Χ]. 20. viarum mensura colligit paulo amplius septua- 

τ Moerens Burrusac laudans. Tac. Ann.xiv.15. ginta millia passuum. Pliny N. H. iii. 9. As to 

* Ad extrema vero tectorum cum eastris thenumbers of the Pretorians, see Tac, Amn. iv. 
Pretoriis ab eodem milliario per vicos omnium 5; Dion, ly. 24. 


- 


Cuar. ὙΠ ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 233 


was properly the Emperor’s Palace), but the Castra Pretorianorum (fig. 287, 288). 
The spot was on the north-east of the city, just without the gate, on the right of the 
Via Nomentana.? The camp assumed the usual quadrangular shape, and consisted 
It was strongly fortified, being surrounded by a 
In front of the camp was 


of barracks round an open area. 
deep vallum or fosse,*” and a wall with four gates.®* 
an open plain or field, in which the troops exercised, and where, a few years before, 
The site of 


Claudius had made a show of Caractacus, the captive king of Britain.” 


Fig. 287.— View of the present stale of the Pratorian camp. 


From an original sketch. 


The spectator is looking north-east, and the boundary walls are the northern, eastern, and southern walls of the camp. with 


the ramparts and remains of the soldiers’ qua’ ters under them. 


It is now used as an exercising grouud for the military. 


the camp was what is now the garden of the Jesuits, as ascertained by inscriptions 


from time to time discovered on the spot. 


* Suet. Nero, 48 : 
°° Suet. Claud. 10; Tac. Ann. iy. 2. 
1 Plut. Galb. 14; Jos. Bell. ii. 11, 14. 

Tac. Ann. xii. 56. 

88. T visited the spot in 1851, and found it 
occupied by a luxuriant vineyard teeming with 
clustering bunches of black grapes. Where had 
been the busy hum of some 9000 or 10,000 warriors, 
was seen only the ecclesiastic and the solitary 
traveller. The area measured 470 paces from 
north to south, and about 400 from east to west. 
The northern, eastern, and southern sides were 
defended with strong walls, but the western 
side was open toward the city. The upper part 
of the walls is brickwork, and thrown into blind 
arches; but in many places, from the dilapida- 
tions of time or the hayoe of war, the curve of 
the arch has been broken away, and the masonry 
below has an intercolumnar appearance. The 
lower part of the ramparts is built of rubble, 
with some admixture of brick, and apparently 
is of a more ancient date. There is a terraced 
walk upon the walis,on which the soldiery could 

VOL. I. 


This was the camp of the Pratorians 


move easily from one point to another. The 
lower part on the north side consists of a double 
range of blind arches one over the other. On 
the eastern side I found vaulted chambers under 
the wall, sometimes communicating with each 
other and sometimes distinct. These must 
have served for barracks or dormitories for the 
troops. On the south side I observed stones of 
larger size, and worthy of the best Roman age. 
Round the walls at intervals were stairs leading 
up to the ramparts, and square towers contain- 
ing stories of two rooms each. The height of 
the walls in the interior was about 20 feet, but 
on the exterior 30 feet. The difference is at- 
tributable to the accumulation of soil in the 
camp itself, or to the fosse which ran round the 
outside. On returning through the vineyard I 
met with some tessella—an indication that the 
Pretorian officers had fixed residences in the 
open area. 

For a more detailed description of the Pra- 
torian camp, see Rome, a Tour of Many Days, 
by Sir George Head (1849), vol. i. p. 245. 

2u 


284 [a.p. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Caar. VI. 


generally. But one of the ten cohorts was always on duty at the Palace, the cohorts 
relieving each other according to a certain rota.** The barrack of the cohort im 
attendance was within the Palatine,®® and thither prisoners from the provinces were 
consigned.** The vast range of buildings known as the Palatium was situate on the 
Palatine, a hill which was in the very heart of Rome, and assumed the figure of a 
rhomboid or paper kite, the acute angle being the south-eastern point and the obtuse 
angle the north-western ; and if a line were drawn through the two angles and extended 
northward, it would run along the present Corso. The whole hill was girt in by a 


Fig. 23%.—An aureus of Claudius. From the British Museum. 


Obv. Head of the Emperor Claudius with the legend Ti. Claud. Cxsar Aug. P. M. TR. P.—fev. Outline of the Pra:torian 
camp. 

The reverse at first sight is a little puzzling, but on examination it resolves itself into the following features : 

‘The lower half presents to us the front wall of the Pratorium, constructed of squared stones, with two gateways below, 
and with the inscription above Imper, Recept. (i.e. Imperator Receptus), The emperor received. The tront wall is sur- 
mounted over the inscription by battlements consisting of a series of turrets with smull arches, 

Within the camp and in the middle of the coin is a pavilion or canopy, under which is seen the emperor helmeted and 
holding a sceptre, and before him is the standard of the Praetorian guards, who are supposed to be swearing their allegiance. 
At the top of the pavilion is a garland. 

At the two sides of the pavilion, and above the turrets of the front wall, is seen the posterior wall of the Praetorium, also 
built of squared stones, and with two arched gateways, and also surmounted by battlements with small arched turrets, 
corresponding to those on the front wall, but of diminished size as seen ata greater distance. The back wall is evidently 
straight, and differs in this respect from the front wall which is curved. 

The explanation of the Inscripti.n Imper. Recept. is this. When Caligula was assassinated in his palace, Claudius, who 
was one of the Imperial family and of a timorous temperament, hid himself behind some tapestry, but was discovered by a 
common soldier and dragged into light and carried off to the Pratorian camp. Here, instead of being put to death as feared, 
he, being popular with the guards and making large promise~, was hail+d as emperor, and they took the oath of allegiance to 
him, [Ὁ was to commemorate this event that the gold coin of which we have given a facsimile was struck. 


solid searped wall of brickwork,’ and was bounded on the south by the Circus Maxi- 
mus, on the west by the Velabrum, on the north by the Forum, and on the east by a 
street which continued the Via Appia to the site of the present Arch of Constantine. 
The Imperial residence itself or Domus Palatina comprised, in fact, two piles of 
buildings—one on the north-western quarter of the hill erected by Augustus, and 
called the Domus Augustana, and the other, behind it on the south-western quarter, 
erected by Tiberius, and called the Domus Tiberiana.”* Both palaces, however, were 
but parts of the same design, interlaced together, and forming together the Domus 
Palatina.©? The Domus Tiberiana extended in a southern direction to the verge of 
the Palatine hill, and approached the Cireus Maximus, the obstreperous uproar of 
which so disturbed the slumbers of the tyrant Caligula, that on one occasion he 


Ἢ Qohortis, que in Palatio stationem agebat. mitti ad preefectos Praetorii mei debet. Plin. Ep. 


Tac. Hist. i. 29. x. 66. And see citations in Biscoe, ¢. 9, at the 
»° ἐν τῷ Παλατίῳ ὁ Καῖσαρ ᾧκει καὶ ἐκεῖ τὸ end. 

στρατήγιον εἶχε. Dion 1111. 16. 7 Rome, a Tour of Many Days, by Sir George 
% λαβὼν δὲ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ φονικὴν αἰτίαν, ἀνεπέμφθη Head (1849), vol. i. p. 62. 

ἐς τὴν Ρώμην ὡς ἀπολογησόμενος τοῖς τῶν στρατο- 58 Tac. Hist. 1. 27; Plut. Galb. 24. 


πέδων ἡγεμόσι. Philos. Vit. Soph. 11]. 82. Vinctus 59 Jos. Ant. xix. 1, 15. 


ADAPTED FROM THE PLAN OF FABIO Gori. To face Vol. 2_p. 234. 


ROAD TO PALACE 


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ST. PAUL AT ROME. 235 


παρ. VI.] [a.p. 61] 


ordered all in the Cireus to be well cudgelled and expelled. The Domus Palatina 
faced the north,” and was surrounded bya palisade decorated with laurel, in token of 
the Imperial victories ; ἢ and at the summit of the Palace was a civic crown, indicating 
that the Emperor was the saviour of his subjects,® and Claudius added a nayal crown 
also, in honour of his victory over the ocean by the conquest of Britain. The 
libraries and temples and porticoes connected with the Palace reached all the way 
from the Cireus Maximus on the south to the Forum on the north, and it was from 
the high roof of the Basilica Julia which ran out from the west side of the palace 
in the direction of the Capitol and overlooked the Forum that the Emperor Caligula 
was wont to scatter gold and silver pieces amongst the crowd below. The grand 
entrance to the Palatine hill was from the Via Sacra,“ on the north of the Palatine 
hill, and about the middle of it by the Temple of Jupiter Stator at the Porta Mugionis, 
a little to the west of the present Arch of Titus.” There was a way for carriages,” 
as well as for foot-passengers, and the road was bounded on both sides by lofty, 
massive walls of ancient brickwork. It is now known as Via Polveriera.®’ There was 
another footway from the forum more to the west, leading up directly to the steps of 
the palace.” Both entrances were guarded by sentinels drawn from the Praetorian 
cohort in attendance.’ Caligula indeed was profane enough to form a stately 
approach from the west through the Temple of Castor and Pollux, who were thus 
made his door-keepers ;* but Claudius restored the Temple to its pristine state.” 
The Prefectus Pretorio, or, as Luke designates him, the στρατοπεδάρχης. and the 
cohort under his command, had their barracks (called the Excubitorium, or guard- 
house) on the north-eastern quarter of the Palatine just east of the Porta Mugionis, 
so as to be ready at a moment’s notice to attend the Imperial summons. 


6 Suet. Calig. 26. 

' Thus Otho escaped from the palace to the 
Velabrum. Tac. Hist. i. 27. And he escaped by 
the back of the palace—a postica parte palatii. 
Suet. Otho, 6. And the Velabrum was to the 
west of the Palatine, at the west end of the 
Circus Maximus, and reached northward to the 
Forum. Suet. Nero, 25. See Tac. Hist. iii. 84, 
85; Plin. N. H. xix. 6. 

® Dion Ixxvi. 4. 

® Suet. Claud. 17. 

abs 

© ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἱστάμενον καὶ δήμῳ χρυσίου 
καὶ ἀργυρίου χρήματα διαῤῥιπτοῦντα. .. ὑψηλὸν 
δέ ἐστι τὸ τέγος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν φέρον. Jos. Ant. 
xix. 1, 11. Partem Palatii ad Forum usque 
[Caligula] promovit. Suet. Calig. 22. 

* Thus Vitellius was dragged from the palace 
into the Via Sacra. Interclusum aliud iter, 
idque solum, quod in Viam Sacram pergeret, 
patebat. Tac, Hist iii. 68. 


κατήγαγον ἐκ Tot 
7 


Παλατίου τὸν Καίσαρα τὸν ἐν αὐτῷ ἐντρυφήσαντα͵ 
καὶ διὰ τῆς Ἱερᾶς “Οδοῦ ἔσυρον τὸν αὐτοκράτορα. 
Dion Ixy. 30. Viamque Sacram ab domo sua 
[Czxsaris] ad clivum usque Capitolinum. Plin. 
ΝΗ σὶςσ. 6; 

* Thus Ovid, in describing a walk from the 

Forum Romanum up the Via Sacra, writes: 
Inde petens dextram porta est, ait, ista Palati, 
Hic Stator, hoc primum condita Roma loco est. 
Ovid, Fast. ili. 1, 21. 

“5. Dion Ixxvi. 4; Suet. Nero, 25. 

“Ὁ Rome, a Tour of Many Days, by Sir George 
Head (1849), vol. ii. p. 63. 

Pro Palatii gradibus. Suet. Nero, 8. Pro 
gradibus domus. Tac. Hist. i. 29, iii. 74. 

τ Dilapsis speculatoribus, cetera cohors, &e. 
Tac. Hist. 1.31. The cohort referred to was that 
que in Palatio stationem agebat. Hist. i. 29. 

* Dion lix. 28; Suet. Calig, 22. 

18. Dion lx. 6. 


2H 2 


[a.. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. 


236 [Cuap. VI. 


Prisoners remitted on appeal to the Emperor, were consigned to the Prefect of the 
Pretorium,” and were to be kept in safe custody until the case could be brought before 
the Emperor or his deputy, and the nature of this interim custody varied according 
to circumstances.”? Some were coupled by a slight chain round the right wrist to 
the left of a soldier, and thus shackled, were allowed to be at large within the 
palace,’® or even, if they could afford it, were at liberty to hire a lodging for them- 
selves without the walls, but within the rules or prescribed limits (fig. 289). 

Burrhus at this time was Prefeet of the Pretorium, and to him Julius the cen- 
turion resigned the prisoners under his charge. As Paul entered the barrack of the 
Pretorian cohort on the Palatine, he might, perhaps, have distinguished some faces 
not altogether unknown to him; for Felix, before leaving his government, had for 
some trivial cause sent several Jewish priests thither, and who were not released until 
three years after this period, and then only by the special interference of Josephus the 
historian ; 5 a sufficient proof, by the way, how tedious were the delays of the law 
at Rome, and that Paul’s detention there for two years was by no means a solitary 
instance. 

The dispatch of Festus may have been lost in the shipwreck, but it cannot be 
doubted that Julius, who had taken such an interest about Paul, and paid him the 
ereatest deference during the voyage, now made the most favourable report of his 
ease. Burrhus saw at once that Paul had committed no crime—at least none in the 
eyes of a liberal-minded Roman—but that he had been made the victim of Jewish 
persecution. The honest soldier, had he followed his own inclinations, would imme- 
diately have set his captive at liberty, but it was necessary that legal forms should 
be observed, and his accusers had not yet been heard. However, Burrhus exercised 
all the lenity in his power, and instead of ordering Paul into strict confinement in 
the barrack (which was probably the course pursued with respect to the other pri- 
soners), the Prefect gave him leave to find a lodging for himself, coupled, indeed, for 
safe custody, to a soldier, but otherwise free from restraint. He had also permission 
to see his friends, a privilege not enjoyed without a special order to that eftect.*° 


1 Acts xxviii. 16. 

τὸ Drusus was starved to death in a dungeon 
in ima parte Palatii. Suet. Tib.54. But he was 
regarded as a criminal, and not as awaiting his 
trial. 

τὸ As was Agrippa. Jos. Ant. xvii. 6,7. But 
the palace where Agrippa was arrested was at 


Lachmann) reject the words τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ 
as an interpolation. 

78 ὁ ἑκατόνταρχος παρέδωκε τοὺς δεσμίους τῷ 
στρατοπεδάρχη. Τῷ δὲ Παύλῳ ἐπετράπη μένειν καθ᾽ 
Acts xxviii. 16. Bishop Wordsworth 
assumes that a distinction is here made between 
the other prisoners, who were handed oyer to 


ε ΄ 
€auTov. 


Tusculum, and therefore Wieseler, Chron. p. 404, 
is mistaken in supposing that the passage ᾿Αγρίπ- 
mas δὲ τότε δεθεὶς εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου, Ant. 
xviii. 6,7, applies to the palace of the Cxesars at 
Rome. See J. B. Lightfoot on Philippians, Ὁ. 
101. 4 

τ τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ. Acts xxviii. 16. See Fasti 
Sacri, Ὁ. 825, No. 1916. But some critics (as 


the Prefect, and Paul, who was allowed to live 
by himself. But surely the meaning is that all 
were delivered over in the first instance to the 
Prefect, and then dealt with according to the 
merits of their respective cases. 

79 Jos. Vit. 8. See Fasti Sacri, p. 332, No. 
1950. 

© Jos. Ant. xviii. 6 7. 


Cuap. VI.] ST: PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 237 


When Agrippa the elder was four-and-twenty years before in the custody of the 
oo. Jd ξ μας f 

Pretorian guard, and chained in like manner toa keeper, his friends made interest 

with Macro, then Prefect, that the soldier to whom he was coupled should always be a 


Fig. 289.— View of Rome from the Campidoglio on the slope of the Capitoline Hill. 


At the lower left-hand corner is seen part of the arch of Septimius 
victories over the Parthians. 

In front of the arch runs an open space with an avenue of trees. This was anciently the famous Romau Forum, and the 
Via Sacra, or Holy-way, ran along the middle of it through the arch of Severus to the Capitol. 

Atthe end of the avenue on the left is seen the Coliseum, commenced by Vespasian and completed by his son Titus, a.p. 80. 

At the bottom of the sketch in the centre is seen the column of Phocas, erected a.p. 606. The base stands in a hollow, 
which bas been only recently excavated. 

A little farther up the Forum on the right are three columns, still standing, of the Temple of Castor and Pollux, which 
Caligula profanely turned into a vestibule, or hall of approach to bis palace 

A good way farther up the Forum on the right, at the end of the avenue is visible the arch of Titus, to commemorate the 
capture of Jerusalem, and containing the well-known represents 1 in sculpture of the golden candlestick and the table of 
shewbread. From the arch of Titus to the temple of Castor and Pollux ran the street called the Summa Via Nova, or upper 
New-road. 

The hill rising to the right and overlooking the Forum Is the Palatine, 
Augustus and his successors, Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius. The pula 
and the site of it appears in part on the high ground on the right of the plate between the arch of Titus and the three 
columns of the temple of Castor and Pollux. Caligula in one of his mad ks connected the palace with the Capitol by 
a bridge across the Forum, and the remains of it have been recently exposed to view. Tiberius made large additions τὸ 
the palace at the back, that is, on the south side. But in the time of Nero (with which we are most concerned) the main 
part of the palace was still on the north-west of the Palatine, bounded on the north and west by the Forum. On the west 
was the Basilica of Julius Cesar, which was incorporated into the Forum. 


Severus, erected A.D. 203 to conimemorate the emperors 


on which was situate the palace of the Caesars, 
itself occupied the north west corner of the hill, 


Ἢ and it is possible 


humane person, and not likely to inflict unnecessary annoyance ; 
that Burrhus, convinced of Paul’s innocence as to any criminal act, was careful that 


one by birth and education entitled to respect, should not be linked successively to 


δι. Jos. Ant. xviii. 6, 7. 


TAD. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuap. VI. 


all the worthless vagabonds of the Praetorian camp. The Apostle, however, would 
have consoled himself with the reflection, that the more degraded was his companion, 
the greater the opportunity of doing good. 

Paul’s friends now procured suitable apartments for the Apostle.** The principal 
room, we may conjecture, was of sufficient dimensions to enable Paul, in the exercise 
of his apostolical office, to assemble an audience about him; and the abode must, for 
the convenience of the Pretorians in relieving guard, have been either within the 
precincts of the palace itself at the house of one of the officials about the court, or in 
the immediate vicinity (fig. 290, 291). The pecuniary means for providing a lodging 
were not improbably furnished by the zealous Roman Christians, who had advanced 
as far as the Three Taverns and Appi Forum to welcome the Apostle’s arrival. He 
had thrice before accepted a similar bounty from the Philippians, and there was no 
reason why he should refuse the same at the hands of the Romans. As a prisoner he 
was disabled from maintaining himself by his usual occupation—at least, in the 
epistles written from Rome he has never alluded to working with his “own hands, 
though if he possessed the opportunity we may be satisfied that he would have per- 


severed in his usual practice. The day of his arrival and the next day Paul would be 


fully occupied about his lodging and the reception of his Christian brethren. 


But on 


the third day,” being now quietly settled in his lodging, he began to bestir himself in 


his sacred calling. 
his own countrymen. 


His first appeal was, according to his invariable custom, made to 


“ἢ There are two views as to the Apostle’s 
abode on his arrival at Rome. One is that Paul 
transferred himself directly from the barrack to 
a hired lodging, called by Luke indifferently 
€evia and ἴδιον μίσθωμα ; and the other that he 
was received first into the house of some friend 
called €evia, and afterwards took a hired lodging 
called ἴδιον μίσθωμα. 

1. In favour of the first view—that he at once 
took a lodging—it may be argued that, imme- 
diately on his arriving at Rome (ἐπετράπη μένειν 
καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν, Acts xxvill. 16), it was permitted him 
to have an abode to himself, which indicates a 
private residence; and accordingly «ufter this 
mention is made of the ξενίαν (v. 23), and again 
of ἴδιον μίσθωμα, Which express only what had 
before been less precisely expressed. 

2. In favour of the second hypothesis—that 
he first went to a friend’s house—it may be 
argued that the Apostle had been met by his 
Christian brethren at Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 14), 
and again at Appii Forum and the Three 
Taverns (ib. vy. 15), and that on reaching Rome 
they would press upon him hospitality at their 
houses until he could secure a lodging; and that, 
in fact, the word ξενία represents a reception at 


a friend’s house rather than an abode for hire, 
and that the expression ἴδιον μίσθωμα Was meant 
to be opposed to this gratuitous asylum. The 
answer is, that though his friends might wish 
to entertain him and his keeper at their houses, 
we cannot assume that he availed himself of the 
invitation without some evidence that the strict- 
ness of the military custody was thus far relaxed 
—hbesides ξενία, instead of indicating hospitality, 
points rather to a sojourn for hire, as both 
Hesychius and Suidas define it to be καταγώγιον 
or kara\vpa—again the word ἴδιον is not opposed 
to ξενία, since the word ξενία is coupled with 
the preceding statement that Paul was living 
καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν, Which means the same thing as 
ἴδιον. 

There can be no question that the ἴδιον μίσ- 
θωμα, in which the Apostle (whether from the 
first or ultimately) dwelt, was not “ his own hired 
house,” as translated in the authorized version— 
ie. not the whole house (μισθωτὴ οἰκία. Theo- 
phrast. Char. 23), but a suite of apartments 
only—the Latin ‘ meritorium’ or ‘ conductum.’ 
See Wetstein on Acts xxviii. 30. 

SS μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας. Acts xxviii. 17. 


Fig. 290.—Traditional apartment of the Centurion's house in which Paul is said to have resided, chained by the 
wrist to a soldier during his first imprisonment at Rome The site is at the junction of the Via Lata and the Corso under 


| the vestibule of the church of Santa Maria. From an original sketch, but which is so rudely drawn that the detail 


annot 
be depended on. 

| 

| 

| 

| 

Visa LATA 
| 3 5 
Fig. 291.—/ lan of the Centurion’s House 

1. Abutments of an arch and adjoining the abutment to the well from which Paul baptized. 2. ‘The altar 


. Abutment of support. 4. A pilaster surmounted by an ἃ 
the ancient street. 6. An opening through which light is let in thr 
8. Doorway leadi 


y,. communicating with a pas said to be 
igh a grating from Via Lata. 7. Ancient street 

into the chapel. 9. ‘The chapel with walls decorated with frescoes attributed traditionally to St. Luke 

10. Altar with ires of St. Paul and St. Luke. 11. Abutments of ancient triumphal arch. 12. Doorway leading into 
inner chamber or sacristy. 13. The sacristy. 14. Boundary walls. 15. Entrance at the bottom of the steps, from which 
point the view is taken. B.—The plan is an oztline only from memory and not according to scale 


ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


The Jews then residing at Rome were a vast multitude.* Thus, when a petition 
against Archelaus, the son of Herod, was sent from Judea to the Emperor, no less 
than 8000 Jews of Rome supported the memorial.** They resided chiefly in one 
particular quarter of the city, called the Trans-Tiberine, or Over-Tiber.“* Here 
they were allowed by the Imperial edicts to attend their numerous synagogues,” and 
even to collect and forward by the ἱεροπομποὶ, or sacred envoys, to Jerusalem the 
annual tribute of two drachme (about seventeen pence) per man towards the Corban or 
Treasury of the Temple.** As they exercised the same privileges at Rome as in 
other capitals, it may be assumed that they aiso had their council corresponding to 
the Sanhedrim, and their Ethnarch or Alabarch or Archon, as the chief magistrate, 
by whom with the aid of the council all questions touching their own law were deter- 
mined, with an appeal to the High Priest at Jerusalem.“’ But in all civil matters 
they were amenable to the ordinances of their Roman masters. 

Paul, as a prisoner, was naturally anxious to clear his own conduct in the eyes of 
his countrymen, and having done so, he could urge upon them with greater effect the 
all-important truths with which he had been commissioned. He, therefore, conveyed 
He had 


himself been a member of the Sanhedrim,*’ and was therefore looked up to with 


an intimation to the heads of the nation ὅδ that he desired an interview. 
respect. The request, out of deference to a learned Doctor, was at once accorded, 
and many of the chief men amongst the Jews waited upon him at his lodging. After 
the usual courtesies, Paul, with his chain, addressed them as follows :-— 

“Men and brethren! though I have committed nothing against the people or 
customs of our fathers, yet was I delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands 
of the Romans, who, when they had examined me, would have let me go because 
there was no cause of death in me; but when the Jews spake against it, I was con- 
For 
this cause, therefore, have I called for you to see you, and to speak with you, because 
that for the hope of Israel, Iam bound with this chain.”*” 


strained to appeal unto Casar—not that I had ought to accuse my nation of. 


The account which Paul thus gave of himself was new to their ears, for he had 
embarked shortly after his appeal,’’ and as the vessel in which he sailed had drifted for 


Ἢ Large bodies of them had been transported 
thither by Pompey on his conquest of Judea, 
and others had followed in pursuit of com- 
merce, 

8 Jos. Ant. xvii. 11,1; Bell. ii. 6,1. And see 
Suet. Jul. 84; Tib. 86; Claud. 25; Tac. Ann. ii. 
85; Dion lx. 6; Phil. Leg. 5. 23. 

85 Phil. Leg. 5. 28. 

ὅτ That they had many places of public wor- 
ship may be collected from the line of Juvenal : 

Ede ubi consistas, in qua te quero proseucha. 
Sat. iii, 296. 


8 Phil. Leg. 5. 23; Jos. Ant. xiv. 10,8. 


© Jos. Ant. xiv. 10,2 and 17; xvi. 6,2; xiv. 
BL, WS sabe, τεὸς ἘΣ. 1 ὦ: 

"0 τοὺς ὄντας τῶν Ἰουδαίων πρώτους. Acts XXvill. 
17. The rulers at Jerusalem are frequently 
called by Josephus οἱ πρῶτοι, and Luke uses οἱ 
πρῶτοι, Acts xxv. 2, as equivalent to οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς 
kal οἱ πρεσβύτεροι Acts xxv. 1. 

* Selden de Synh. 1099, 1360, and ante, Vol. I. 
p. 14. 

*® Acts xxviil. 17-20. 

Before the appeal the matter was confined 
to Judea, and there could be no reason for 
writing to Rome about Paul. 


93 


Cuar. VIL] ST. PAUL AT ROME. 


[a.p. 61] 241 


a fortnight over a stormy sea, in a wintry month, the passengers by her had out- 
stripped all travellers who had set out for the same destination at the same season 
of the year. No communication from Judea had, therefore, yet reached them, and 
they knew only in general that the doctrines of the Nazarenes were everywhere 
They replied, ‘“‘ We have neither received letters out of Judea 
concerning thee, neither hath any one who hath come of the brethren shewed or 
spake any harm of thee; but we desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest, for as 


concerning this sect we know that everywhere it is spoken against." The elders 


discountenanced. 


of the Jewish nation having thus professed at least their willingness to give Paul 
a fair hearing, a day was fixed for the purpose. 

At the time appointed, a number of the chief Jews assembled at the Apostle’s 
lodging at an early hour, when Paul, with his characteristic energy and earnestness, 
argued with them from morning till evening out of the Law and the Prophets, that 
Jesus was the expected Messiah. The result was what might have been anticipated. 
Some few believed, but the greater part, blinded by their prejudices, would not be 
As they turned their backs 
to depart, Paul followed them with this one admonition—“ Well spake the Holy 
Ghost by Isaiah the prophet, unto our fathers, saying, ‘Go unto this people, and say, 


convinced by reasoning which they could not answer. 


—Hearing ye shall hear, and shall not understand; and seeing ye shall see, and not 
perceive. For the heart of this people is waxed gross, and their ears are dull of 
hearing, and their eyes have they closed, so that they cannot see with their eyes, and 
hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and be converted, and so that 
they cannot turn, and I should heal them.’ (Is. vi. 9.) Be it known, therefore, unto 
you, that the salvation of God is sent unto the Gentiles, and that they will hear 
Tithe 95 

Paul having thus discharged the duty which he owed to his own flesh and blood, 
now addressed himself to the Gentiles, though still not to the exclusion of the Jews. 
Day after day, from morning till night, his door was open to all who would lend him 


* Acts xxviii. 21, 22. 

® Acts 25-28. It has been objected to Luke’s 
account that the Apostle opens the subject of 
Christianity to his fellow-countrymen of Rome 
as a novelty, whereas at the date of the Epistle 
to the Romans, A.p, 58, there was already a 
flourishing church there, as is evident from the 
numerous salutations appended to the Epistle. 
As the Christians of Rome were mainly of the 
Jewish race, how, it is said, could the Jews of 
Rome be so ignorant of Christianity as Luke 
represents them? The argument contains two 
fallacies. First, the converts at Rome were 
principally Greeks, and not Jews, as will be seen 
from onr notes upon the salutations at the close 
of the Epistle; and secondly, the Jews of Rome 


VOL. II. 


are not stated by Luke to have been ignorant 
of Christianity, but just the contrary, for they 
say, ““ We know that everywhere” (and therefore 
at Rome also) “it is spoken against.” The fact 
is that the Christians of Rome at Paul’s arrival 
were the domestics about the palace, and others 
of an inferior grade, chiefly Greeks, with a 
sprinkling of Jews. As yet Christianity had 
made no impression on the rulers of the Syna- 
gogue, and the heads of the people (τοὺς ὄντας 
τῶν “lovdalav πρώτους, Acts xxviii. 17). Paul, 
therefore, wished to begin his mission at Rome 
by an appeal more especially to the higher 
orders of his own countrymen, of whom scarcely 
any had yet pronounced in favour of Chris- 
tianity. 

ῶ21 


242 [4.Ὁ. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


an audience, and it redounds highly to the credit of the Roman policy, that while he 
laboured incessantly to propagate the kingdom of Christ, not even the most bigoted 
Jew dared offer him the least molestation. 

The effects of Paul’s preaching first began to show themselves in the Pratorium, 
that is, the Pretorian Guard. The constant companionship of one of the soldiers as 
his keeper brought him into communication with great numbers of them, and the 
oftener the guard was relieved, the wider was the door opened. ‘I would ye should 
understand, brethren,” he writes to the Philippians, “that the things which have 
befallen me have come to pass rather unto the furtherance of the Gospel, so that my 
bonds in Christ are manifest in all the Pratorium, and to all others.” δ Yes, to “all 
others.” No long time elapsed before the Gospel had permeated even into the palace 
itself, as appears by the Apostle’s own declaration, “All the saints salute you, chiefly 
they that are of Cwsar’s household.”*' Nor ought it to appear strange that the Apostle 
should have planted Christianity within the Imperial precincts, for Paul was a Jew, 
and as such had remarkable facilities for disseminating his doctrines even in the 
highest quarters. The descendants of Herod had always maintained an intimate 
footing with the successive Emperors, and very lately Agrippa, King of Trachonitis, 
and his cousin Aristobulus, son of Herod of Chaleis, King of the Lesser Armenia,*® 
had been residing at the Imperial court, and introduced with them many adherents 
of their own nation. Even Poppa herself, whom Nero already treated as Empress, 
though he did not marry her till the next year, was a proselyte to Judaism. Josephus 
informs us that she was θεοσεβὴς °° (not “ pious,” as some learned men, and Bishop 
Burgess amongst the rest, have translated it, for Poppaa, possessed of beauty and 
rank and wealth, “had every recommendation,” says Tacitus, “ but a virtuous 
mind”?!°), but she had adopted the Jewish faith,’ and worshipped the true God, 
though her religion bore no practical fruits. However, she protected the Jews, and 
from time to time conferred upon them the greatest favours. When Josephus the 
historian, three years after Paul’s arrival, presented himself at Rome to procure the 
discharge of his friends the Jewish priests, to whom we have before alluded, he, 
through Aliturus, one of Nero’s favourite actors, and who was himself a Jew, obtained 
an introduction to Poppa, and by her instrumentality succeeded in his mission.’ 
Even Nero himself, monster as he was, and holding in contempt all religions," was 
conversant enough with the Jewish creed, and when his fall was rapidly approaching, 
his friends consoled him with the assurance that he was destined by the fates 
to be King of Ὁ τ mete creumeiaaS not a little rem Ne) as shoring how 


% Philipp. i. 12, 18. the ae was not Luria after the Roman custom, 

% Philipp. iv. 99. but was buried after the manner of the Jews. 

55. See Fasti Sacri, p. 805, No. 1823. Tac. Ann. xvi. 6. 

SoC Ἄπ χα 8, 1. τον Jos, Vit. 3. 

‘© Huic mulieri cuncta alia fuere preter 108. Religionum usquequaque contemptor, 
honestum animum. ‘Tac. Ann. xiii. 45. 104 Suet. Nero, 40. 


1 Accordingly, on her death some years after, 


Cuar. VIL] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 243 


widely disseminated were the prophecies of the Old Testament as to the Messiah’s 
kingdom. 

When the Jews thus beset the Imperial court, no wonder that Paul, by means 
of his countrymen, was soon in communication with the palace itself. Indeed, for 
some years before Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, Christianity had begun to make a 
sensible impression in the leading circles of fashion, for already Pomponia Grecina, 
the wife of Plautius, who had covered himself with laurels in Britain, had involved 
herself in trouble by embracing the new faith.’ 

We may not pass over in silence the tradition that Seneca himself became a 
Christian by the preaching of Paul. There are even letters extant which are said to 
have passed between the Apostle and the philosopher, and which are as ancient as the 
time of Jerome, but are undoubtedly spurious, though the forgery itself attests the 
eurrent opinion that Paul and Seneca had exchanged intercourse at Rome. Indeed, 
it could scarcely be otherwise, for during a period of two years they were both 
residing in the same capital, and Burrhus, who had the charge of Paul, was the 
intimate friend of Seneca. The Apostle and the philosopher had also many points to 
draw them together—they were both well born, both of courteous manners, both of 
eminent natural abilities, and both men of letters, and familiar with all the master- 
pieces of eloquence and poetry. There was this difference between them—that Paul 
had sacrificed honour and wealth for the life to come, while Seneca, with all his philo- 
sophy, had accumulated enormous riches, and still continued to increase them by 
usurious loans to the poor Britons.1°° There is no sufficient ground for saying that 
Seneca embraced the Gospel, but from the excellent morality inculeated in his 
writings, he has been deservedly called the Christian philosopher, and it is possible 
that some of his finest sentiments may haye been borrowed from the great Apostle 
of the Gentiles. If the dissolute Felix could find a pleasure in Paul’s society, it is 
hard to suppose that the treasures of Paul’s mind were not duly appreciated by the 
intellectual Seneca.'” 

Unceasing as were the exertions of Paul at Rome, the success of the Gospel there 
must not be ascribed to his efforts exclusively. He was attended by Luke, who was 
equally active in the propagation of the faith, and Paul himself in writing from Rome 
describes him as his “ fellow-labourer.”!°* He had also the services of Aristarchus, 
who rejoined him from Thessalonica,'’’ and of the faithful Timothy“ (who had in 
the interval been visiting Ephesus, or the churches in his native country of Lycaonia, 
or those in Asia or Greece), and of Mark the cousin of Barnabas '* (who had formerly 
incurred the displeasure of Paul, but had now again recommended himself to his 


1% Superstitionis externe rea. Tac. Ann. xiii. question is fully discussed. 
32. See Fasti Sacri, p. 807, No. 1891. 3 Philemon, 24. 

16 Dion Cass. Ixii. 2; Tac. Ann. xiii. 42. ® Philemon, 24. 

7 On the subject of St.Paul and Seneca, see ©° Coloss. i. 1; Philemon, 1. 


J. B. Lightfoot on Philipp. p. 268, where the Mt Coloss. iv. 10; Philemon, 24. 
212 


244 [a.p. 61] SV. PAUL AT ROME, [Cuap. VI. 


especial favour), and also of Tychicus ”? (who may have arrived from Ephesus, his 


3. The Roman Christians also, who had 


native place), and of Demas of Thessalonica.™ 
before made confession of their faith with fear and trembling, seeing the boldness 
with which Paul, a prisoner, daily preached the Gospel, took courage themselves, 
and began to propagate the same doctrine with no little zeal. “‘ Many of the brethren 
in the Lord,” writes Paul to the Philippians, “ waxing confident by my bonds, are 
»il4 «Some indeed,” he continues, 
“ preach Christ even of envy and strife, and some also of goodwill—the one preach 
Christ of contention, not sincerely, supposing to add affliction to my bonds; but the 
other of love, knowing that Iam set for the defence of the Gospel. What then? 


much more bold to speak the word without fear. 


notwithstanding, every way, whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached ; and 


I therein do rejoice, yea, and will rejoice.”"° The propagandists above referred to 
as preaching the gospel “of envy and strife,” were the Judaizing party, who at 
Rome, as they had done at Jerusalem and Antioch, and Galatia and Corinth, were 
endeavouring to make Christianity a mere graft upon Judaism, and strove to impose 
upon Gentile converts the necessity of observing the Jewish law. There may also 
have been many others who taught the Gospel, or rather the semblance of it, to gain 
their own private ends. Perhaps Simon Magus was thus employed, for he was at 
Rome about this time, and contrived by his artful sorceries to establish himself with 
the vulgar as a kind of divinity.” 

The sacred historian has informed us that the door of Paul’s lodging was open to 
every comer, and he tells us no more, but curiosity would fain ask many an interest- 
ing question as to the personages then at Rome. What was Gallio about, who had 
known Paul at Corinth, and then “cared for none of those things”? Had he still 
the same indifference, or under the auspices of his brother Seneca did he now inyesti- 
cate the truth? How did Felix demean himself? Did he renew the intimacy which 
he had begun at Cesarea, or had he not the hardihood to look in the face the man 
whom he knew to be innocent, and ought ta have acquitted, but had left bound to serve 
his own selfish purposes ? Where were Caractacus and his family, his wife and daughter 
and brothers, who had a few years before been prisoners in the Pretorium? Were 
they still detained at Rome as hostages, and, if so, did a British king ever have an 
interview with one of the Apostles ? 

Let us ask, further, what at this time was passing in London? ‘The reader, per- 
haps, may be startled at the question, as if London were a modern city, and unknown, 
at least, by that name, in the Apostolic age. Far from it. London, or with the Latin 
termination, Londinium, had already attained considerable celebrity as an emporium 
of trade, and was the port through which British commerce was carried on with the 


12 Coloss. iv. 7; Ephes. vi. 21. n> Philipp. i. 15-18. 
"3 Coloss, iv. 14; Philemon, 24. πὸ Euseb. E, H, ii. 18 et seq. 
+ Philipp. i. 14, 


Cuap. VI] ST. PAUL AT ROME. ra.p. 61] 245 


continent.’ The vessels, however, at that time, instead of pursuing a circuitous 
route round the Foreland, the southern lip of the Thames at its embouchure, entered, 
it is said, an arm of the sea, which opened between Ramsgate and Deal, and sailed 
southward of the Isle of Thanet, now insular in name only, then divided from Britain 
by a navigable strait. London was not a Roman colony as was its neighbour Verula- 
mium, now St. Albans, but its convenient situation for shipping had raised it to far 
higher eminence. 

In the year a.v. 61, the date of Paul’s arrival at Rome, London was overtaken by 
a calamity which crippled and well-nigh destroyed her rising energies. The Romans, 
by the confession of their own historian,“* had recently been committing the most 
atrocious barbarities amongst the unoffending Iceni, the inhabitants of Norfolk, 
Suffolk, Cambridge, and Huntingdon. The free blood of our forefathers could endure 
it no longer, and while Paullinus, the Prefect of the Province, was engaged at a dis- 
tance in extirpating Druidism from the Isle of Anglesea, the Iceni, joining with the 
Trinobantes (now Essex), rose under Boadicea en masse against their inhuman masters, 
surprised the Roman colony of Camulodunum (Colchester), and routed and put to the 
sword the ninth legion in the act of advancing to the rescue. Paullinus marched 
with all haste to London, but found the enemy too strong for him, and, notwithstand- 
ing the most heartrending supplications from the defenceless inhabitants, abandoned 
the city to its fate. The tide swept over it, and London was sacked and burnt. 
Verulamium, now St. Albans, was shortly afterwards involved in the same calamity. 
It is said that in these two towns not less than 70,000 Romans and their adherents 
were destroyed, and if the account be not exaggerated, there cannot be a stronger 
proof of the magnitude, even at that period, of the city, now the capital of the world 
for population and wealth and commercial enterprise. Paullinus, when he had col- 
lected his forces, avenged the blow by overthrowing the enemy in a pitched battle, 
when 80,000 Britons are said to have fallen. Boadicea, the heroic Queen of the Iceni, 
and who had led her countrymen to the conflict, survived the defeat, to end her life by 


poison.*”? 


But we must quit this interesting subject, to resume the progress of the 
persecuted tent-maker. 

It was while Paul was at Rome that he came into contact with Onesimus, a 
Colossian, the poor slave of Philemon a wealthy Gentile of Colosse and a disciple. 
Onesimus had fled from his master and escaped to Rome. From Paul’s expression 
to Philemon, “If he have wronged thee or oweth thee ought,’ ’”° it has been surmised 
that Onesimus was not only guilty of desertion, but had also plundered his master 
and carried off some booty, but perhaps we cannot imply more than that by some act 


of negligence, or other dereliction of duty, he had been the occasion of loss, and to 


7 Londinium ... cognomento quidem co- us Tac Ann. xiv. 31. 
loni# non insigne, sed copia negotiatorum et u9 Tac. Ann. xiv. 29, &c.; Dion Ixii. 2; &e. 


commeatuum maxime celebre. Tac. Ann. xiy. See Fasti Sacri, p. 823, No. 1905. 
33. 20 Philem. 18. 


246 


[a.p. 62] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuap. VI. 


avoid the consequences of Philemon’s displeasure, had resolved on seeking safety in 
flight. How he became acquainted with the Apostle at Rome, we can only conjecture. 
One of Paul’s companions might have accidentally encountered him a beggar and 
starving in the streets, or possibly Onesimus had seen Paul at Ephesus, and, knowing 
the respect and veneration entertained for Paul by Philemon, had communicated all 
the circumstances to the Apostle, and besought him to intercede for his pardon. 
Howsoever the acquaintance at Rome commenced, Paul saw the opportunity of saving 
a soul, and the rude slave became a convert to Christianity. Onesimus repaid his 
debt of gratitude by the most devoted services, and the Apostle on his side took the 
We shall see hereafter with 
what earnestness and warmth of feeling the Apostle pleads for him to his injured master. 


liveliest interest in the welfare of the humble penitent. 


About a year and a half after Paul’s arrival at Rome, and therefore about the 
autumn of a.p. 62, another Colossian made his appearance—Epaphroditus, or as he 
was called familiarly, Epaphras.'* 


and had ever since attached himself to his benefactor, and even laboured in the vine- 


He had become a disciple many years before, 


yard. For we have strong grounds for believing that Epaphras was the missionary 
whom Paul had sent from Ephesus to Colosse, and by whom the churches of Colosse, 
Laodicea, and Hierapolis were first founded.’** Epaphras had been dispatched by Paul, 
probably about a year before, from Rome, to examine into the state of the Colossian 
church, and was also the bearer of a message concerning Mark, that “if he came to 


them they should receive him.”’” 


11. Ag Lucas from Lucanus, Silas from Syl- 
yanus, Artemas from Artemidorus, Zenas from 
Zenodorus, Apollos from Apollodorus, &e. 

T have assumed the identity of Epaphroditus 
and Epaphras, as I see no cogent argument to 
the contrary. But others are of a different 
opinion, and suggest that, while Epaphras was 
a Colossian (Coloss. iv. 12), and always called 
Epaphras (Coloss. i. 7, iv. 12; Philem. 23), 
Epaphroditus was a native of Philippi. Philipp. 
11. 25. But the latter passage appears to show 
the contrary, for instead of describing him as 
τὸν ἐξ ὑμῶν (see Coloss. iv. 12), Paul calls him 
only ἀδελφὸν and συνεργὸν and συστρατιώτην and 
ὑμῶν ἀπόστολον and λειτουργὸν ; and while thus 
urging his several claims to their consideration, 
he could scarcely have omitted the fact, had it 
been so, that he was also their fellow-country- 
man. See J.B Lightfoot on Philipp. p. 60. The 
reason for calling him Epaphras to the Colos- 
sians and Philemon, and Epaphroditus to the 
Philippians, was that to the former he was 
known as a fellow-countryman by the abbrevi- 
ated and familiar name, but to the Philippians, 
to whom he was a stranger, he was designated 


Mark was sometimes attending on Paul and 


by the formal name at full length. 

2 See ante, Vol. I. p. 361. It is uncertain 
whether Epaphras was engaged in converting the 
Colossians, Laodiceans, and Hierapolitans, while 
Paul was resident at Ephesus for the three years 
of his ministry there, or during the four years and 
upwards that he was a prisoner first at Caesarea 
and then at Rome. The energies of Paul were 
untiring, and when his enemies succeeded in 
reducing him to captivity, there can be no doubt 
that he employed his numerous followers— 
Timothy, Titus, Luke, Erastus, Sopater, Aris- 
tarchus, Secundus, Tychicus, Trophimus, the 
two Gaiuses, and, amongst others, Epaphras— 
in extending the Christian faith. As Paul, 
while at Ephesus, appears not to have made any 
circuits about Asia, Epaphras may well have 
been employed during the Apostle’s imprison- 
ment in forming churches in the principal 
towns, especially his native Colossee and the 
neighbouring cities of Laodicea and Hierapolis; 
and it is more than probable that these churches 
were planted while Paul was at Ephesus. 

155 Ooletvesl Os 


Cuap. VI] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.v. 62] 247 


sometimes on Peter, and was now with Paul at Rome,'** but intending to make a 
circuit in Asia Minor, and in his way to pass through Colosse, with the ultimate view 
of joining Peter at Babylon, where we afterwards find him.'** Epaphras had executed 
his commission in his native city of Colosse, and on his way to Ephesus, the port for 
embarkation, had stopped at Laodicea and Hierapolis also, which lay on his road at 
a little distance from each other on the opposite banks of the river Lycus, and were 
churches in which Epaphras, as the original founder of them, took the liveliest 
interest. “1 bear him record,” writes Paul to the Colossians, ‘that he hath a great 
zeal for you, and them that are in Laodicea and them in Hierapolis.” *° 

Epaphras had afterwards sailed from Ephesus northward, for the purpose of taking 
the overland route to Rome, through Macedonia. On his road he had again halted 
at Philippi, with which chureh, though we cannot explain how, he seems to have been 
intimately connected. He was certainly held in the highest estimation by the 
Philippians, as will appear from the way in which they availed themselves of his 
services. We have already remarked the extreme liberality of this community in 
relieving the Apostle’s necessities. Twice they had made a collection for him while 
he was at Thessalonica, and afterwards, third time, at Corinth. Paul was now again 
in distress, as during his imprisonment he could not provide for his own sustentation 
by the labour of his hands. The Philippian brethren, with their accustomed gene- 
rosity, and perhaps at the instance of Lydia, Paul’s first and influential convert there, 
now set on foot a voluntary collection, and confided to Epaphras the charge of con- 
veying it to Rome. They had some time before received intelligence of the Apostle’s 
imprisonment, and had been desirous of forwarding relief, but an embassy to Italy 
was attended with considerable expense, and no opportunity of giving effect to their 
intention had presented itself until the arrival of Epaphras. This energetic mis- 
sionary proceeded from Philippi on his journey to Rome, and toward the latter end 
of a.p. 62, reached his final destination. He made no delay in conveying the 
Philippian bounty to the Apostle, and at the same time reported the state of the 
several churches through which he had recently passed. 

The account which he gave of the Colossian church was, on the whole, highly 
satisfactory, as we may collect from Paul’s commendation of the faith and love that 
were maintained amongst them, but it was intimated that certain Judaizers and 
Gnostics were endeavouring to create mischief, the former by insisting that the 
Gentiles could have no benefit of the new dispensation without circumcision, and the 
latter by propagating their wild chimeras on the subject of ions and Emanations. 
This intelligence created no little alarm in the mind of the Apostle, lest the church 
planted by Epaphras might fall away from the truth in the Gospel. Epaphras then 
recounted the circumstances of the Laodicean community, that their faith and love 
were exemplary on the whole, but that not having received the Christian scheme 


4 Col. iv. 10; Philem. 24. mS 1 Petensve 13. 1° Gol. iv. 13. 


248 [a.p. 62] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [παρ᾿ VI. 


from the Apostle himself, they had been exposed to the artful designs of heretical 
teachers. The Judaizers and Gnostics in particular, who had invaded the church of 
Colosse, were also rayaging, as wolves in the fold, the less advanced church of 
Laodicea. As for the Philippians, the bounty they had sent spoke for itself, but 
a Judaizing party had attempted to τ and besides, there 


and they were still exposed 


gain a footing there also,’ 
were personal dissensions amongst some of the memes ae 
to temptation from the continuance of persecution.” 

Paul, on this report, dispatched three epistles, viz., 1. An ἘΠ epistle to the 
churches of Asia generally, but more particularly ie those which had not seen his 
face (as Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colossz), containing a compendious exposition of 
2. A short epistle to the Colossian church, with which he 
was more closely connected through his friends and fellow-labourers, Epaphroditus, 
and 3. An epistle to the Philip- 
pians, to thank them for the bountiful contribution which they had sent to him by 
the hands of Epaphroditus. The two first Epistles were forwarded at once, as the 
matters referred to required immediate attention, and the Epistle to the Philippians 
followed, as we shall see, not very long after.'*° 

The encyclical Epistle is that commonly called the Epistle to the Ephesians, a 
title which is easily accounted for. 


the Christian scheme. 


Philemon, and Onesimus, who were all of that city ; 


The letter being a general one, a copy of it would 
naturally be delivered to each church of Asia through which Tychicus, the messenger, 
successively passed ; and as he landed at Ephesus, that church would receive the first 


17 Philipp. iii. 2. 

128 Philipp. iv. 2. 

129 Philipp. i. 29, 380. 

180. Tt may be doubted (and is not material) in 
what order the Apostle penned the two Epistles, 
viz. the Epistle called the Ephesians and that 
to the Colossians—in other words which of the 
two was first written. 

The general opinion is that the Colossians 
preceded, (1) on the ground that the Christian 
doctrines set forth in the Colossians are expanded 
in the Ephesians; and the treatment of a sub- 
ject more commonly, it is said, enlarges than con- 
tracts itself. And (2) because the Apostle in the 
Ephesians uses the expression “ that ye also may 
know my affairs, and how Lam,” ἅς (Iva δὲ εἰδῆτε 
καὶ ὑμεῖς Ta Kar’ ἐμὲ, KT-A.), aS Much as to say that 
the Apostle had previously instructed Tychi- 
cus to make known his state to the Colossians, 
and now bids him inform the Lphesians also. 
The first argument, however, does not carry 
much weight, as, if Paul had first written his 
general exposition of the Christian scheme to 
the Ephesians, with a direction that it should 
be read to the Colossians as well as to the other 


churches, he would naturally, in the particular 
Epistle to the Colossians, pass over with brevity 
the doctrines more fully handled in the general 
Epistle ; and as to the force of the words “ that 
ye also may know,” &c., the Apostle may mean 
only that, “as 1 have learnt your estate from 
the mouth of Epaphroditus, so I have sent 
Tychicus, that ye also may learn mz estate by 
the mouth of Tychicus.” See the note infra on 
the passage itself. 

In the text the Epistle to the Ephesians is 
placed before that to the Colossians, and the 
principal reason for this arrangement is that at 
the close of the Colossians the Apostle tells them 
to procure the Epistle called the Ephesians from 
Laodicea. Coloss. iv. 16. So that the Apostle 
assumes the Ephesians, at the date of the Colos- 
sians, to have been already written. Besides, the 
two Epistles, the Ephesians and Colossians, are 
to be regarded as one Epistle in two parts; and 
if so, as the salutations are contained in the 
Colossians and not in the Ephesians, the pre- 
sumption is that, as Paul usually closes his cor- 
respondence with the salutations, the Epistle to 
the Colossians was the last composed. 


ὕπαρ. VIL] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.v. 62 249 


copy, or eyen the autograph itself. They would call it the Epistle to the Ephesians, 
and as Ephesus was the capital of Asia, the Epistle would be commonly known by 
that name. As Tychicus proceeded eastward he left a copy with each church, in- 
cluding the church of Laodicea, the last of the series.'*' Laodicea and Colosse were 
situate in sight of each other, and these churches were to interchange their epistles 
—that is, the encyclical epistle was to be read at Colosse, and the epistle to Colossi 
was to be read at Laodicea. 

As the Epistles to the Ephesians and to the Colossians contain several pointed 
allusions to the Gnostic doctrines, we must, before introducing the Epistles them- 
selves, premise a few words as to the leading principles of this once celebrated 
heresy. 

The Gnosties, or men of Knowledge (Πνῶσις), were so called from their claiming to 


he the sole depositaries of the knowledge of the true God (fig. 292, 293). They were 


Fig. 292.—The Gnostic God Abraxas tin the car of 
Phebus, vith the ‘mseription Sabao, for Subaoth. 
From C. W. King’s ‘Antique Gems.’ 


Fig 293.—The Gnostic God Abrazas, 
with the imzcription Jao, She- 
mesh Eilam, i. Jehovah, the 


Eternal Sun, From C. Μ΄. 
King’s ‘Antique Gems,’ 


thus designated, even in the time of the Apostle, as we may surmise from several texts. 
He bids Timothy “avoid profane and vain babblings, and oppositions of Knowledge 
(Γνώσεως), falsely so called : 155. and again, “ they profess that they know God, but 


2133 


in works they deny him. The system of the Gnostics was compounded of many 


heterogeneous ingredients. From the Platonic school it drew the doctrine of Ideas, 
namely, that all created things had their archetypes in the Divine mind, and had 
The cabbalistic fables of the Jews, with their 


legions of angels and ceremonial observances, furnished another and large contribu- 


thence received their impression. 


181 Tt is observed by Schrader (Leben d. Apost.) 
that the so-called Ephesians could not have 
heen a ietter to the Laodiceans exclusively, as 
the Colossians and Ephesians were certainly 
written at the same time, and sent by the same 
messenger, and yet the Apostle conveys his salu- 
tation to the Laodiceans in the Epistle to the 
Colossians (iv. 15), which he would not have 
done had he written to the Laodiceans them- 


VOL. II. 


selves at the same time.—But the reason for 
sending a salutation to the Laodiceans is that 
the Colossians were to procure the encyclical 
Epistle from the Laodiceans, and as this favour 
was asked of the 1 aodiceans, the request was 
accompanied with a complimentary salutation. 

482 Dim ware 

28S Vite 10: 


250 [a.p. 62] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


tion; and from the oriental Philosophy was borrowed the notion of two independent 
co-eternal principles, God and Matter, the one the author of Good, and the other of 
Evil. Lastly, to this strange mixture was added no inconsiderable portion of Chris- 
tianity, into which Gnosticism had been imported by the father of heresy, Simon 
Magus. The fanciful scheme, as finally elaborated, was this—God dwelt from all 
Eternity in a Πλήρωμα, or Plenitude of inaccessible Light, and beyond this Pleni- 
tude lay Matter originally in a chaotic state, and intrinsically evil. In the course 
of time, God, called Bythos or Depth, by acting upon his own Mind called 
Sige or Silence, produced two other beings of different sexes, denominated AZons or 
Emanations ; and from these two, by suecessive descents, sprang a series of other 
ons. It may readily be imagined that when the human intellect attempted by its 
own efforts to trace the celestial pedigree, there arose infinite disputations as to the 
number of the Alons, and the order of their procession. It was against these idle 
speculations that the Apostle so earnestly warned Timothy and Titus. “ Neither give 
heed to fables and endless genealogies, which minister questions rather than godly 


vist << Avoid foolish questions, and genealogies, and conten- 


29135 


edifying which is in faith. 
tions, and strivings about the law, tor they are unprofitable and vain. 

It would be waste of time to set forth in detail the theory of these Divine Intelli- 
gences. But, according to the genealogy more commonly received, Bythos was the 
pre-existent eternal principle, and from him and Sige or Silence, fourteen other pairs 


136 


of Alfons, male and female, emanated thus: 


Males, Femalcs. 
Bythos or Depth Sige or Silence 
Mind Truth 
Reason Life 
Man Church 
Comforter Faith 
Fatherly Hope 
Motherly Charity 
Eternal Intelligence 
Light ; . Beatitude 
Eucharistic F . Wisdom 
Profundity Mixture 
Untading Union 
Self-born Temperance 
Only Begotten. Unity 
Immoveable Pleasure 


One of the subsequent ‘ons, and the author of all mischief, was Demiurgus, or 
the Creator. The last pair of AZons were Christ and the Holy Spirit. They 


136 1 Tim..i. 4. 155. ΠῚ aby 0: 185 King on the Gnosties, p. 98. 


Cuar. ὙΠ] ST. PAUL- AT ROME. [a Ὁ. 62] 251 


conceived that God and these Emanations dwelt together in the Pleroma, or the 
Plenitude, but that Demiurgus having at one time passed the bounds of the Pleni- 
tude, and meeting with Matter, formed the world and created Man. Demiurgus, 
according to the Gnosties, was the Jehovah of the Old Testament, and had delivered 
the Law and inspired the Prophets. How was the soul of Man thus knit to Matter, 
which was essentially evil, to be rescued from this thraldom? Their notion was, that 
Christ, the last AZon, came into the world to communicate to Man for the first time, 
the Knowledge of the Eternal God, that is, the true God, as opposed to Demiurgus, 
the Emanation. But how was Christ, a celestial Aon, to be incarnate when all 
matter was evil? They evaded this difficulty by different subterfuges. Some held that 
Jesus and Christ were two persons—Jesus, who was flesh amd blood, and Christ, the 
Bon, who descended upon Jesus at his baptism, and parted from him at his crucifixion. 
Others maintained that Jesus Christ was a phantom, and had no real or substantial 
existence John, who wrote when the Gnostie heresy was at its height, is constantly 
pressing upon his converts that Jesus Christ was one and the same person, flesh and 
blood like other men, and at the same time the Son of God. Thus he writes: “The 
Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and we beheld his glory, the glory as of 
the only begotten of the Father.” And again: “ That which was from the beginning, 
which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes, which we have looked upon, 
and our hands have handled of the word of Life (for the life was manifested, and we 
have seen it, and bear witness, and show unto you that eternal Life, which was with 
the Father, and was manifested unto us); that which we have seen and heard 
declare we unto you.”'* And again: ‘ Who is a liar but he that denieth that Jesus 
is the Christ? He is Antichrist that denieth the Father and the Son.” “ Eyery 
spirit that confesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is of God, and every one 
that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is not of God. Whosoever 
shall confess that Jesus 7s the Son of God, God dwelleth in him, and he in God.” 
“Many deceivers are entered into the world who confess not that Jesus Christ is 
come in the flesh. That man is a deceiver and an Antichrist.” Whosoever 
believeth that Jesus is the Christ is born of God. Who is he that overeometh the 
world, but he that believeth that Jesus is the Son of God?” “This is he that came 
by water and blool, Jesus Christ. not in the water only, but in water and blood ”—that 
is, Jesus Christ was one person, and thus Jesus was Christ not by water only, at his 
baptism by the descent of Christ upon him, but was Christ from his birth, namely, 
in his flesh and blood. 

To pursue the tenets of the Gnostics a little further, they taught that Christ 
having come into the world, they, who received the Revelation, rose by baptism from 
the death of ignorance to the life of perfect knowledge ; that this was a real resurrec- 


7 John i. 14. 289. John ii. 22. Ml 9 John 7. 
1 John i. 1,2) 3: 0) 1. John ἦν. 2. 9, Los ΤΕ ΠΗ v. 1, 5. 


2k Ὁ 


ἐπ 


252 [a.p. 62] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuap. VI, 


tion, or at least, there was no other; that the soul of the perfect Gnostic, when freed 
from the body or matter, would, without any judgment day, enter into the Plenitude 
at once, and dwell with God, but that the soul of the Gnostic which had not attained 
to perfect knowledge, would pass through successive transmigrations until sufficiently 
purified. 

The leaven of the Gnostics, as regards the denial of the resurrection from the 
dead, had long ago been working in the Corinthian church—* If Christ,” wrote the 
Apostle from Ephesus, “be preached that he rose from the dead, how say some 
among you that there is no resurrection from the dead?”™* This fatal error was 
counteracted for the time, but as we shall see, it afterwards broke out again at 
Corinth under the auspices of Hymenzus, and Alexander, and Philetus, the two 
former of whom were excommunicated by Paul for their impiety. Thus the Apostle, 
in writing from Corinth to Timothy, bids him “ Hold faith and a good conscience, 
which some haying put away concerning faith, haye made shipwreck; of whom is 
Hymeneus and Alexander, whom I have delivered unto Sutan, that they may learn 


Mf And afterwards the Apostle, in his letter to Timothy from 


not to blaspheme.” 
Rome, alludes to the same subject: “Their word will eat as doth a canker, of whom 
is Hymenzeus and Philetus, who, concerning the truth, have erred, saying, that the 
resurrection is past already, and overthrow the faith of some.”'® 

The practical fruits of Gnosticism were of two very opposite kinds. All of them 
agreed that matter was intrinsically evil, but some, as the Nicolaitans, resting entirely 
on the knowledge of the true God, thought the indulgence of any carnal appetite to 
be matter of indifference, while others acted on the notion that as the body was in- 
herently corrupt, they ought to control it and hold it in check by the practice of 
austerities. By many of them even marriage was forbidden, and divers restrictions 
were imposed with respect to meats. 

Both these classes of Gnostics are frequently alluded to in the New Testament. 
Thus their doctrine that all the passions might be gratified if only they had know- 
ledge, is thus alluded to by Paul: “They profess that they know God; but in works 
they deny him, being abominable, and disobedient, and unto every good work repro- 
bate.”*° And again: “ Of this sort are they which creep into houses, and lead captive 
ge, and never able 

And so John, “ Hereby we do know that 
29148 


silly women laden with sins, led away with divers lusts, ever learnin 
to come to the knowledge of the truth.?'" 
we know him if we keep his commandments. 

The asceticism of the other school of the Gnostics is also oceasionally glanced at 


by our Apostle. Thus he warns Timothy against them as “forbidding to marry, and 


commanding to abstain from meats.” And again, “ Refuse profane and old wives’ 
το iCorexvarl2s 116. ἘΠῚ} ας IU oy 1:8. 1 John ii. 3. 
τς 1 Πυτη τ᾿ ΠΟ Ὁ. AT Ὁ. ἘΠ τ απ 057: Ὁ ΠΊΤΩΣ ἦγ Ὁ: 


τς ὦ την πὰ. 17. 18: 


Cuav. ὙΠ] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [a.p. 62] 253 


fables, and exercise thyself rather unto godliness, for bolily mortification profiteth 
little, but godliness is profitable unto all things.” ἢν 

Such is an outline of the leading tenets of the Gnostics. Their baseless visions, 
the feeble attempts of human reason to solve celestial problems had many years 
before captivated the minds of some of the Corinthian church, and the heresy was 
now extending itself in the cities of Asia. Paul, whose views were essentially 
practical, exerted himself to keep the church clear of these endless and bootless 
speculations. In the Epistles which were under consideration when we digressed, 
viz., the Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians, we find many allusions to the 
spreading heresy, and it was to enable the reader to understand the full force of 
these passages that the aboye observations have been made. 

In the Epistle to the Ephesians, for example, Paul writes: “He hath put all 
things under his feet, and hath given him to be the head over all things to the Church 
which is his body, the fulness (τὸ Πλήρωμα) of him that filleth all in all. And you hath 
he quickened who were dead in trespasses and sins; wherein in time past ye walked 
according to the course (the Aion, τὸν Αἰῶνα) of this world, according to the prince 
of the power of the air, the spirit that now worketh in the children of disohedi- 
ence. '*! Here the Apostle apparently refers to the Gnostic notion, in calling the 
Church the πλήρωμα, or Plenitude, in which Christ dwells, and in the latter part he 
speaks of the “Zon of this world,’ an expression borrowed from the Gnostic 
vocabulary. 

Again the Apostle prays that the saints of Asia may “ know the love of Christ, 
which passeth knowledge (γνώσεως), that ye might be filled with all the fulness 
(πλήρωμα) of God ;”*? where, from the use of the words γνώσεως and πλήρωμα in 
such close conjunction, it is likely that the Gnostic errors were in the writer's 
mind. It was against their seductive fables that he afterwards warns his corre- 
spondents to “be no more children, tossed to and fro, carried about with every wind 
of doctrine, by the sleight of men and cunning craftiness, whereby they le in wait to 
deceive.1*? 

In the Epistle to the Colossians (penned at the same time with the Ephesians), 
the Apostle admonishes his converts still more distinctly against Gnostic speculation 
and the asceticism of its followers, “Beware, lest any man spoil you through plilo- 
sophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, 
and not after Christ. For in him dwelleth all the fulness (τὸ πλήρωμα) of the 
Godhead bodily.”*** And again, “Let no man beguile you of your reward in a 
voluntary humility and worshipping of angels, intruding into those things which he 
hath not seen, vainly puffed up by his fleshly mind. ‘Touch not! taste not! handle 
not!’ which all are to perish with the using, after the commandments and doctrines 


OU bbe (iater 1. DH. Jy as) τὴ. [ἢ a2 Eph. ii. 19. 
KS Eph. iv. 14. PS COLE On de 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 


254 [a.p. 62] 


[Cuar. VI 


which things have indeed a show of wisdom in will worship, and humility 
22155 


of men: 
and penance of the body, not in any indulgence to the satisfying of the flesh. 

We now proceed to a brief analysis of the Epistle to the saints of ‘Asia, com- 
monly called the Ephesians. The Apostle, after the usual salutation, devyelopes 
(i, 3) the Christian scheme as applicable to the Gentile church, viz. the admission 
of the heathen, equally with the Jews, to the privileges of the Gospel, without 
the observance of the law, and then (iii. 1) he reminds them by way of apology for 
addressing strangers, that he had received a call from heaven to preach this great 
mystery, the adoption of Gentiles and Jews, without distinction, as God’s people, 
and that he was now a prisoner at Rome from the persecution which this his Gospel 
had excited amongst his own countrymen. In the second part (iv. 1) he exhorts the 
brethren to the practice of the various Christian duties, and he subjoins a summary 
of them, beginning with the necessity of unity as naturally arising out of the union 
of both Jew and Gentile in Christ. 
as his agent, who would inform them of the Apostle’s 


He concludes (yi. 21) by acerediting Tychicus 


circumstances, and he bestows 
his benediction not, it will be observed, on any community by name, for he had no 
personal acquaintance with them, but, “ on all them that love our Lord Jesus Christ 


156 


in sincerity.” The Epistle ran as follows : — 


(Lhe italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 
thus [ ], are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] 


Cr 1 He Pawn2* 


2 satnts THAT be,} 


58 aND TO THE FAITHFUL IN CHRIST 


ΑΝ Aposrie or Jesus Curist, BY THE WILL OF GoD, TO THE 


JESUS—GRACE BE TO 


165 Col. ii. 18, 21-28. 

τοῦ The three epistles to the Ephesians, to the 
Colossians and to Philemon, may all be placed 
in the autumn of a.p. 62. That all three were 
written and dispatched at the same time, and 
were sent by the same messenger, Tychicus, has 
been proved to demonstration by Paley in his 
Hore Pauline. That they were written while 
Paul was a prisoner at Rome is evident from 
their contents. Thus, in the Ephesians, ὁ δέσμιος 
τοῦ ΧΝριστοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ, ili. 1; πρεσβεύω ἐν ἁλύσει, Υἱ. 
20; and, in the Colossians, μου τῶν δεσμῶν; and 
in Philemon, δέσμιος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ver. 1 and 
9. And the Epistles were written when Paul 
was looking forward to his release as likely soon 
to take place, ἐτοίμαζέ μοι ξενίαν, ἐλπίζω γὰρ ὅτι 
χαρισθήσομαι ὑμῖν, Philem. ver. 22, and yet it 
was written before the pistle to the Philippians 
(which was also penned during his captivity), 
for, when the Colossians was written, Epaphro- 
ditus was at Rome, and sends a greeting, Coloss. 
vi 12; but the Epistle to the Philippians was 
sent by the hands of Epaphroditus who had 


been lately suffering from sickness, but to which 
no allusion is made in the Colossians. Philipp. 
li 2). 

7 Timothy here is not joined with Paul, while 
he is so in the Epistles to the Colossians and 
Philemon written at the same time, nor are there 
any salutations in this Epistle—a proof that the 
letter was encyclical and not personal. . 

bs The reading of the ancient copies, accord- 
ing to Tertullian, Basil, and Jerome, has been 
adopted. The words ‘in Ephesus’ have there- 
fore been omitted. The expression τοῖς οὖσι by 
itself may appear abrupt; but we meet with a 
similar instance, κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν. Acts 
xii. 1. The generality of the words that follow 
(καὶ πιστοῖς ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ) exclude the idea 
that the preceding τοῖς ἁγίοις should be confined 
to those of Ephesus. There can be no reason- 
able doubt that the Epistle called ‘The Ephe- 
sians’ is identical with that referred to as sent 
to the Laodiceans. ‘“ When this Epistle [he 
writes to the Colossians] is read among you, 
cause that it be read also im the church of the 


Cuar, VIL] 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 


[a.p. 62] 255 


YOU, AND PEACE, FROM Gop our FatHER, AND ἘΠῸΝ THE Lorp Jesus Cunisv. 
3) “ Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath blessed 
4 us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places’** in Christ; according as 


Laodiceans, and that ye likewise read the Epistle 
from Laodicea.” Coloss. iv. 16. 

It is certain that a letter to the Laodiceans 
with others, existed, and if we find it not in 
the ‘Ephesians’ it has been lost, which is 
searcely credible in itself, there being no trace 
of the disappearance of any other writing of the 
Apostle. Some think that a letter to the Co- 
rinthians also has been jost, but this appears to 
the author quite untenable. See ante, Vol. I. p. 
378. By comparing the Epistle to the Ephesians 
with that to the Colossians, it may be shown 
almost to demonstration that the ‘ Ephesians’ is 
the letter which was sent to the Laodiceans at 
the same time with the Colossians, and is re- 
ferred to in the above passage. The‘ Ephesians’ 
has been aptly described as a twin Epistle to the 
Colossians; for, indeed, they are so mutually 
dependent, that the one cannot thoroughly be 
understood without the other, and they were 
evidently intended to be read together. That 
both were written almost within a few hours of 
each other is plain, for whole sentences are ex- 
pressed precisely in the same language, word for 
word. 1 et the reader refer to the parallel pas- 
sages in the two Epistles as extracted in Paley’s 
Horz Pauline, and he will feel the irresistible 
force of the argument. Besides, we are informed 
by the letters themselves that both were com- 
mitted to the care of the same trusty messenger, 
viz. Tychicus. Ephes. vi. 21; Col. iv. τ. 

Add to this that the ‘ Ephesians’ is exactly 
the kind of letter which the Apostle would have 
written to strangers in the flesh, though brethren 
in Christ, and wholly opposite to such as would 
have been written to the converts of Ephesus, 
amongst whom Paul had resided for three years. 
There are no rebukes, no commendations, and 
indeed no personal allusions whatever from first 
to last, and the Epistle does not end with the 
usual personal formula “Grace be with you,” but 
“Grace be with «// that love the name of our 
Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity.” Ephes. vi. 24. 

How the words “in Ephesus” came to be in- 


19 ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις. The Eng, ver. has the 
marginal reading of ‘things.’ The expression 
is used by the Apostle five times in this Epistle 
—i, 3, i. 20, ii. 6, iii. 10, vi. L2—and not else- 


serted in the first verse may be thus explained 
The original language at the opening of the 
Epistle was “to the saints that are and to the 
faithful in Christ Jesus ”—viz. all the converts 
in Asia, of which Ephesus was the capital. Cn 
the face of it, therefore, it was inscribed to no 
church in particular; but it was necessary, for 
the purposes of citation, to give it a name, and 
as the first copy, or perhaps the autograph of 
the Apostle, was delivered at Ephesus, it passed 
under the name of the Epistle to the Ephesians. 
The words “in Ephesus” did not appear tor 
many centuries in the text, but the Epistle itself 
was commonly known as that to the Ephesians. 
Where none were addressed by name, the Ephe- 
sians had as much right as any other church to 
stamp it with their name. When the cireum- 
stances under which it was composed were for- 
gotten, the title at the head of it led copyists to 
suppose that it was really written to the Ephe- 
sians exclusively; and at first the words *‘in 
Ephesus” were added at a venture in the margin 
as a probable suggestion, and afterwards found 
their way into the text itself. It is readily ad- 
mitted that in the earliest times the church 
culled it by its present title, ‘‘ The Epistle to the 
Ephesians,” but it was only after a long lapse of 
ages that the words “ in Ephesus” first invaded 
the text. ‘the Vatican MS.--the most ancient 
and valued of all existing MSS.—is a good illus- 
tration. In the text itself the words ἐν Ἐφέσῳ 
are wanting, but they have been inserted in the 
margin; and no doubt many a transcriber, under 
the full belief that the letter was sent to the 
Ephesians in particular, was bold enough to 
carry the marginal reading into the text. 

The historical testimonies stand thus. The 
date of the Epistle is A.p. 62, and Marcion began 
to flourish, according to Lardner, in a.p. 130— 
i.e. less than seventy years from the date of the 
Epistle, and when the autograph of the Apostle 
must, in all probability, have been still pre- 
served. Now, it will be seen, from the passages 
of Tertullian which will be cited presently, that 


where, and it means generally ‘in relation to 
the heavenly kingdom,’ as opposed to ‘ the king- 
dom of this world’ 


256 [a.p. 62] 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 


(Cuapr. VI. 


he elected’ us in him before the foundation of the world, that we should 
5 be holy and blameless before him in love, haying predestinated us unto the 


adoption of sons! by Jesus Christ to himself, according to the good pleasure 


it was disputed between the orthodox church 
and heretics what the Epistle ought properly to 
be intituled, viz. whether the “ Epistle to the 
Ephesians” or the “ Epistle to the Laodiceans.” 
The church traditionally held the former, but 
Marcion, seeing correctly that it was the Epistle 
alluded to in the Colossians as that which was 
to be brought from Lao licea, insisted on the title 
being “ The Epistle to the Laodiceans.” Hach 
was wrong in part and right in part; it was not 
intended either for the Ephesians or the Laodi- 
ceans exclusively, but for both, with many 
others. This very controversy shows that the 
words ἐν Ἐφέσῳ could not at that time have 
existed in the text, or the question could not 
have arisen. It was never donbted to whom 
the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians and 
Corinthians and Thessalonians were written, as 
their names appear in the body of those Epistles 
themselves; and had this Epistle been addressed 
expressly to the Epliesians, every mouth would 
have been stopped; but as no church at all was 
designated there was the same strife about the 
Ephesians as there has always been about the 
writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and for 
the like reason. 

Tertullian, to whom we have referred, lived at 
the end of the second century, or about 140 
years after the date of the Epistle; and we meet 
with two important passages in this ancient 
father. The first is this: “ Praetereo hic et de 
alia Epistola quam nos ad Ephesios preescriptam 
habemus, heretici vero ad Laodicenos.” Ady. 
Marcion, v. 11. ‘‘ Here also I pass over another 
Epistle which we hold to be inscribed to the 
Ephesians, but. the hereties to the Laodiceans.” 
At this period, therefore, the words “in Ephesus” 
were still absent from the text, or there could 
liave been no dispute whether the Epistle was 
properly intituled to the Ephesians or to the 
Laodiceans. But the same father, on another 
occasion, is more explicit, and conveys his mean- 
ing in much plainer terms. He is controverting 
Marcion with respect to the “ Epistola ad Ro- 
manos,” “ Epistola ad Galatas,” ‘ Epistola ad 
Corinthios Prima” and “ Secunda,” and “ Epistola 
ad Thessalonicenses,” and proceeds thus: “ De 


Epistold ad Lavdicenos, Ecclesize quidem yeritate 
epistolam istam ad Ephesios habemus emissam, 
non ad Laodicenos, sed Marcion ei titulum ali- 
quanto interpolare gestiit, quasi et in isto dili- 
gentissimus explorator; nihil autem de titulis 
interest, cum ad omnes apostolus scripserit dum 
ad quosdam.” Ady. Marcion, v.17. ‘ Concern- 
ing the Epistle to the Laodiceans, in the verity 
of the church indeed we hold this Epistle to 
have been sent to the Ephesians, not to the 
Laodiceans; but Marcion has been pleased to 
tamper somewhat with the title of it, as if he 
were in this also a most careful invest‘gator. 
But it matters nothing about the ¢ t/e, since the 
Apostle, in writing to some, wrote to all.” Here 
we are informed, as is admitted, that in the 
early churen the Epistle passed current as “ The 
Epistle to the Ephesians ;’ and how it came to 
be so designated has been before explained; and 
Tertullian charges Marcion, not with corrupting 
the text, but with altering the /it/e to this Epistle 
and ealling it “ The Epistle to the Laodiceans ” 
instead of to the Ephesians. It is evident, there- 
fore, that the words ἐν ’Edeom could not then 
have existed in the text, or Mar-ion could not, 
without corrupting the text, have intituled the 
Epistle as the Epistle to the Laodiceans. That 
the Epistle was not addressed cither to the 
Ephesians or to the Laodiceans exclusively, but 
that both were comprised under the churches of 
Asia is implied by the language of Tertullian, 
where he observes that the Apostle, in writing 
to some (whether the Ephesians or Laodiceans) 
wrote to all. 

Again, Origen, who wrote at the commence- 
ment of the third century, comments upon the 
singularity of this Epistle in being addressed, 
not to any church by name, but ‘to the saints 
that are” ἐπὶ μόνων Τῶν ᾿Ἐφεσίων εὕρομεν κείμενον 
τὸ Τοῖς ἁγίοις τοῖς οὖσι, Ke. Orig. Cat. Cr. Eph. 
102, cited by Tregelles, 

Basil of Cappadocia lived at the close of the 
fourth century, and comments thus: ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ 
τοῖς Ἐφεσίοις ἐπιστέλλων ὡς γνησίως ἠνωμένοις 
τῷ “Ovte du ἐπιγνώσεως, “Ovtas αὐτοῦς ἰδιαζόντως 
ὠνόμασεν ἐιπών-- Τοῖς ἁγίοις τοῖς οὖσιν καὶ 
πιστοῖς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ: οὕτω γὰρ καὶ οἱ πρὸ 


55. ἐξελέξατο. In Eng. ver. “he hath chosen.” 
ξελεξ 5 


101 υνἱοθεσίαν. In Eng. ver. “ children,” 


(παρ. VI.] 


EPISTLE ΤῸ THE EPHESIANS. 


[a.p. 62] 257 


6 of his will, to the praise of the glory of his grace, wherein he hath been gra- 


7 cious to us’ in the beloved [one]; in whom we have redemption through his 
8 blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of his grace, wherein 


ἡμῶν προδεδώκασι, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν τοῖς παλαιοῖς τῶν 
ἀντιγράφων εὑρήκαμεν. Ady. Eunom. 11. 19, “ But 
(Paul) also in writing to the Ephesians as per- 
sons united by knowledge with the ‘I am, 
named them characteristically ‘ who are,’ saying 
© To the saints “ who are,” and faithful in Christ 
Jesus.’ For so both those before us have handed 
down and ourselves have found in the ancient 
MSS.” Here, for the first time, we have an allu- 
sion to the words “ in Ephesus” being found in 
the text; but he tells us at the same time that 
the reading, as receiyed by tradition and as 
established by the more ancient of the MSS. 
(τοῖς παλαιοῖς τῶν ἀντιγράφων), was “ΤῸ the 
saints ‘ who are,’ and faithful in Christ Jesus.” 
He cites the Epistle, indeed, as that to the 
Ephesians, by which ¢it/le it was commonly 
though erroneously known in the church; but 
he testifies to the omission of the words “ in 
Ephesus” in the text. 

Jerome flourished at the close of the fourth 
century, and in his time there was the double 
reading, some copies omitting the words “in 
Ephesus,” and some inserting them. Quidam, 
curiosius quam necesse est, putant ex eo quod 
Moysi (Exod. ii. 14) dictum est: ‘Hee dices 
filiis Israel, Qui-est misit me,’ etiam eos qui 
Ephesi sunt sancti et fideles essentise vocabulo 
nuncupatos, ut quomodo a Sancto sancti, a Justo 
justi, a Sapiente sapientes, ita ab eo Qui-est, hi 
Qui sunt appellentur . . . Alii vero simpliciter 
non ad eos qui sunt sed qui Ephesi sunt scrip- 
tum arbitrantur. Jerom. Comment. Ephes. i. 1. 
“Some, with more refinement than is necessary, 
suppose that, because it was said to Moses, 
‘Thus shalt thou say to the children of Israel, 
“JT am” hath sent me, that they also who at 
Ephesus were holy and’ faithful were designated 
by the name of Essence, so that as the holy from 
the Holy One, the just from the Just One, the 
wise from the Wise One, so they should be 
called those ‘ Who are’ from the ‘I am.’” Here, 
though Jerome refers to both readings, he yet 
seems, from his commentary, to prefer that 
which omitted the words “in Ephesus.” 

We shall only add the remark that, as the 
chureh intituled the Epistle from the earliest 


date as that to the Ephesians, the words “in 
Ephesus,” had they originally existed in it, could 
never haye been discarded ; but it is easy to 
suppose that, if originally absent from the text, 
they might very well creep in from the force of 
the title prefixed. 

In opposition to these testimonies, a passage 
is commonly cited from Ignatius, which, when 
examined, tends rather to confirm our view in- 
stead of the contrary. In writing to the Ephe- 
sians, he says of Paul ὃς ἐν πάσῃ ἐπιστολῇ μνημο- 
νεύει ὑμῶν, c. 12, which has been translated, 
“Who in all the Epistle makes mention of you,” 
as if Ignatius referred to the Epistle to the 
Ephesians, and that it was addressed to them. 
But the literal and correct translation is, ‘© Who 
in every Epistle makes mention of you,” as he 
does in 1 Cor. xvi. ὃ, xv. 32; 2 Cor. i.8; 2 Tim. 
1. 18, iv. 12; 1 Tim. 1. 8. It would be a truism, 
and unworthy of Ignatius, to say that Paul, in 
an Epistle written to the Ephesians themselves, 
made mention of the Ephesians. The fact, there- 
fore, that Ignatius compliments the Ephesians 
on the recurring references to them in the several 
Epistles, implies that in Ignatius’s opinion the 
so-called Epistle to the Ephesians was not written 
to that church, or not to that church exclusively. 
Otherwise the venerable martyr could scarcely 
have avoided paying them the much higher 
compliment that Paul had not only referred to 
them with credit, but had specially indited a 
letter to them. 

The MSS. now existing have almost uni- 
versally, or at least very generally, the words 
ev Ἑφέσῳ; but amongst the exceptions is, as 
before noticed, the most valuable MS. of all, viz. 
the Vatican, which omits these words. When 
we consider, on the one hand, the improbability 
that the words, if originally inserted in the text, 
could have fallen out of it, and, on the other 
hand, the probability of their creeping in from 
the title prefixed, and when, further, we have the 
express testimony of the most ancient fathers that 
originally, and for many centuries afterwards, 
the words were wanting, we must conclude that 
the Vatican is right, and that the other MSS. 
generally are in error. [The 


© ἐχαρίτωσεν. 


VOL. Il. 


In Eng. ver. 


“he hath made us accepted.” 


258 


[a.p. 62] 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [Cuar. VI. 


he hath abounded toward us in all wisdom and prudence, having made 
known unto us the mystery of his will, according to his good pleasure 
which he purposed in himself, unto the dispensation of the fulness of times 
to consummate all things in Christ, both which are in heayen, and which 
are on earth; even in him, in whom also we have obtained a lot,’** being pre- 
destinated according to the purpose of him who worketh all things after 
the counsel of his will; that we should be to the praise of his glory, who 
first hoped? in Christ; in whom are ye also, after that ye heard the word of 
truth, the Gospel of your salyation: in whom also having believed, ye are 


166 whois the earnest 11 of our 


sealed with that Spirit of promise, the Holy one, 
inheritance until the redemption of the purchased possession, unto the praise 
of his glory. of your faith in the Lord 


Jesus, and love unto all the saints, cease not to give thanks for you, making 


Wherefore I also having heard '°* 


mention of you in my prayers, that the God of our Lord Jesus Christ, the 
Father of glory, may give unto you the spirit of wisdom and revelation in the 
knowledge of him, the eyes of your understanding being enlightened, that ye 
may know what is the hope of his calling, and what the riches of the glory 
of his inheritance in the saints, and what is the exceeding greatness of his 
power to us-ward who believe, according to the working of his mighty power, 
which he wrought in Christ when he raised him from the dead, and seaéed him 


at his own right hand in heayenly places,” far above all principality, and 


power, and might, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in 
this world, but also in that which is to come; and ‘hath put all things under 
’ 5 


The following conclusions, then, may be 
drawn :— 

1. That the Epistle was very early intituled 
“The Epistle to the Ephesians,” but that the 
title or heading arose, not from the contents, but 
from the accident that the first copy of the 
Epistle or the autograph was given out at 
Ephesus for the benefit of the church there. 

2. That the words ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ in the text are 
an interpolation, and were inserted at a venture 
from the title prefixed. 

3. That the Epistle was an encyclical one, 
intended for all the churches of Asia, but more 
particularly for those who had not seen or heard 
the Apostle himself, and to whom, therefore, Paul 
wished to develop and ratify the Christian scheme 
as preached by him. 

4. That the Epistle referred to in the Colos- 
sians, and which the Colossians were to procure 
from the neighbouring church of Laodicea, is the 
Epistle now known as the Epistle to the Ephe- 
sians. 


183 ἀποκεφαλαιώσασθαι. In Eng. ver. “ 
together in one.” 
164 


gather 


In Eng. ver. “we have ob- 
” The root of the word is 


ἐκληρώθημεν. 
tained an inheritance. 
κλῆρος, ‘a lot.’ 

169 προηλπικότας. In Eng. ver. “ first trusted.” 

166 τῷ ‘Ayim. In Eng ver. this is made an 
epithet only—‘ the Holy Spirit.” 

τότ ἀῤῥαβὼν, a part payment asa pledge for the 
whole, derived by the Greeks from the Hebrew 
f3, Gen. xxxviii. 17, 18. See Alford ad loc. 

168 From the Apostle giving thanks on hearing 
of their faith—i.e. of their conyersion—it 15 mani- 
fest that he had not converted them himself. 
See ante, Vol. I. p.361. This language would be 
suitably addressed to the Laodiceans and others 
whom he had never seen, but would be quite 
inconsistent with the relation in which he stood 
to the Ephesians, with whoin he had resided for 
three years. 

169 See i. 3, note. 


25 
Cu. IT. 


bo 


Hq» 


on 


12 


Cuap. VI.) 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [A.D. 62] 259 


his feet” (Ps. viii. 0),} and gave him to be the head over all things to the 
Church, which is his body, the fulness of him that filleth all in all. 

“And you [hath he quickened ] who were dead in trespasses and sins, wherein 
in time past ye walked according to the course of this worid,!” according to the 
prince of the power of the air,’ the spirit that now worketh in the sons of 
disobedience, among whom also we all 175 had our conversation once in the lusts of 
our flesh, fulfilling the desires of the flesh and of the thoughts,"* and were by 
nature the children of wrath, even as the rest,""° but God, who is rich in mercy, 
for his great love wherewith he loved us, even when we were dead in offences, 
quickened us together with Christ (by Grace ye are saved), and raised us up 
together [with him], and made us sit together [with him] in heavenly places!” 
in Christ Jesus, that in the ages to come he might show the exceeding riches 
of his grace in his goodness" toward us through Christ Jesus—for by Grace 
are ye saved through Faith,’* and that not of yourselves; it is the gift of 
God: not of works, lest any man should boast; for we are his workmanship, 
created in Christ Jesus unto good works, which God before ordained that we 
should walk in them. Wherefore remember, that ye being once Gentiles in 
the flesh, who are called Uncireumcision by that which is called the Cireum- 
cision in the flesh made by hands, that at that time ye were without Christ, 
being aliens from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers to the covenants 
of the promise, having no hope, and without God in the world; but now in 
Christ Jesus ye, who once were far off, have been made nigh by the blood of 


4 Christ ; for he is our peace, who hath made both one, and hath broken down the 


170 


πάντα ὑπέταξεν ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ. In the 


middle wall of partition,’ having abolished in his flesh the enmity, even the 
law of commandments in ordinances, that he might make in himself of twain 
one new man, so making peace, and that he might reconcile both unto God in 


ot λοιποί. In Eng. ver. “ others,” which 


LXX. the words are: πάντα ὑπέταξας ὑποκάτω 
τῶν ποδῶν αὐτοῦ. 

ἘΠ σὸν αἰῶνα τοῦ κόσμου τούτου. In αἰῶνα the 
Apostle may be referring to the won of this 
world in the Gnostic sense, but the English ver- 
sion is very felicitous. 

πὸ The prince of sublunary things, as repre- 
sented by the air which, while in the body, we 
all breathe, and which was supposed by the 
ancients to be haunted by evil spirits. 
depos appears to be opposed to ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρα- 
viows, Where dwell the angels. 

“S$ Te. all we Christians, whether converts 
from Judaism or heathenism, as opposed to 
“the rest” mentioned at the end of the verse— 
yiz. those who had not been converted. 

τ In Eng. ver. “ the mind.” 


TOU 


τῶν διανοιῶν. 


does not give the force of the article. 

16 See note, i. 3. 
χρηστότητι. In Eng. ver. “ kindness.” 
By Grace, as the efficient cause, through 
Faith, as the means or instrument, ye “ have 
been saved”—€ore σεσωσμένοι. The Apostle, 
looking to the end, assumes salvation to have 
been already accomplished. 

™ The Apostle here alludes to the wall of 
partition in the Temple at Jerusalem, which 
divided the court of the Gentiles from the 
court of the Jews, and which if any heathen 
passed, he was liable (by permission of the 
Romans themselves) to be put to death. Paul 
was nearly killed in the outer court for having, as 
was falsely alleged, taken Trophimus, an Ephe- 
sian and heathen, beyond the allowed limits. 

2 9 


4L4 


177 


178 


[A.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [Cuar. VI. 


one body by the cross, having slain the enmity thereby ; and came and brought 
the Gospel of peace to you which were afar off, and to them that were nigh; 
for through him we both have access by one spirit unto the Father. Now, 
therefore, ye are no more strangers and sojowrners, but fellow-citizens with 
the saints, and of the household of God; and are built upon the foundation of 
the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner βίοπο, 
in whom all the building fitly framed together groweth unto a holy temple in 
the Lord, in whom ye also are builded together for a habitation of God through 
the Spirit. 

“For this cause I, Paul, the prisoner of Jesus Christ for you Gentiles, 
(if at least ** ye have heard’ of the dispensation of the grace of God which 
is given me to you-ward, how that by revelation he made known unto me the 
mystery, as I have written '** afore in brief, whereby, when ye read, ye may 
understand my knowledge in the mystery of Christ, which in other ages was 
not made known unto the sons of men, as it is now revealed unto the holy 


i) apostles ἢ and prophets '*’ by the Spirit, that the Gentiles should be fellow- 


heirs, and of the same body, and partakers of the promise in Christ by the 
Gospel, whereof I was made a minister, according to the gift of the grace of 
God given unto me by the operation of his power—unto me, who am less than 
the least of all saints, was this grace given, that I should carry the glad tidings 
of the Gospel of the unsearchable riches of Christ among the Gentiles, and 
enlighten all men what is the déspensation’** of the mystery, which from 
the beginning of the world was hid in God, who created all things:'*’ to the 
intent that now unto the principalities and powers in heavenly places ‘°° 
might be known through the Church the manifold wisdom of God, according 


to the eternal purpose which he formed’ in Christ Jesus our Lord, in whom 


180 The Apostle alludes to the corner-stones of 


clusively. 


the Temple, which were of wonderful magni- 
tude. The largest stone now at Jerusalem is 
that at the south-west corner of the Haram, 
which measures 30 feet 10 inches in length by 
63 feet in breadth. 

1δ The preaching of Paul, that salvation was 
open to the Gentiles without the law of Moses, 
was the cause of the constant persecution of him 
by the Jews, and now of his present imprison- 
ment by their procurement. 

2 εἴγε. The ‘if’ of the Eng. ver. does not 
express the force of the original. 

188. Such language was properly addvessed to 
the Laodiceans and others who had not seen and 
did not know Paul, but was very inappropriate 
to the Ephesians, who were intimately acquainted 
with him. In other words, the Epistle could 
not haye been written to the Ephesians ex- 


™* προέγραψα. In Eng. ver. “1 wrote,” which 
might lead one to suppose that he was referring 
to another and different letter. 

189 ἐν ὀλίγῳ. In Eng. ver. “ in few words.” 

18° Paul himself was an Apostle, but he 
counted himself “less than the least of them” 
(iii. 8), and speaks of them here as holy—as a 
body only, and without reference to himself 
personally. 

187 See Vol. I. p. 391. 

188 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford, all agree that the true reading is 
οἰκονομία, and Not κοινωνία. 

8 The words διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ in the Textus 
receptus are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, 
Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

1 See i. 3, note. 


181 ἐποίησεν. ἴῃ Eng. ver. “ purposed.” 


Cuap. 11 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [a.p, 62 261 


19 


14,15 


Cu. IV. 


OBOoNtoanFr ww 


10 
71 


we have boldness and access with confidence by the faith of him); wherefore 
I desire that ye faint not at my tribulations for you, which is your glory.’™ 
For this cause I bend’? my knees unto the Father,’* of whom every juther- 
hood**° in heayen and on earth is named, that he would grant you, according 
to the riches of his glory, to be strengthened with might by his Spirit in the 
inner man, that Christ may dwell in your hearts by Faith, that ye, being 
rooted and grounded in love, may be able to comprehend with all saints what 
is the breadth, and length, and depth, and height, and to know the love of 
Christ, which passeth knowledge, that ye may be filled with all the fuiness of 
God—Now unto him that is able to do exceeding abundantly above what we 
ask or think, according to the power that worketh in us—unto him be glory 
in the Church by Christ Jesus throughout all ages, world without end! 
Amen. 

“T, therefore, the prisoner of the Lord, beseech you that ye walk worthy 
of the calling wherewith ye are called, with all lowliness and meekness, with 
long-suffering, forbearing one another in love, str/ving to keep the unity of 
the spirit in the bond of peace. There is one Body,'*® and one Spirit '” (even 
as ye are called in one hope of your calling), one Lord,’ one Faith, one 
Baptism, one God and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in 
you all’? But unto each one of us is given grace according to the measure of 
the gift of Christ; wherefore he saith, ‘When he ascended up on high, he led 
captive captivity,2” and gave gifts unto men. (Ps. Ixvii. 18.) (But this * he 
ascended,’ what is it but that he also descended *”? into the lower parts of the 
earth? he that descended is the same also that ascended up far above all 
heavens, that he might fill all things ;) and he gave some, apostles ; and some, 


prophets ;7°° and some, evangelists ;** and some, pastors 205 and teachers,?” 


12 The Apostle beseeches them not to lose 
heart because he was suffering imprisonment for 
believing in Christ—nay, they ought rather to 
boast of it. 

198 κάμπτω. In Eng. ver. “ bow.” 

18 The words τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ 
in the Textus receptus are rejected by Griesbach, 
Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

1 πᾶσα πατριά. In Eng. ver. “ the whole 
family,’ by which the reference in πατριά to the 
preceding πατέρα is lost. The Apostle seems to 
say that God, as the Father of all, is the proto- 
type of every earthly father. 

198 That is, one body of the Catholic church. 

7 That is, one Holy Ghost, which animates 
the body of the church. 

195. That is, one Christ, who is Lord and Master 
of the church, and so its Head. 

1 One God, who, in the character of the 


Father, is supreme over all Christians; in the 
character of the Son is throughout all His 
church, and one with it; and in the character of 
the Holy Ghost is present in the hearts of all 
true believers. 

20 ἡγμαλώτευσεν αἰχμαλωσίαν --- captured cap- 
tives’ or ‘made captives, and not “led the 
captors captive.” 

20. This agrees with the LXX., except that for 
ἔδωκε δόματα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, the ΟΥ̓Χ. has ἔλαβες 
δόματα ἐν ἀνθρώπῳ. 

22 The word πρῶτον, ‘first, is rejected by 
Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendort, and 
Alford. 

> See Vol. 1. p. 391. 

24 That is, preachers of the Gospel. 

Ξο5 Those who had any cure of souls. 

τοῦ Those whose province in particular was 
religious instruction. 


262 [a.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 
12 
13 up of the body of Christ, till we all attain unto 
14 
15 
16 
17 increase of the body unto the building up of itself in love. 
18 
19 
20,21 greediness. But ye have not so learned Christ, if at least 
22 
23, 24 
25 of the truth. Wherefore putting 
26 neighbour, for we are members 
27 
28 to the devil. 
29 part to him that needeth. 
30 it may minister grace unto the hearers. 
51 


»( 


[Cuap. VI. 


for the perfecting of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the budding 
201 the unity of the faith, and 
of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure 
of the stature 7°° of the fulness of Christ ; that we be no more children, tossed 
to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of 
men, by craftiness after the wiliness of deceit,’ but speaking the truth in love, 
may grow up into him in all things, who is the head, even Christ, from whom 
the whole body compounded together and compacted by that which every joint 
supplieth, according to the working in the measure of every part, maketh 
This I say, there- 
fore, and testify in the Lord, that ye walk no more, as also the other Gentiles 
walk, in the vanity of their mind, having the understanding darkened, 
being alienated from the life of God through the ignorance that is in 
them, because of the blindness of their heart, who being past feeling have 
xiven themselyes over unto lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness with 
10 ye have heard 
him, and have been taught zn him, as the truth is in Jesus, that ye put off 
concerning the former conversation the old man, which is corrupt according 
to the lusts of deceit, and be renewed in the spirit of your mind, and that ye 
put on the new man, which after God is created in righteousness and holiness 
away lying, speak every man truth with his 
one of another. ‘Be angry, and sin not’ 
(Ps. iv. 4):""" Let not the sun go down upon your wrath, neither give place 
Let him that sfealeth *? steal no more, but rather let him labour, 
working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to am- 
Let no corrupt communication proceed out of 
your mouth, but that which is good to the building up of what is needed, that 
And grieve not the holy Spirit of 
God, whereby ye are sealed unto the day of redemption. Let all bitterness, 
and wrath, and anger, and clamour, and evil speaking, be put away from you, 


” 


In Eng. ver. “ come in.” 
eis μέτρον ἡλικίας. ‘The same expression, in 
the sense of stature, is found in Lucian, Imag. 


Ὁ. τῆς ἡλικίας δὲ τὸ μέτρον, ἡλίκον ἂν γένοιτο, κατὰ 


“T καταντήσωμεν. 


τὴν ev Kvid@ ἐκείνην μάλιστα .. .. μεμετρήσθω. 
Lucian, Imag. 7. See Wetstein. The word 
ἡλικία, however, signifies also ‘age,’ and the 
Apostle may mean ἡ till we attain to manhood,’ 
oppesed to the ‘childhood’ mentioned imme- 
diately afterwards. 

*9 thy μεθοδείαν τῆς πλάνης. In Eng. ver. 
“ cunning craftiness, whereby they le in wait to 
deceive” 


210 εἴγε. In Eng. ver. “if so be.” Here again, 
if the letter was addressed to the Ephesians, 
how could the Apostle have made it hypotheti- 
cal whether they had heard the truth in the 
Gospel ? 

ἢ ὀργίζεσθε καὶ μὴ ἁμαρτάνετε. The words are 
taken from {πὸ LXX.; and not from the Hebrew, 
which runs, “ tremble [or “stand in awe,” Eng. 
yer.| and sin not.” Alford. 

2126 κλέπτων, ‘him that stealeth,’ 1.6. him 
that is guilty of theft. In Eng. ver. ‘ him that 
stole. 


παρ. VI.] 


[a.p. 62] 263 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 


32 with all malice; and be ye kind one to another, tender-hearted, forgiving one 
another, even as God in Christ hath forgiven you. 
Cu. V. “Be ye, therefore, followers of God, as beloved children, and walk in love, 
2 as Christ also hath loved us, and hath given himself wp for us an offering and 
3 a sacrifice to God for a sweet-smelling savour. 


218 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 


But fornication, and all un- 
cleanness, or covetousness, let it not be once named among you, as becometh 
saints; and filthiness, and foolish talking, and jesting, which are not seemly, 
but rather giving of thanks. For ye know assuredly,” that no whoremonger, 
nor unclean person, nor covetous man, who is an idolater, hath any inhe- 
ritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God; .(let no man deceive you 
with vain words,) for because of these things cometh the wrath of God upon 
the sons of disobedience. Be not ye, therefore, partakers with them ; for 
ye were once darkness, but now are ye light in the Lord. Walk as children 
of light (for the fruit of the light is in all goodness and righteousness 
and truth), proving what is well pleasing unto the Lord; and have no fel- 
lowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them, 
for it is shameful? even to speak of those things which are done of them in 
secret. But all things that are reproved are shown by the light, for what- 
soever is shown is light ;*° wherefore He *™ saith, ‘ Awake thou that sleépest, 
and arise from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light.’* 
that ye walk circumspectly, not as unwise, but as wise, redeeming the time, 


8 


See, then, 


because the days are evil; wherefore be ye not senseless,” but understand- 
ing what the will of the Lord is. And be not drunk with wine in which is 
excess, but be filled with the Spirit, speaking one to another “Ὁ in psalms and 
hymns and spiritual songs; singing and making melody in your heart to the 


Messiah. Wetstein. Others think that the Apostle 


and Alford, all agree that the true reading is tore 
γινώσκοντες, and not ἔστε γινώσκοντες. 

4 φωτὸς, and not πνεύματος, is the reading 
adopted by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, and Alford. 

43 αἰσχρόν. In Eng. ver. “a shame.” 

46 τὰ δὲ πάντα ἐλεχχύμενα, ὑπὸ τοῦ φωτὸς 
φανεροῦται. Πᾶν γὰρ τὸ φανερούμενον, φῶς ἐστι. 
In Eng. ver. “all things that are reproved are 
made manifest by the light, for whatsoever doth 
make manifest is light.” The meaning appears 
to be: Ye are the lignt of the world, and as 
such ye ought to reproye the dark practices of 
the heathen about you. If the deformity of 
vice is to be shown up at all, it must be by 
means of the light shining upon it. 

“7 He, i.e. God. 

218 This seems to be a paraphrase of Isaiah 1.2, 
which the Jews have always interpreted of the 


is quoting from a lost Christian hymn, or from 
some Apocryphal writing, or from some liturgi- 
eal service. Those who take it fora hymn would 
write it thus: 

*"Eyetpe ὃ καθεύδων 

καὶ ἀνάστα ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν 

καὶ ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὃ Χριστός. 


“18 ἄφρονες. 
Ὁ 


In Eng. ver. “ unwise.” 
ἑαυτοῖς. In Eng. ver. “to yourselves.” We 
have here a trace of the early Christian liturgy, 
as consisting, in part at least, of sentences and 
responses. The same custom is alluded to by 
Pliny in his letter to Trajan: Soliti [Christiani] 
stato die ante lucem conyenire, carmenque Christo 
quasi Deo dicere secum invicem. Plin. Epist. x. 
96 (al. 97). So Nicephorus, Hist. xiii. ὃ: 


ee ; , Ξ a 
τῶν ἀντιφώνων συνήθειαν ἄνωθεν anouréhov 7 


τὴν 


ἐκκλησία παρέλαβε. Alford. 


264 


oii 


201 


#1 That is, to Christ, as in Pliny’s letter. 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 


[A.D. 62] [Cuap. VI. 


Lord ;#! giving thanks always for all things unto God and the Father in the 
name of our Lord Jesus Christ ; submitting yourselves one to another in the 
fear of Christ.?” 

“ Wives, submit yourselves unto your own husbands as unto the Lord, for 
the husband is the head of the wife, even as Christ is the head of the 
church,2* the saviour of the body; but as the church is subject unto Christ, 
Husbands, 
love your wives, even as Christ also loved the church, and gave himself for it, 


so let the wives also be to their own husbands in every thing. 


that he might sanctify and cleanse it with the washing of water im the 
Word,” that he might present it to himself a glorious church, not having 
spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing, but that it should be holy, and without 
blemish. So ought husbands to love their wives as their own bodies. He that 
loveth his wife loveth himself; for no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but 
nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as Christ?’ the church; for we are mem- 
bers of his body, of his flesh, and of his bones. ‘ For this cause shall a man 
leave his father and mother, and shall be joined unto his wife, and they two 
shall be one flesh.’ (Gen. 11. 24.)”° This is a great mystery ;**" but I speak 
concerning Christ and the church.” But ye also severally” love every one 
in particular his wife even as himself; and [16] the wife [see] that she 
reverence her husband. 

“Children, obey your parents in the Lord, for this is right. ‘Honour thy 
father and mother’ (which is the first commandment with promise), ‘that it 
may be well with thee, and thou mayest live long on the earth.’ (Ha. xx. 12.)**° 
And, ye fathers, provoke not your children to wrath; but bring them up in 
the nurture and admonition of the Lord. 


“Servants,” be obedient to them that are your masters according to the 


See version translates this “ Sacramentum hoc mag- 


ante, p. 77. 

2 Χριστοῦ is substituted for Θεοῦ by Gries- 
bach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and 
Alford. 

=’ The words in the Textus receptus, καὶ αὐτός 
ἐστι (‘and he is’) are omitted by Griesbach, 
Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

4 ἐν ῥήματι-- the Word’ emphatically, i.e. 
the Word of God, or the Gospel—the ῥῆμα 
Θεοῦ spoken of, post, vi. 17. 

°° Χριστὸς is substituted for Κύριος by Gries- 
bach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and 
Alford. 

2° The only variation from the LXX. is, that 
for ἕνεκεν τούτου the Apostle substitutes ἀντὶ 
τουτου. 


“7 Τὸ μυστήριον τοῦτο μέγα ἐστὶν. The Vulgate 


num est,” and hence the Roman Catholic doc- 
trine ‘an error from a mistranslation) that 
marriage is a sacrament. 

#8 Te. the mystery to which I refer is the 
mystical union of Christ with his church. 

229 πλὴν καὶ ὑμεῖς. In Eng. ver. “ neverthe- 
less.” 

*0 The only vaviation from the LXX. is, that 
for iva μακροχρόνιος γενῇ the Apostle reads ἔσῃ 
μακροχρόνιος. 

351. οἱ δοῦλοι ---᾿ Slaves’—for at that time slavery 
was common in every country, and it was Chris- 
tianity that abolished it, not by any direct pre- 
cept—for, on the contrary, the Apostle here 
prescribes the relative duties of master and 
slave—but the humanising influence of Chris- 
tianity led to this result. 


Cuap. VI.] 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [A.D, 62] 265 


Ὁ ὦ “1 SD 


10 
11 
12 


15 


14 
15 


flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ ; 
not with eye service, as men-pleasers, but as the servants of Christ, doing 
the will of God from the heart, with good-will doing service as to the Lord, 
and not to men, knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, that 
shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be a servant or free. And, ye 
masters, do the same things unto them, forbearing threatening, knowing 
that your Master also is in heaven; neither is there respect of persons with 
him. 

“ For the rest, my brethren, be strong in the Lord, and in the power of his 
might. Puton the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to stand against 
the wiles of the devil: for to us the wrestling * is not against flesh and blood, 
but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of darkness,” 
against spiritual wickedness in heavenly places.*** Wherefore take wp the whole 
armour *° of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day, and having 
done all, to stand (fig. 294). Stand, therefore, having your loins girt about with 
truth,*® and having “ put on the breastplate of righteousness ” (Js. lix. 17), 


16 


and your feet shod with the readiness of the Gospel of peace ;*" above all, 


2 ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἡ πάλη. In Eng. ver. “we wrestle.” 

*88 The words τοῦ αἰῶνος --- of the world’—are 
rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, and Alford. 

58: That is, spiritual wickedness in those places 
where we ought to find heavenly tempers. See 
note, i. 3. 

85 τὴν πανοπλίαν. So Josephus: τὰς πανοπλίας 
ἀναλαβόντες, εὐθέως ἐχώρουν εἰς τὸ ἔργον. Ant. iv. 
5,2. And so Ant. xx. 5, 3. 

The Apostle, who writes linked by a chain 
to a Roman soldier, proceeds to describe in 
detail the accoutrements of one fully armed—the 
helmet, the breastplate, the girdle, the shield, 
the sword, and even the shoes. The picture is 
historically correct, and Josephus portrays the 
Roman soldier at the outbreak of the Jewish 
war, not ten years later than the date of the 
Epistle, in similar terms. οἱ μὲν πεζοὶ θωραξί 
τε πεφραγμένοι καὶ κράνεσιν καὶ μαχαιροφο- 
ροῦντες ἀμφοτέρωθεν, μακρότερον δὲ αὐτῶν τὸ 
λαιὸν ξίφος πολλῷ" τὸ γὰρ κατὰ δεξιὸν σπιθαμῆς 
οὐ πλέον ἔχει μῆκος. φέρουσι δὲ... ξυστόν 
τε καὶ θυρεὸν ἐπιμήκη, πρὸς οἷς πρίονα καὶ κόφινον 
ἄμην τε καὶ πέλεκυν, πρὸς δὲ ἱμάντα καὶ δρέπανον 
καὶ ἅλυσιν. Bell. iii. 5,5. The historian omits 
the girdle and the shoes, or more properly the 
sandals (see note *’), as worn generally, and 
not confined to the military; but perhaps the 
girdle is comprised under the ἱμάντα, which may 
have served the double purpose of a girdle and 


VOL. Π. 


a thong. The shoes are afterwards referred 
to particularly in recounting the exploits of the 
centurion Julianus, who, from his hob-nailed 
shoes, slipped on the polished pavement of the 
Temple and fell—ra yap ὑποδήματα πεπαρμένα 
πυκνοῖς καὶ ὀξέσιν ἥλοις ἔχων, k.7.\.—and after 
laying about him with his sword (ξίφει), and 
defending himself with his shield (θυρεῷ), and 
protecting the vital parts as well as he could 
with his corslet (θώρακι) and helmet (κράνει), at 
last succumbed. Jos. Bell. vi. 1, 8. 

It is worthy of remark that the Apostle omits 
one part of the soldier's armament, viz. the 
spear; and this, no doubt, designedly, as the 
Christian is not to use offensive, but only de- 
fensive weapons. He is to “stand,” and “ having 
done all, to stand,” but not to advance. 

*6 The girdle was an adjunct to the soldier's 
accoutrements from the time of Homer down- 
wards. 

᾽Ατρείδης δ᾽ ἐβόησεν, ἰδὲ ζώννυσθαι ἄνωγεν 
᾿Αργείους. 
iad, xi. 15. 
See Wetstein. 

°S7 ὑποδησάμενοι, κατιλ. The ὑπόδημα was the 
thick, nailed sandal worn by the common sol- 
dier, as opposed to the calceus or shoe with an 
upper leather worn by the officers above the 
rank of a centurion. See Smith’s Dict. of Antiq. 
art. Saridalium. In exhorting Christians to be 
shod with the readiness of the Gospel, the Apostle 
alludes to the injunction given to the Israelites 


2m 


[a.p. 62] 


EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 


[Cuar. VI. 


taking up the shield 3385. of faith, wherewith ye shall be able to quench all 
17 the fiery darts*® of the wicked one; and take “the helmet of salvation” 
18 (Is. lix. 17), and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God, praying 


Fig, 294.— Portrait of a Roman soldier, fully armed. 


From Hope's Costumes, 


always with all prayer and supplication in the Spirit, and watching thereunto 
19 with all perseverance and supplication for all saints, and for me, that utterance 
may be given unto me that I may open my mouth boldly, to make known the 
20 mystery of the gospel, for which I am an ambassador in bonds, that therein 
I may speak boldly, as I ought to speak. 
21 “But that ye also may know my affairs, how I do, Tychicus, the beloved 
brother and faithful minister in the Lord, wl? make known to you all things ; 


to be ready to march on the instant “ with their 
loins girded, and their shoes on their feet, and 
their staves in their hand.” Exod. xii. 11. See 
Wordsworth. 

388. τὸν A@vpeov—the ‘scutum,’ or large oblong 
shield, as opposed to the aomais—the ‘ clypeus,’ or 
small round buckler. Josephus thus points the 
distinction. The light-armed body guard car- 
ried the λόγχην καὶ doniSa—the lance and the 
buckler ; but the legionaries carried the ξυστόν 
τε kai Ovpeov—the spear and the shield. Bell. iii. 
5,5. The θυρεὸν was so called from its resem- 
blance to a door—#ipa. Ovpeds est scutum 
oblongum, ut fores; ἀσπὶς rotundum. Intelli- 
gitur reum vel ere obductum, qualia Roman- 
orum et Grecorum scuta erant. ineas Tact. 
107. This and other passages are cited by Wet- 
stein ad loeum, which see. 

*° Darts and arrows were made to carry fire 


im various ways, as, for example, by a bandage 
of lighted tow about the point. See the several 
passages quoted by Wetstein. 

3:9 One explanation of this ‘also’ is as follows : 
The Apostle wrote at the same time another 
letter, viz. to the Colossians, and while the letter 
to the Laodiceans was purely doctrinal, that 
to the Colossians contained matter of a more 
familiar and private character ; but while the 
mission of Tychicus was more particularly to 
the Colossians, he was also to communicate by 
the way with the Laodiceans. Another and 
better explanation of the word is that, as the 
Apostle had received intelligence from Epaphro- 
ditus of the state of the Laodicean and other 
churches, and wrote to them in consequence, he 
now commissions Tychicus, by way of recipro- 
city, to make known the condition of Paul also 
to the Laodiceans and others. See next note. 


[a.p. 62] 267 


Cuap. VI.] EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 


22 whom I have sent unto you for this very purpose, that ye may know our 
affairs, and that he may comfort your hearts.” 
23 “Peace be to the brethren,” and love with faith, from God the Father and 
24 the Lord Jesus Christ. Gracr BE WITH ALL THEM THAT LOVE ouR Lorp Jesus 
CHRIST IN SINCERITY. AMEN.” ἢ 
The Apostle next proceeded to indite his Epistle to the Colossians. In the 
first part, after a salutation from himself and Timothy, he expounds, in a summary 
way (1. 3), the call of the Gentiles (of whom were the Colossians) by the free grace 
of God, without the adoption of the Law, viz., that both Jews and Gentiles, without 
distinction, were now one fold in Christ. The impress of the Encyclical Epistle 
evidently remained on his mind, and he pursues the same line of argument, but he 
is here more brief, and adapts the exposition to the peculiar circumstances of the 
Colossian church. In the second part (ii. 1) he warns his converts against the 
Judaizers and Gnostics, who would impose upon the Gentiles many useless restric- 
tions and bodily mortifications. In the third part (i. 1) he urges them to the 
practice of the several Christian virtues, and concludes (iv. 7) with commending to 
them Tychicus his messenger, and sends yarious salutations, and finally bestows his 


benediction. The Epistle itself was as follows :— 


[The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 
thus Γ 7, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] 


Ga. 1. “Pau, AN ApostLe oF Jesus CHRIST BY THE WILL oF Gop, and ΤΊΜΟΤΗΥ 

2 OUR BROTHER, TO THE SAINTS AND FAITHFUL BRETHREN IN CHRIST WHICH ARE 
at CoLoss&, GRACE BE UNTO YOU, AND PEACE, FROM Gop ouR FarHER AND 
THE Lorp Jesus Cunisr. 

δ, “We give thanks to God and the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, praying 

4 always for you, having heard of your faith in Christ Jesus, and of your love 

5 to all the saints, for the hope which is laid up for you in heaven (whereof ye 

6 heard before *** in the word of the truth of the Gospel, which is come unto 


*S The catholic character of the benediction 
confirms the hypothesis that the opening address 


41 Tn that age, when there was no public post 
for the transmission of letters, the anxiety of 


persons for the welfare of their absent friends 
was most intense. This passage in the Epistle 
reminds us of a similar one in a letter from 
Cicero to Atticus: Mitte ad nos de tuis aliquem 
tabellarium, ut et tu quid nos agamus et nos 
quid tu agas quidque acturus sis scire possimus. 
Cie. Ep. ad Att. v. 18. 

*2 To “the” brethren, not my brethren, for it 
has been observed that Paul nowhere through- 
out the Epistle calls those whom he was address- 
ing his brethren. The explanation is, that the 
Epistle was written to strangers in the flesh, and 
was purely doctrinal. 


was not to any church by name, but to “ the 
saints that are, and to the faithful in Christ 
Jesus.” The words in capitals were written 
with the Apostle’s own hand, to authenticate 
the letter as coming from him. See Vol. I. p. 284. 
“ἢ προηκούσατε. The Gospel, therefore, had 
been preached to them by Epaphras scme time 
before the date of the Epistle. Their conversion 
was probably effected by Epaphras while Paul 
was at Ephesus (A.D. 54-57), and the Epistle was 
written A.D. 62 (see ante, p. 244); so that an 
interval of at least five years had elapsed. 


2m 2 


268 


EPISTLE TO THE. COLOSSIANS. [Cuapr. VI. 


[a.D. 62] 


7 
8 
9 
10 


ΠῚ 
12 


18 
14, 15 
10 
17 
18 


19 
20 


you, as it is in all the world, and bringeth forth fruit, and increaseth,*’ as it 
doth also in you, since the day ye heard it, and knew the grace of God in 
truth, as ye**° learned of Epaphras, our dear fellow-servant,**’ who is for 
you ἢ a faithful minister of Christ, who hath also declared unto us your love 
in the spirit), for this cause we also, since the day we heard it, do not cease 
to pray for you,”** and to beseech that ye may be filled with the knowledge of 
his will in all wisdom and spiritual understanding—that ye walk worthy of 
the Lord unto all pleasing, being fruitful in every good work, and increasing 
in the knowledge of God, strengthened with all strength,» according to his 
glorious power, unto all patience and long-suffering with joyfulness, giving 
thanks unto the Father, which hath made us meet for the participation of 
the inheritance of the saints in light, who hath delivered us from the power 
of darkness, and hath translated us into the kingdom of the Son of his love,*' 
in whom we have redemption through his blood, the remisston of sins, who is 
the image of the invisible God, the first-born of all creation ;?* for by him *° 
were all things created, that are in heayen, and that are in earth, visible 
and invisible, whether they be thrones, or dominions, or principalities, or 
powers—all things were created by him, and for him, and he is before all 
things, and by him all things consist, and he is the head of the body, the 
Church, who is the beginning, the first-born from the dead, that in all things 
he may be first. For he [God] was pleased**‘ that in him should all fulness 
dwell, and, having made peace through the blood of his cross, by him to recon- 


*© Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, ently, the repetition of the same word; but the 


and Alford, all add the word αὐξανόμενον to the 
Text. recept. 

*6 Tn Eng. ver. “as ye also learned,” &e., but 
according to the best MSS., which are followed 
by Scholtz, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford, the word καὶ is not in the text, 
which makes it still clearer that Epaphras had 
been their first teacher. See Alford ad loc. 

*7 That is, they had heard the truth of the 
Gospel preached to them by Epaphras, who had 
been the Apostle’s missionary to work their con- 
version. 

48 Lachmann reads ἡμῶν for ὑμῶν, and this 
reading is adopted by Alford. If the true text 
be ‘on our behalf, it would confirm the view 
that Epaphras had been a missionary of Paul 
for the conversion of the Colossians. 

ἜΘ Tn the third verse the Apostle, in mention- 
ing his prayers for them, had deviated by way 
of parenthesis into the subject of their conver- 
sion by Epaphras, and he now returns to his 
prayers for them. 

20 ἐν πάσῃ δυνάμει δυναμούμενοι. In Eng. ver. 
“might” instead of ‘ strength, to avoid, appar- 


variation of the phrase, though more elegant, 
does not correctly represent the original. Here, 
as elsewhere, the Apostle’s “speech is not with 
enticing words of man’s wisdom.” 1 Cor. ii. 4. 

2 rod υἱοῦ τῆς ἀγαπῆς αὐτοῦ. In Hng. ver. 
“his dear son.” 

22 πρωτότοκος πάσης KTiaews—more literally 
‘born before all creation,’ the πρῶτος being used 
in the sense of πρότερος. Christ was the first- 
born of his Father in heaven, as he was the 
firstborn of his mother Mary on earth. “ The 
expression ‘born before anything was created’ 
excludes Christ from the number of created 
beings, and this priority is proved in ver. 16 by 
his haying created ali things. The Gnostics 
made Christ a later emanation from God.” Note 
by Barton. The word πρωτότοκος is not uncom- 
mon in the LXX., as, υἱὸς πρωτότοκός μου Ἰσραήλ. 
Exod. ii. 22. 
23. 
Ixxxvili, 28. 

205. ἐν avro—literally ‘in, not ‘ by’ him. 

24 The words ‘the father, which appear in 
the Eng. yer., are not in the Greek. 


τὸν υἱόν σου τὸν πρωτότοκον. Ib, 1]. 


πρωτότοκον θήσομαι αὑτὸν ὑψηλὸν, κιτιλ. Ps. 


(παρ. VI.] 


Cu. IT. 


8 


9 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. [a.p. 62] 269 


cile all things unto himself—by him [I say] whether they be things in earth, 
or things in heaven. And you, that were once alienated and enemies in your 
mind by wicked works, yet now hath he reconciled in the body of his flesh 
through death, to present you holy and blameless and unreproveable in his 
sight ; if at least*° ye continue in the faith grounded and settled, and be not 
moved away from the hope of the Gospel, which ye have heard, which hath 
been preached to all the creation, which is under heaven ;*°° whereof I Paul 
was made a minister.*’ Now rejoice I in my sufferings for you, and fill up 
that which is behind ** of the afilictions of Christ in my flesh for his body’s 
sake, which is the Church ;** whereof I was made a minister, according to 
the dispensation of God which was given to me for you, to fulfil the word of 
God, the mystery which was hid from ages and from generations, but now 
hath been made manifest to his saints, to whom God willed to make known 
what is the riches of the glory of this mystery among the Gentiles, which 
is Christ in you, the hope of glory, whom we preach, warning every man, 
and teaching every man in all wisdom, that we may present every man perfect 
in Christ, whereunto I also labour, striving according to his working, which 
worketh in me mightily. 

“For I would that ye knew what great conflict I have for you, and for 
them at Laodicea, and for as many as have not seen my face in the flesh,2™ that 
their hearts may be comforted, being knit together in love, and unto all riches 
of the full assurance of understanding, to the knowledge*® of the mystery of 
God,”** in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge. Bud this 
I say, lest any man should beguile you with enticing words; for though I be 
absent in the flesh, yet am I with you in the spirit, joying and beholding your 
order, and the steadfastness of your faith in Christ. As ye therefore received 
Christ Jesus ‘the Lord, so walk in him, rooted and built up in him, and 
stablished in the faith, as ye have been taught, abounding therein with 
thanksgiving. Beware lest any one spoil you, through philosophy and vain 
deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not 
after Christ. For in him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily ; 


255 


εἴγε. The force of this word is omitted in 
the Eng. ver. 

356 That is, not the Jew only, but to the Greeks 
and to all others, without distinction. 

**7 Paul here refers to his office of Apostle of 
the Gentiles as a justification for the writing of 
this Epistle to the Colossians, who were Gentiles, 
and whom Paul had not personally visited. 

28 τὰ ὑστερήματα--- the shortcomings,’ or that 
which is lacking. 

*9 This verse the Roman Catholics make use 
of as an argument for their Indulgences. They 
consider the sufferings of Christ and his Apostles 


as an account upon which the church may draw 
for pardon to sinners. See Alford. 

*° All the critics reject the word ‘ Jesus, 
which appears in the received text. 

* The Apostle, therefore, had never visited 
either Colossee or Laodicea. 

*2 ἐπίγνωσιν. In Eng. ver. “acknowledgment.” 
The ἐπὶ in the original gives the notion of com- 
plete knowledge. 

365. Griesbach, Scholtz, Tischendorf, and Alford 
omit the words καὶ Πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, and 
Lachmann has Χριστοῦ only. 


[a.D. 62] [Cuar. VI. 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 


10 and ye are made full*™* in him, who is the head of all principality and power : 


11 


12 
15 


14 


in whom also ye are circumcised with the circumcision made without hands, 
in the putting off of the body ** of the flesh by the circumcision of Christ, 
being buried with him in baptism, wherein also ye are raised with him through 
the faith of the operation of God, who raised him from the dead; and you, 
being dead in your ¢respasses, and the uncircumcision of your flesh, hath he 
quickened together with him, having forgiven you all trespasses, blotting out 
the hand-writing of ordinances that was against us, which was contrary to us, 


5 and took it out of the way, nailing it to the cross—-haying spoiled "δ᾽ princi- 


palities and powers, he made a show of them publicly,*”’ triumphing over them 
init. Let no one therefore judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of a 
Jeast,””* or of a new moon, or of sabbaths, which are a shadow of things to 
come; but the body is of Christ. Let no man beguile you, ἐγ he would,” of 
your reward, in humility and worshipping of angels,’ intruding into those 
things which he hath not seen, vainly puffed up by his fleshly mind, and not 
holding the head, from which all the body by joints and bands having nourish- 
ment ministered ¢o τέ, and knit together, increaseth with the increase of God. 
If therefore ye be dead with Christ from the rudiments of the world, why, as 
though living in the world, are ye subject to ordinances (‘Touch not! taste 
not! handle not!’ which all are to perish with the using), after the command- 


Which things have indeed a show of wisdom 


272 


ments and doctrines of men ? 


in will-worship,?"’ and humility, 


and penance*"* of the body: not in in- 


dulgence *™* to the satisfying of the flesh.*° 


°* πεπληρωμένοι. In Eng. ver. “complete,” 
which does not carry on the word on which the 
Apostle was dwelling. 

°° Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford, all reject the words τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν -- of 
the sins’—which appear in the Textus receptus. 

°° drexOvodpevos—literally, ‘having stripped ’ 
—an allusion to the Roman triumph, in which 
the captives were stripped and led naked. 

ὙΠ ἐν παῤῥησίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “ openly.” 
Another allusion to the Roman triumph, in 
which the conquered kings and captains were 
exhibited publicly, and exposed to the gaze and 
derision of the people that lined the streets. 

*68 ἑορτῆς. In Eng. ver. “a holyday.” 

"ἢ θέλων. In Eng. ver. the word is coupled 
with humility—“a voluntary humility.” 

*° We have noticed before that all divine 
interference—as the creation of the world, the 
delivery of the Law, &c.—was ascribed by the 
Jews to angels, and the abuse of this doctrine 
led naturally to the worshipping of angels, the 
ministering spirits, instead of Jehovah, the 
supreme God. This adoration of angels, which 


was closely connected with Gnosticism, was ex- 
tremely prevalent at Colosse, and hence the 
rebuke and caution of the Apostle to that 
church. It is seldom that history furnishes any 
clue to the precepts contained in the Epistles, 
but curiously enough Theodoret, in a passage 
cited by Alford, makes mention of this heresy 
as widely spread in this part of Phrygia. ἔμεινε 
δὲ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος [the worshipping of angels] ἐν 
τῇ Φρυγίᾳ καὶ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι πολλοῦ, οὗ δὴ χάριν καὶ 
συνελθοῦσα σύνοδος, κιτιλ. Theodoret. on Coloss. ii, 
See Alford ad locum. 


ὅτι €OcehoOpnoxeia— an affectation of sanctity.’ 
“12 ταπεινοφροσύνῃ. The “pride that apes 
humility.” 


*8 ἀφειδίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “neglecting.” The 
literal meaning is, ‘the not sparing.’ 

215 In Eng. ver. “ not in any 
honor.” It means, not in any humouring of the 
body, as opposed to the penance of it mentioned 
just before. 

* The doctrines of the Gnostics are here 
referred to. See ante, p. 249. 


οὐκ ἐν τιμῇ τινι. 


Cuap, VI.] EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. [4.D. 62 271 


Cu. IIT, 
2 


« 
e 


16 


17 


19 


“Tf ye then be risen with Christ, seek those things which are above, 
where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God. Mind*® things above, not 
things on the earth; for ye are dead, and your life is hid with Christ in 
God. When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear 
with him in glory. Mortify therefore your members, which are upon the earth 
—fornication, uncleanness, inordinate affection, evil concupiscence and 
coyetousness, which is idolatry ; 7 for which things’ sake the wrath of God 
cometh on the children of disobedience; in the which ye also walked some- 
time, when ye lived in them. But now put ye also away all these—anger, 
wrath, malice, blasphemy, filthy speaking out of your mouth. Lie not one to 
the other, seeing that ye have put off the old man with his deeds, and have 
put on the new man, which is renewed in knowledge after the image of him 
that created him, wherein there is neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor 
uncircumcision, Barbarian, Scythian, bond or free; but Christ is all, and in 
all. Put on, therefore, as the elect of God, holy and beloved, bowels of 
mercy,”’* kindness, humbleness of mind, meekness, long-suffering, forbearing 
one another, and forgiying one another, if any man have a complaint against 
any ; even as Christ forgave you, so also do ye. And above all these things 
put on love, which is the bond of perfectness. And let the peace of Christ "τὸ 
rule in your hearts, to the which also ye are called in one body, and be ye 
thankful. Let the word of Christ dwell in you richly in all wisdom, teaching 
and admonishing one another in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs, singing 
with grace in your hearts to God.*’ And whatsoever ye do in word or deed, 
do all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God even the Father 
by him. 

“Wives, submit yourselves unto your *? husbands, as it is fit in the Lord. 
Husbands, love your wives, and be not bitter against them. Children, obey 
your parents in all things, for this is well pleasing ἐν ἡ the Lord. Fathers, 
provoke not your children, lest they be discouraged. Servants, obey in all 
things your masters according to the flesh, not with eye-service, as men- 
pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing the Lord.** Whatsoever** ye do, 
do it heartily, as to the Lord, and not unto men, knowing that of the Lord 
ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance, for ye serve the Lord Christ. 
But he that doeth wrong shall receive the wrong which he hath done, and there 


5τὸ φρονεῖτε. In Eng. ver. “set your affections 79 All the critics adopt Χριστοῦ in the place 


on.” 


of Θεοῦ. 


7 « Τρ not, like the Gnosties, mortify the 380. All the critics read Θεῷ instead of Κυρίῳ. 
body, but mortify the lusts of the mind, *t All the critics reject the word ἰδίοις, ‘own.’ 
“8 According to all the critics, the word should *2 The ancient MSS. have ἐν Κυρίῳ. 
be in the singular, οἰκτιρμοῦ, and notin the plural 8 All the critics have Κύριον instead of Θεόν. 


οἰκτιρμῶν. 


24 καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι ἐὰν : the critics read ὁ ἐὰν simply. 


272 


[a.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. [Cuar. VI. 


Ou. IV. 
2 


9 


On 


“I 


11 


is no respect of persons. Masters, give unto your servants that which is just 
and equal; knowing that ye also have a Master in heaven. Continue in 
prayer, watching in ἐξ with thanksgiving, withal praying also for us, that 
God may open unto us a door of utterance to speak the mystery of Christ, 
for which? I am also in bonds, that I may make it manifest, as I ought to 
speak. Walk in wisdom toward them that are without, redeeming the time. 
Let your speech be alway with grace, seasoned with salt, that ye may know 
how ye ought to answer every man. 

“ All my state shall Tychicus ** make known unto you, the beloved brother, 
and faithful minister and fellow-servant in the Lord, whom I have sent unto 
you for this very purpose, that he may know your estate, and comfort your 
hearts, with Onesimus,” the faithful and beloved brother, who is one of you. 
They will make known unto you all things which are done here. Aristarchus *** 
259. saluteth you, and Mark, the cousin of Barnabas *°° 
(touching whom ye received commandments—if he come unto you, receive 
him),**' and Jesus, that is called Justus,*** who are of the circumcision, These 


my fellow-prisoner 


8° The admission of the Gentiles, a doctrine 
that so provoked the Jews that they never ceased 
to persecute the Apostle of the Gentiles, and 
were the cause of his present imprisonment. 

*° Tychicus (accompanied by Onesimus) was 
the bearer of the Epistle. 

27 This is, no doubt, the Onesimus the run- 
away slave of Philemon; and how kindly does 
the Apostle here commend him to the favourable 
notice of the Colossians by calling him a “ faith- 
ful and beloved brother,” and by mentioning 
that he was “one of them,” i.e. their fellow- 
countryman ! 

°° Here begin the salutations, viz. from Ari- 
starchus, Mark, and Jesus (called Justus), who 
are distinguished as “of the circumcision,” 1.6. 
Jews; and then from Epaphras, Luke, and 
Demas, who were consequently Gentiles. 

*° Ayistarchus had voluntarily shared the 
Apostle’s captivity, and was now in attendance 
upon him, and possibly in the same lodging; or 
perhaps Avistarchus had been actually incarce- 
rated with Paul in one of the numerous im- 
prisonments referred to at 2 Cor. xi. 28; or 
perhaps Paul means only that Aristarchus was 
his fellow-iabourer in the Gospel. See note post, 
on Philem. ver. 23. 

“0 The Greek word ἀνεψιός signifies, not 
“sister’s son,” or even “nephew,” but the 
“cousin” of Barnabas. Mark was the son of 
Mary (Acts xii. 12), and Mary was probably the 


sister of Barnabas’s father or mother, As Paul 
here speaks of Mark as his fellow-labourer at 
Rome, it is manifest that at this time Mark, 
though generally considered the companion of 
Peter, was attendant upon Paul. He was after- 
wards again with Peter in Babylon (1 Pet. y. 18); 
but on the death of Peter, was again with Paul. 
2 Tim, iy. 11. 

*! Why should the Apostle say thus emphati- 
cally that they should receive him? It will be 
recollected that Mark, on Paul’s first circuit, 
had deserted him in Pamphylia (Acts xiii. 13); 
and as Pamphylia bordered on Phrygia, it has 
been surmised that this dereliction of duty on 
the part of Mark produced an unfavourable 
impression at Colosse and the other Phrygian 
churches. Paul, therefore, who had since frankly 
forgiven Mark, now writes to the Colossians to 
accord him a kind reception. 

* Tt is not known who this Jesus (called 
Justus) was, unless it was the Justus who had 
a house next the Synagogue at Corinth, and was 
a Jewish proselyte. Acts xvili.7. It is worthy of 
note that Justus joins in the salutations of this 
Epistle, but not in the salutations of the Epistle 
to Philemon, which was despatched at the same 
time. The other salutations are the same in 
both Epistles. We should infer, from this dis- 
tinction, that Justus was not known to Philemon 
personally, 


Cuar. VI] 


273 


EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 


12 


13 


only are my fellow-workers unto the kingdom of God, which have been a 
comfort unto me.”’* Epaphras, who is one of you, a servant of Christ, salut- 
eth you, always wrestling ** feryently for you in prayers, that ye may stand 
perfect and complete in all the will of God, for I bear him record, that he 
hath much labour **? for you, and them that are in Laodicea, and them in 


14 Hierapolis.“° Luke, the beloved physician,’ and Demas,”** salute you.*"" 
15 Salute the brethren which are in Laodicea,*"” and Nymphas,*”' and the church 


16 


17 


18 


which is in his house, and when this epistle is read among you, cause that 
it be read also in the church of the Laodiceans, and that ye likewise read 
the Epistle from Laodicea.** And say to Archippus,*’? Take heed to the 
ministry which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfil it. The salu- 
tation “’* by the hand of me, Paul. (Remember my bonds.*”) Gnracr Be witH 
you. AMEN.” 


385. That is, ‘These three (Aristarchus, Mark, 
and Justus) are the only Jews who haye assisted 
me in preaching the true Gospel. The rest of 
my countrymen are Judaizers, and preach the 
Gospel for envy and strife only.’ See Philipp. i. 
15. 

4 ἀγωνιζόμενος. In Eng. ver. “ labouring. 

29 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford, all agree that the true reading is 
πολὺν πόνον, and not ζῆλον πολύν. 

395 Tt may be reasonably inferred from this 
passage that Epaphras had been the Christian 
missionary who had first sown the seeds of the 
Gospel in these three cities. 

*7 Paul suffered much from bodily weakness, 
and Luke, who was of Antioch, was perhaps his 
medical attendant there; and being a convert, 
accompanied Paul not unfrequently on his cir- 
cuit, as was certainly the case on Paul’s second 
circuit. See Vol. I. p. 197. ᾿ 

595. Demas was afterwards a renegade—or at 
least deserted the Apostle (2 Tim. iv. 10)—and 
it has been acutely remarked by Alford, that as 
Demas is the only person here named without 
some favourable notice, it is not unlikely that 
the Apostle had already entertained some sus- 
picion of his sincerity. 

399 Observe that Philemon, though a Colos- 
sian, is not greeted here. Why? Because Paul 
at the same time writes a letter to Philemon 
himself. 

8° The Epistle to the Ephesians (addressed 
really to the Laodiceans, with others) and the 
Epistle to the Colossians were twin Epistles, sent 
at the same time and by the same messenger; but 
the Ephesians—i.e. the Epistle to the Laodi- 


VOL. I. 


” 


ceans, With others—being encyclical and purely 
doctrinal, contains no personal allusions or salu- 
tations such as are contained in the Epistle to 
the Colossians. Even the salutation of the Lao- 
diceans themseives is sent in the Epistle to the 
Colossians. 

“! Nymphas (the contraction of Nymphodorus) 
was the spiritual pastor or bishop of the rising 
church at Laodicea, and the disciples were wont 
to assemble at his house for public worship. 

82 The Epistle to the Laodiceans called the 
Ephesians was therefore now in existence, and 
consequently was written before the Epistle to 
the Colossians. 

*8 From the Epistle to Philemon being ad- 
dressed to Philemon and Apphia (his wife), and 
Archippus, and the church in the house of Phile- 
mon, we may infer, as the letter was a private 
one on the subject of domestic matters, that 
Archippus was the near relative, and probably 
a son, of Philemon; and as Archippus is warned 
to “take heed to the ministry which he had re- 
ceived,” we may further conclude that he was 
the pastor of the little flock which met at Phile- 
mon’s house, and that he had not long before 
been ordained to the ministry. 

st By the “salutation” is meant the benedic- 
tion which closed every Epistle, and which was 
always written by the Apostle’s own hand. The 
Apostle’s impaired eyesight obliged him to em- 
ploy an amanuensis for the body of every 
Epistle. 

“® The Apostle mentions this by way of apology 
for the brief salutation that follows. The Apostle’s 
right hand being chained to a soldier’s left, he 
could not use the pen without inconvenience, 


2N 


274 EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. [Cuap. VI, 


[A.p. 62] 


These two Epistles were to be conveyed by Tychicus, who, as a native of Asia, 
was familiarly acquainted with the district to which he was dispatched. Onesimus, 
the Colossian slave, was his companion. Paul had found his services so useful, that 
he would gladly have retained him at Rome; but Onesimus was still the property of 
his master, and Paul could not, consistently with justice, continue to employ him in 
the ministry without Philemon’s consent. That the wealthy Colossian might exercise 
a free choice in the matter, Onesimus was once more to be placed at his absolute 
disposal. However, the warmest feelings of the Apostle were awakened in behalf of 
his attached follower, and he sent with him a letter to Philemon, one of the most 
touching compositions ever penned. The Apostle begins with the greeting from him- 
self, a prisoner, and Timothy, our brother, not to Philemon only, but, to enlist them 
in his fayour, to Apphia, the wife, and Archippus, the son of Philemon, and to all the 
household. He then commends the general benevolence of Philemon, for which he 
was distinguished in the church, and glancing at his own apostolical authority, by 
virtue of which he might lay a command, he yet appeals rather to Philemon’s love, 
and moves his kindly feelings by portraying himself as now aged and in bonds. He 
calls Onesimus his son, nay, ‘‘ his own bowels,” and asks the favour as for himself. It 
could scarcely be thought that Philemon should require pecuniary compensation for 
any loss which he had sustained ; but to meet even that case, Paul signs a promissory 
note for the amount whatever it might be—‘ If he hath wronged thee, or oweth thee 
ought, put that on mine account; J, Paul, have written it with mine own hand: I will 
repay it.” Hitherto he had asked for Onesimus’s pardon, but he gently insinuates 
what he would not directly ask, that Philemon should give him his freedom—* I know 
that thou wilt also do more than I say.” In conclusion, the Apostle adds weight to 
his request by salutations from the brethren in Rome, with whom Philemon was 
acquainted, as Epaphras, Philemon’s own countryman, and Mark, who was shortly 
to visit Colosse, and Luke, the beloved physician, and Aristarchus and Demas. 

We subjoin the Epistle itself, and the reader can scarcely fail to appreciate 
the warmth of heart and affectionate earnestness, the delicacy of mind and gentile- 
manly feeling, and withal the dignity, not to say the sublimity, that pervades the 
whole. 


(The ttulics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version. ] 


1 “PauL, A PRISONER OF Jesus CHRist, AND TIMOTHY, OUR BROTHER, UNTO 
2 Puimenon,*”’ OUR BELOVED AND FELLOW-LABOURER,*” AND TO ἌΡΡΗΙΑ, 55 oUR BE- 


and so adds but a few words. Alligati sunt “7 Philemon, therefore, had taken an active 


etiam qui alligaverunt, nisi tu forte leviorem in 
sinistrad catenam putes. Seneca de Tranquil. 
6. 10. 

8 Philemon was a wealthy Colossian, at 
whose house the church met for divine service. 
Philem. 2. 


part in propagating the Gospel, and perhaps, as 
well as his son Archippus, was in the ministry. 
“8 Tt is not anywhere stated, but it is strongly 
implied, that Apphia was the wife of Philemon. 
A private letter of this kind could not have been 
addressed to anyone not of the same household. 


Cuap. VI.] 


EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. 


[A.p. 62] 275 


12 


15 


LOVED, AND ARcHippus,°?’? 0UR FELLOW-SOLDIER, AND TO THE CHURCH IN THY 
HOUSE,2!° GRACE TO YOU, AND PEACE, FRoM Gop our FarHer anp THE Lorp 
Jusus Curist. 

“T thank my God, making mention of thee always in my prayers, hearing” 
of thy love and the faith, which thou hast toward the Lord Jesus and to- 
ward all saints, that the communion* of thy faith may become effectual in 
the knouledge* of every good thing that is in τι8 “5 in Christ Jesus; for we 
haye great joy and consolation in thy love, because the bowels of the saints 
are refreshed by thee, brother. Wherefore, though I might have much boldness 
in Christ to enjoin thee that which is becoming, yet, for love’s sake, I rather 
beseech thee, being such a one as Paul the aged,” and now also a prisoner 
of Jesus Christ. I beseech thee for my son Onesimus, whom I have begotten in 
my bonds, who in time past was to thee unprofitable, but now profitable to thee 
and to me,°'® whom I have sent back; but do thou receive him—that is mine 
own bowels—whom I would have retained with me, that in thy stead he might 
have ministered unto me in the bonds of the Gospel; but without thy mind 
would I do nothing, that thy goodness “ἢ 
but willingly. For perhaps he therefore departed ** for a season, that thou 
shouldest receive him for ever—not now as a servant, but above a servant, a 


should not be, as it were, of necessity, 


brother beloved, specially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the 


9° Archippus was probably the son of Phile- 
mon. 

30 Jn the infancy of Christianity, before 
churches were built, the disciples met at pri- 
vate houses. Thus, at Corinth Paul preached 
in the house of Justus. Acts xviii. 7. At Lao- 
dicea the disciples met at the house of Nymphas. 
Coloss. iv. 15, &e. 

“ἢ ἀκούων. In Ephes. i. 15 and Coloss. i. 4 the 
tense is different, viz. ἀκούσας. The inference is 
that the report about the Colossians and Laodi- 
ceans, &c., had reached Paul long before the 
report about Philemon. 

82) κοινωνία. In Eng. ver. “ communication.” 
The common faith of Paul and Philemon was a 
bond of union between them, and the Apostle 
alludes to it, v. 17, “if thou count me therefore 
a partner [κοινωνὸν], &e. 

38 ἐπιγνώσει. In Eng. ver. “ acknowledging.” 
See ante, p. 269, note **. 

844 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, and Tisch- 
endorf, all read ἡμῖν instead of ὑμῖν. 

319 πρεσβύτης. A man, according to Philo, 
was said to be πρεσβύτης from the age of forty- 
nine to fifty-six; and if so, Paul at this time 
was, say, fifty-three, but, according to another 


calculation, sixty. See Vol. I. p.4. This assumes 
the true reading to be πρεσβύτης ; but as Paul: 
dictated the Epistle (with the exception of the 
19th verse and the concluding benediction), it is 
probable that the amanuensis wrote πρεσβύτης, 
‘aged,’ instead of πρεσβευτὴς, ‘ambassador, the 
word actually uttered. This conjecture receives 
a strong confirmation from a parallel expression 
in the Epistle to the Ephesians. It must be 
kept in mind that the two Epistles to the Ephe- 
sians and Philemon were written at the same 
time and despatched by the same messenger, so 
that the same thoughts would pervade both, as 
is obviously the case. Now, in the Ephesians 
we read ὑπὲρ οὗ πρεσβεύω ἐν ἁλύσει, Vi. 20—“ for 
which [the Gospel of Jesus Christ) I am an am- 
bassador in bonds *—the very counterpart of 
the passage in Philemon, ver. 9. πρεσβεύτης, 
νυνὶ δὲ καὶ δέσμιος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ---““ the ambas- 
sador and now the prisoner of Jesus Christ.” 

“6 *Onesimus’ in Greek signifies ‘ Profitable,’ 
and there is evidently here a play upon the 
word. 

am In Eng. ver. ‘ benefit.’ 

The flight of the slave is here softened into 
a departure. 


ἀγαθόν. 
818 


2N 2 


EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. 


276 [A.p. 62] (Cuap. VI. 


17 flesh, and in the Lord? If thou count me, therefore, a partner, receive him 
18 as myself. But if he hath wronged thee, or oweth thee ought, put that to 
19 mine account—I, Pavn, HAVE WRITTEN IT WITH MINE OWN HAND, 1 wm 

REPAY τῦ *!’—albeit, Ido not say to thee how thou owest unto me even thine 
Yea, brother, let me have joy of thee in the Lord: 339 


21 refresh my bowels in the Lord. 


20 own self besides. 
Having confidence in thy obedience, I have 
22 written unto thee, knowing that thou wilt do even more than I say. And 

withal prepare®* me also a lodging, for I trust through your prayers I shall 
23 be given unto you.’ There salute thee Epaphras, my fellow-prisoner®* in 
Christ Jesus, Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, my fellow-labourers. 
GRACE OF OUR Lorp Jesus Curist BE WITH youR ΒΡΠῚΤ. 55: 


THE 


Tychicus and Onesimus now departed from Rome, and entered upon their journey 
to Colosse. We would fain know the result of their mission; but in the absence of 
all direct testimony, we can only surmise that Philemon not only pardoned his slave, 
but even set him at liberty, and that Onesimus returned with Tychicus to Rome, and 
restored his services to the Apostle, who had found him so useful, At the date of 
Ignatius’s Epistle to the Ephesians in a.p. 107, and therefore forty-five years after 
the events which we are recording, the name of the Bishop of Ephesus was Onesimus, 
and if the flight of the slave from his master was, as is likely, the unpremeditated 
act of a stripling in dread of punishment for some youthful and thoughtless indiscre- 
tion, Onesimus may have lived long enough to preside over the Ephesian com- 


munity. 


At the commencement of a.p.63 Paul had been a year and nine months a prisoner 


ἜΣ The Apostle here writes what in plain 
English we should eall a ‘ Promissory note.’ The 
rest of the Epistle, except the final benediction, 
was written by an amanuensis; but the engage- 
ment to pay, the Apostle writes with his own 
hand, to make himself legally liable. 

*° The Greek is ὀναίμην, which some suppose 
to be an allusion to the name of ’Ovjoipos. 

**! As the Apostle was still a prisoner, he ap- 
pears to mean only, ‘ Prepare for the reception 
of myself also. I have sent Onesimus back to 
you, but I expect to follow myself, and will 
abide at Colossee.’ 

* Paul was at this time a prisoner, as ap- 
pears from the opening words, but be was in 
hopes of soon regaining his liberty: and in 
doing so, it was evidently his intention to visit 
Colossee and the churches in the vicinity at Lao- 
dicea and Hierapolis, which he had never yet 
personally visited. 

58. So called, either as voluntarily sharing 
he Apostle’s captivity by attending upon him, 


or because Epaphras had shared in one of the 
Apostle’s former imprisonments—éy φυλακαῖς 
mepiocorepws—reterred to, 2 Cor. xi, 23. Or the 
word συναιχμάλωτος may be interpreted ‘ fellow- 
soldier’ only, as appears to be the case in Rom. 
xvi. 7, where it is applied to Andronicus and 
Junias. The latter view is favoured by the fol- 
lowing circumstance. The Epistles to the Colos- 
sians and Philemon were certainly penned at the 
same time, and it will be found, by comparing 
the two, that the words ‘fellow-prisoner’ and 
‘fellow-servant’ are interchanged as equivalent 
expressions. Thus Epaphras, in Coloss. iv. 12, 
is called δοῦλος Χριστοῦ, but in Philem. ver. 23, 
he is called ὁ συναιχμάλωτός μου ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, 
and inversely Aristarchus, in Coldss. iv. 10, is 
called ὁ συναιχμάλωτός pov, and in Philemon, 
ver. 24, ὁ συνεργός pov. 

** The closing benediction was, as usual, in 
the Apostle’s own hand, to authenticate the 
Hpistle. See Vol. I. p. 284. All the critics omit 
the word ‘ Amen,’ which appears in the Eng. ver. 


Cuap. VI.] DELAYS AT ROME. 


[a.p. 63] 21 


at Rome, and since his first apprehension in the Temple at Jerusalem nearly five 
years had elapsed. A thraldom, however, of five years was little likely to abate his 
constancy in the Christian cause. He had calculated the cost, and was ready to 
sacrifice personal comfort, and life itself, for the crown in expectancy. Indeed, he 
regarded death as the consummation of all his labours, and were it not a desertion 
of his post, he would gladly haye withdrawn from a persecuting world. 

But why, it may be asked, had not his appeal at Rome been heard? Possibly the 
official record of the proceedings forwarded by Festus had been lost in the wreck, 
and it was necessary to wait for a further communication. Or it may be that Paul’s 
accusers had not arrived, though, after a certain time, if the prosecutor did not 
appear, the prisoner, by a law of Claudius, would be discharged.** Or the delay may 
have arisen from the great stress of business. Or the accusers might have reached 
Rome, but have applied for an adjournment on the plea of requiring witnesses to be 
summoned from distant parts, as from Syria and Proconsular Asia.**° Paul had arrived 
in Rome so early as at the beginning of a.p. 61, but this haste was owing to the 
winter voyage, which led to the wreck, and he had thereby outstripped his ac- 
cusers, who would not set sail from Judea till the spring of a.p. 61, and would 
thus arrive some months after the Apostle. 

But further, as the charge against Paul was a groundless one, the tact of the 
Jews was to interpose every obstacle in the way of the hearing. It answered their 
purpose to keep him in hold, and this they had sueceeded in doing during two whole 
years, under the rule of Felix. They had attempted to extort the life of Paul from 
Festus, and the consequence of this was that Paul had appealed to Rome, and if the 
Jews could not succeed in carrying a condemnation before the Procurator, how could 
they hope to do so before the Emperor? The Jews, therefore, would take advantage 
of all the delays that the law allowed. In the first place, they would require the 
official record of the proceedings in Judea to be made up in a formal manner, and 
when these documents were completed, other grounds for procrastination might be 
seized upon. Applications for postponement were frequently presented to the judge 
or his deputy, that the accuser might have an opportunity of collecting his witnesses ; 
and as the charge was that Paul had excited commotions throughout the world,** 
here was ample scope for protracting the trial under pretence of obtaining foreign 
testimony. Paul himself also had suggested, at the hearing before Felix, that the 
Jews of Asia, who had created the tumult in the Temple, ought to have been sum- 
moned.*** Ina case mentioned by Tacitus, in the time of Nero, a year was allowed 


35 ὁ δ᾽ οὖν Κλαύδιος ταῦτά τε οὕτως ἔπραττε, καὶ *° Thus, Silvanum magna vis accusatorum 


ἐπειδὴ πλῆθός τε δικῶν ἀμύθητον ἣν καὶ οὐκ ἀπην-  circumsteterat poscebatque tempus evocando- 
τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς ἔτι, προσδοκῶντες ἐλαττωθήσεσθαι, rum testium. Reus illico defendi postulalat. 
προεῖπε διὰ προγράμματος ὅτι καὶ κατὰ ἀπόντων Tac. Ann. ΧΙ]. 52. 

αὐτῶν ἐντὸς ῥητῆς τινος ἡμέρας δικάσει, καὶ ἐνεπέ- “7 κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην. Acts xxiv. 5. 

δωσε τοῦτο. Dion, Ix. 28. 3 Acts xxiv. 19. 


278 [A.D. 63] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 


[Cuar. VI. 


for obtaining evidence,’ and a longer space might be asked for when the matter in 
issue lay principally indeed in Judea, but extended itself partially over the whole 
empire. 

When all the pleadings and proofs were ready, it does not follow that the matter 
would even then receive immediate adjudication, for the day of trial would still depend 
on the arrears of prior date and the arbitrary will of the Emperor. There was a rota 
of causes, and, unless specially appointed, they were to be heard in order. Numerous 
holidays intervened, in which the sittings were suspended, and a long vacation occurred 
during the winter months, when judges and counsel would be recruiting themselves at 
Baie.” In point of form, all appeals from the provinces were made to the Emperor 
himself; but as it was absolutely impossible for one man, however energetic, to adju- 
dicate upon such a multitude of cases, the practice was to appoint annually persons 
of consular dignity (amongst whom the provinces were distributed) to sit as the 
Emperor’s deputies.**' Judea, though governed by an Imperial Procurator, was an 
appendage to the Prefecture of Syria, and if the causes from Judea were classed 
with those of Syria, and heard at the same tribunal, it would readily account for a 
considerable lapse of time before any particular appeal could be brought to a hearing. 
The Jewish priests, the friends of Josephus, had arrived in Rome some time before 
Paul, and yet were not liberated until a year after his release, so that the interval in 
Paul’s case, instead of exceeding the ordinary limit, appears to have been unusually 
short. 

Nothing could be more vexatious to the prisoner himself than such a state of 
suspense, and many an anxious conference may have been held at Paul’s humble 
lodging between himself and Timothy and Luke, and his other friends, as to the 
best mode of expediting the tedious delays of the law. At length, however, at the 
beginning of .p. 63, the light began to dawn, and evidently at no distant day his 
fate was to be determined. 

Τὸ was about this time that he wrote the Epistle to the Philippians. 
ditus had brought the Philippian collection, and had since been assiduous in waiting 
In the course of discharging this 


Epaphro- 


upon the Apostle and administering to his wants. 
grateful duty, he was attacked by a dangerous illness. He had arrived at Rome in 
the autumnal and unhealthy season of the year, and had caught a feyer from the 


*° Mox quia inquisitionem annuwm impetra- 
verunt, brevius visum suburbana crimina incipi, 
quorum obyii testes essent. Tac. Ann. xiii. 43. 

380. Concessit (Octavianus) ut singulis decuriis 
per vices annua vacatio esset, et ut solite agi 
Novembri ac Decembri mense res omitterentur. 
Suet. Octav. 82. Rerum actum divisum antea in 
hibernos estivosque menses conjunxit, Suet. 
Claud. 23. Concessum a Claudio beneficium ne 
hieme initioque anni ad judicandum evocarentur 


eripuit. Suet. Galb. 14. 

Sl A ppellationes quotannis urbanorum quidem 
litigatorum preefecto delegabat urbis, at provin- 
cialium consularibus viris quos singulos cujusque 
provincie negotiis preposuisset. Suet. Octav. 33. 
τὰ μὲν ἄλλα αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν συνέδρων καὶ διεσκέψατο 
καὶ ἐδίκαζεν, τὰς δὲ πρεσβείας τὰς τε παρὰ τῶν 
δήμων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων ἀφικνουμένας τρισὶ τῶν 
ὑπατευκότων ἐπέτρεψεν. Dion, ly. 27. 


Cuar. 1.1 EPISTLE VO THE PHILIPPIANS. [a.p. 63] 279 


malaria of a pestilential neighbourhood. He was well when he started from Philippi, 
and probably when he reached Rome, for the Philippians had heard only of his 
sickness,*”? and we may infer from the Epistle to the Colossians that his usual health 
had not then failed him, for his salutation is sent to the Colossian church without 
any allusion to his indisposition. He had now recovered, but with a weakened con- 
stitution his susceptibilities were keenly alive, and he was labouring under a nervous 
anxiety lest the Philippians, receiving an exaggerated rumour of his sickness, might 
suppose that the contribution which they had confided to his care had miscarried. 
Actuated by a high sense of duty, Epaphroditus himself was desirous of remaining 
at his post in the Roman capital, but the warm-hearted Paul, ever disregarding 
personal convenience and consulting only for the welfare of his friends, saw the 
benefit which Epaphroditus would derive from travel, and to relieve his mind pressed 
upon him a journey to Philippi, and made him the bearer of a dispatch to that 
Church. This we may collect from the letter itself. “1 have deemed it necessary,” 
he writes, “to send to you Epaphroditus, my brother, and companion in labour, and 
fellow-soldier, but your messenger, and minister to my wants; for he longed after 
you all, and was full of heaviness because ye had heard that he was sick.”** It is 
not unlikely, though the Apostle had no occasion to mention it in his letter, that 
Epaphroditus, after a convenient sojourn at Philippi, was to extend his journey to 
his native city Colossee—at least there is no mention of his immediate return to 
Rome,‘ nor, on the other hand, is there any indication that he was ἐδ continue at 
Philippi—they are exhorted only to give him a welcome and pay him all due re- 
spect. ‘Receive him therefore in the Lord with all gladness, and hold such in 
ΠΌΠΟΙ. °° 

The Epistle which Paul wrote on the occasion was to this effect. After a 
salutation from himself and Timothy, and some congratulatory matter, he (i. 12) 
informs his converts of the great success of the Gospel at Rome, consequent upon 
his bonds. He then (i. 19) refers to his approaching trial, and tells them that as 
soon as the result was known he would instantly dispatch Timothy to Philippi, both 
to communicate the joyful intelligence, and (as Paul did not propose to visit them 
immediately) to bring back word also what was the state of their church; and he 
entreats them in the meantime to walk worthily of the Gospel, and more particularly 
to avoid disputations amongst themselves. He then (iii. 1) warns them against the 
insidious attempts of the Judaizers, and (ivy. 10) makes a graceful acknowledgment 
of their bounty, and concludes (iv. 21) with certain salutations and his benediction. 
Such is the general purport of the letter, but the parts are so blended together in 
the Apostle’s peculiar style, that they are not easily to be disentangled. The Epistle 


8 Philipp. 11 26. the same letter his intention of sending Timothy 
888 Philipp. ii. 25, 26 to Philippi to bring back word of their welfare. 
34 Had Epaphroditus intended to return to Philipp. ii. 19. 

Rome, Paul would scarcely have announced by 885 Philipp. ii. 29. 


280 [a.p. 63] 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 


[Cuap. VI. 


is woven from beginning to end without seam, and must be read as a whole. It 


was as follows :— 338 


[The ‘tulics indicate the variations from tl 
thus [ 


Cu. 1. 
IN CHRIST 

2 DEACONS,*? GRACE BE UNTO YOU, 
From THE Lorp JEsuS CHRIST. 


“T thank my God upon eve 


JESUS WHICH ARE 


3,4 


5 prayer of mine for you all**° making 


6 in the Gospel from the first day 


16 Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 


], are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] 


“ Paun 337 snp ΤΊΜΟΤΗΥ, SERVANTS OF JESUS CHRIST, TO ALL THE SAINTS 


av PHILIPPI, WITH THE BISHOPS **> AND 
AND PEACE, From Gop οὔκ FaruHer, AND 


ry remembrance of you, always in every 
prayer with joy, for your fellowship *” 


“? until now: being confident of this very 


thing, that he which hath begun a good work in you will perform it until the 


7 day of Jesus Christ; even as it is 


just for me to think this of you all, because 


I have you in my heart, both in my bonds and in the defence and confirmation 


835 This epistle was written during Paul’s cap- 
tivity, ἔν τε τοῖς δεσμοῖς pov, Philipp. i.7; and 
at Rome, ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς... οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος 
ὀικίας, iv. 22. And Paul had been long enough 
a prisoner to have produced great effects both in 
the Pretorium and elsewhere, i. 13. And the 
long captivity of the Apostle before the date of 
the letter appears also from this——The Philip- 
pians had heard of his imprisonment at Rome, 
and had sent him pecuniary relief by the hands 
of Epaphroditus, i. 7; iv. 18; and Epaphro- 
ditus had fallen ill at Rome, ii. 27, and the 
Philippians had heard of it, and the report to 
that effect had gone back from Philippi to Rome, 
ii. 26. In short the epistle was written when 
Paul was in such confident expectation of his 
release, that he was making arrangements for 
his departure, and he tells us that his intentions 
were immediately on being released to send off 
Timothy to Philippi to learn their state, and bring 
back word to Paul in the West, and then both 
were to sail together to the East, and after some 
little interval Paul hoped to visit Philippi in 
person, ii. 19-23. (See Fasti Sacri, p. 330, No. 
1939.) 

ὅθ: Paul for some reason omits to style himself 
an Apostle, as he does also in the two Epistles 
to the Thessalonians. The title of Apostle was 
omitted in the Epistles to the Thessalonians, as 
these were written before the compact at Jerusa- 
lem, when Paul and Barnabas were publicly re- 
cognised as the Apostles to the Gentiles (see 
Vol. I. p. 805); and the title of Apostle may baye 
been omitted in the Epistle to the Philippians, 


as he writes to them not authoritatively to cor- 
rect abuses, but inter familiares. The omission, 
therefore, is complimentary to that amiable 
church. 

*8 By bishops are meant the presbyters, for 
ἐπίσκοπος and πρεσβύτερος are convertible terms. 
Thus Paul at Miletus calls thither the ‘ presby- 
ters’ of Ephesus, Acts xx. 17,and then addresses 
them as ‘ bishops,’ Acts xx. 28. So Paul directs 
Titus to ordain ‘ presbyters’ in every city, Tit. i. 
5, and then points out the qualifications for a 
“bishop, ib. 1. 7. See the subject more at large 
in J. B. Lightfoot’s Philippians, p. 93. 

389. Deacons, therefore, were a recognised order 
of the clergy, not in Jerusalem only, but in all 
the churches. 

8 Tt has been well remarked by J. B. Light- 
foot, on this passage, that throughout the Epistle 
there is a studied repetition of the word ‘all 
i. 2,7, 8, 25; ii. 17; iv. 21, as if the Apostle were 
referring to the unhappy divisions at Philippi, 
iv. 2, and as if he would say, ‘I make no differ- 
ence between man and man, or between party 
and party, but my heart is open to all.’ 

Ἢ The Greek word is κοινωνία, and the Apostle 
had in his mind the contribution of the Philip- 
pians to his necessities. 

* For it will be recollected that the Apostle 
when he preached at Philippi for the first time 
was constrained to become the guest of Lydia, 
and had afterwards once and again received as- 
sistance from them at Thessalonica, and again at 
Corinth. 


Cuap. V1.) 


_ EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 


[a.p. 63] 


281 


8 of the Gospel,** inasmuch as ve all are joint contributors to my bounty.* For 
God is my record, how greatly I long after you all in the bowels **° of Christ 


9 Jesus. 


And this I pray, that your love may abound yet more and more 
in knowledge and in all judgment, so that ye may approve things that 


are excellent, that ye may be sincere and without offence against the day of 
11 Christ,**° being filled with the fruits of righteousness, which are by Jesus 
Christ, unto the glory and praise of God. 


2 “But I would ye should know, brethren, that the things which happened 
unto me have come to pass rather unto the furtherance of the Gospel, so that 


my bonds in Christ are manifest in all the Pretorium, and to all others ;** 


383 ey τῇ ἀπολογίᾳ καὶ βεβαίωσει τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου. 
Some think that in this passage and that below, 
i. 16, the Apostle is referring to his defence before 
the Roman tribunal, and that he had already 
pleaded in public (see i. 13) before his judges, 
and was now awaiting the verdict, and that so 
soon as it was given (which he was persuaded 
would be favourable, i. 25), he would himself 
make a journey to Philippi, ii. 24. But this view 
seems to press the expression too far, and it is 
more likely that Paul is referring to his defence 
of the cause of the Gospel generally by the whole 
of his ministry. The fact that he was now ex- 
pecting a speedy release may be very well ac- 
counted fur by assuming that, after a long delay, 
his cause was now ripe for hearing, and that 
either his accusers would not appear, or would 
fail to substantiate their charge. See Acts xxiv. 
13. Paul was a Roman citizen, and at Rome, if 
anywhere, his rights as such would be respected 
—nay, the accusation, if a frivolous one, might 
involve the prosecutors in loss of life, or at least 
of goods. The laws of Rome may have been 
those of Venice. = 

It is enacted by the laws of Venice, 

If it be proved against an alien 

That by direct or indirect attempts 

He seeks the life of any citizen, 

The pariy ’gainst the which he doth contrive 

Shall seize the one half his goods; the other half 

Comes to the privy coffer of the state; 

And the offender's life lies in the merey 


Of the Duke only "gainst all other voice. 
‘Merchant of Venice,’ act iv. scene 1. 


3 συγκοινωνούς μου τῆς χάριτος πάντας ὑμᾶς 
ὄντας. In Eng. ver.: “ Ye are all partakers of 
my grace.” The Apostle here alludes to the 
great liberality towards him of the Philippian 


318 τοῖς λοιποῖς maow: In Eng. ver. “in all 
other places,” as if it were governed by the ἐν 


VOL, Il. 


church, to which he recurs again more parti- 
cularly in the fourth chapter. 

“8 «The σπλάγχνα," observes J. B. Lightfoot 
(in loe.), “are properly the nobler viscera—the 
heart, lungs, liver, &e.—as distinguished from 
the ἔντερα, the lower viscera, the intestines— 


σὺν ἐντέροις τε σπλάγχνα. 
ΖΈΞΟΌΣ]. Agam. 1221. 


The σπλάγχνα alone seem to have been regarded 
by the Greeks as the seat of the affections, 
as anger, love, pity, or jealousy.” 

36 εἰς ἡμέραν Χριστοῦ. In Eng. ver. “ until” 
the day of Christ. 

“7 ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ Πραιτωρίῳ. 
the Palace ” 

The word Pretorium has been variously in- 
terpreted. 

1. It has been rendered, as in the Authorized 
Version, ‘ the Palace,’ 1.6. the Palace of the 
Cesars on Mount Palatine, in the heart of the 
city. It countenances this view that the Apostle 
sends a salutation from the household of Cesar 
especially —paduaora δὲ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας, iv. 22. 
Why from them especially unless it were that 
the Apostle was living amongst them, and had 
greater intercourse with them than with any 
others ? The objection urged against this is, that 
the Palace of the Cesars is never designated by 
the name of Pretorium in classical writers. But 
the question is, not what a cJassical writer, but 
what a captive Jew, writing from Rome, would 
mean by the term Preetorium; for Paul would 
naturally carry with him the phraseology of his 
native country. Mark tells us that the Palace 
at Jerusalem was called the Preetorium—eoo τῆς 
The Palace of 


In Eng. ver. “ In all 


αὐλῆς, 6 ἐστι Πραιτώριον, xy. 16. 


before τῷ Πραιτωρίῳ, whereas it is rather go- 
verned by the word φανερούς. 


20 


[a.D. 63] 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 


[Cuap. VI. 


14 


15 are much more bold to speak the word without fear. 


and very many of the brethren in the Lord, waxing confident by my bonds, 


Some, indeed, preach 


16 Christ even of envy and strife, and some also of good will; the one preach 
17 Christ of love, knowing that I am set for the defence of the Gospel, but 


Herod at Cxsarea, in which Paul was confined 
for two years, was also known as the Preetorium 
—ey τῷ Πραιτωρίῳ τοῦ Ἡρώδου, Acts xxiii. 90. 
When, therefore, Paul was transferred from the 
Palace at Czesarea to the Palace of the Czesars at 
Rome, he might well apply to it the like name 
of Preetorium. “In the provinces,” writes Meri- 
vale, “the mperor was known, not as Princeps, 
but as Imperator. In Judea (governed more 
immediately by him through the Imperial Pro- 
curators) he would be more exclusively regarded 
as a military chief. The soldier to whom the 
Apostle was attached with a chain would speak 
of him as his General. When Paul asked the 
centurion in charge of him, ‘ Where shall I be 
confined at Rome? the answer would be, ‘ In 
the Preetorium,’ or the quarters of the General. 
When led, as perhaps he was, before the Em- 
peror’s tribunal, if he asked the attending guard, 
“Where am I 9 again they would reply, ‘ In 
the Praetorium.’ The Emperor was protected 
in his Palace by a body-guard lodged in the 
courts and standing sentry at the gates, and ac- 
cordingly they received the name of Praetorians.” 
Rom. Hist. vi. p. 268 (1858). 

2. Another hypothesis is, that the Apostle thus 
designates, not the Palace generally, but the 
barrack of the Preetorian cohort on duty in the 
Palace. The Pratorians were a numerous body, 
consisting of nine cohorts of 1000 men each 
(Vac. Ann. iv. 5), but afterwards increased to 
ten cohorts (Dion, lv. 24); and one of them was 
always in attendance at the Palace, the cohorts 
relieving each other at stated intervals. Tac. 
Hist. i. 29. The barrack of the cohort in at- 
tendance was quartered within the walls of the 
Palace, and is said to have been called in Greek 
Στρατήγιον, the Latin for which would be Pree- 
torium. 
ev TO Παλατίῳ ὁ Καῖσαρ ᾧκει καὶ ἐκεῖ τὸ Στρατήγιον 
εἶχε. Dion, ἢ. 16. See W ieseler, Chron. p. 408, 
note 3. J. B. Lightfoot, however, suggests with 
reason that the sense is hardly local, and that 
the passage means only where “the Emperor 
was surrounted by his body-guard, and kept 
state as a military commander.” J. B. Lightfoot 
on Philippians, p. 99. Besides the assumption 


καλεῖται δὲ τὰ βασίλεια Παλάτιον... 


of the barrack being meant cannot well be re- 
conciled with the accompanying words, “the 
whole of the Pretorium”—ev ὅλῳ τῷ Πραιτωρίῳ. 
The Apostle would searcely have expressed him- 
self in such large terms in speaking of so limited 
a force as the barrack of a single cohort. 

8. Another opinion is that by the Preetorinm 
is meant the general camp of the Preetorian 
guard. Originally the Pretorians were dis- 
persed about the city and its suburbs in different 
quarters, but in the reign of Tiberius they were 
all drawn together into one permanent camp 
just without the walls of the city, on the right, 
as you went out, of the Via Nomentana. But no 
reason can be assigned why Paul should have 
designated this camp by a name by which it was 
never known amongst either Greeks or Romans 
or Jews. It was always called the Castra Pre- 
toria (Plin. N. H. iii. 9), or Castra Preetoriana, or 
Castra Preetorianorum, or Castra Preetorii, but 
never Preetorium simply. 

4. It is contended by others that the Pree- 
torium of the Apostle is not to be taken in a 
local sense at all, but as designating the whole 
body of the Pretorian troops, commonly called 
by their corporate name, the Praetorium. Thus, 
exauctorati per eos dies tribuni, e Pretorio An- 
tonius Taurus et Antonius Naso; ex wrbanis 
cohortibus Aimilius Pacensis; e vigiliis Julius 
Fronto, Tac. Hist. i. 20. Nuper cujusdam mili- 
tantis in Pretorio mater vidit in quiete . . . in 
Lacetania ves gerebatur Hispanie proxima parte. 
Plin. N. H. xxv. 6. Antium coloniam (Nero) 
deduxit, ascriptis veteranis ὁ Preztorio. Suet. 
Nero. 9, &e. There is nothing to contradict this 
view, and indeed it would give full meaning to 
the Apostle’s words, viz. that by the constant 
change of his keeper from the Preetorian guard, 
he had been enabled to spread the leaven of 
Christianity through the mass of the Praetorian 
soldiery. 

The first and fourth interpretations recommend 
themselves as the most plausible, and of these 
two the first appears the preferable one, as the 
most simple. See generally on this subject J. B. 
Lightfoot on the Philippians. 


Cuap. VI.] 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 


bo 
lo 
os 


[a.D. 63] 


the other of contention, not sincerely, thinking to add affliction to my 


18 bonds.*°° What then ? 


Notwithstanding, every way, whether in pretence, 


or in truth, Christ is preached, and I therein do rejoice, yea, and will 


rejoice. 


19 “For I know that ‘this shall turn owé to my salvation’ (Job xii. 16)*°" 
20 through your prayer, and the supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ, according 

to my earnest expectation and hope, that in nothing I shall be ashamed, but 

that with all boldness, as always, so now also Christ shall be magnified in my 
21 body, whether by life, or by death; for to me to live is Christ, and to die is 
22 gain; but if I live in the flesh, that to me is the fruit of labour ;** and what 
23 I shall choose I wot not; for Iam in a strait betwixt the two, having a desire 
24 to depart, and to be with Christ, which is much more the better ; but to abide in 


25 the flesh is more needful for you; and this I know and am persuaded of, 


353 


that I shall abide and continue with you all for your furtherance and joy of 
26 faith, that your boasting*** may be more abundant in Jesus Christ in me by 


27 my coming to you again. 


Only demean yourselves **° worthily of the Gospel of 


Christ ; that whether I come and see you, or else being absent, I may hear of 


your affairs, that ye stand fast in one spirit, with one mind striving together 


28 for the faith of the Gospel, and in nothing terrified by your adversaries, 


~ 356 


which is to them an evidence of perdition, but to you of salyation, and that 


29 fram God. 


For unto you it is given in the behalf of Christ, not only to 


30 believe on him, but also to suffer for his sake, having the same conflict which 


ye saw in me, and now hear [to be] in πιο." 


Cu. 11. 


2 if any fellowship of the Spirit, if any bowels and mercies, 
3 that ye think the same thing, being of one soul, of one mind, 


“Tf there be, therefore, any consolation in Christ, if any comfort of love, 


358 


fulfil ye my joy— 
[Do] nothing 


through strife or yain-glory ; but in lowliness of mind esteem each other better 


4 than yourselves: look not every man ἕο his own things, but every man also ἕο 


5 the things of others. 


49 Paul at Rome, as at Corinth, and in-Ga- 
latia and elsewhere, had always to encounter 
opposing factions, either clinging to Jewish pre- 
judices or actuated by worldly motives. 

8° Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford, all agree that the 16th and 17th 
verses should stand in this order. In Eng. ver. 
the order is reversed. 

Sl τρῦτό μοι ἀποβήσεται εἰς σωτηρίαν. 
words are quoted verbatim from the LXX. 

soz ἐς Tf T live my life will be one continuous 
labour, productive of much fruit, keeping me 
back from my reward, but useful to you.” 

355 In Eng. ver. “having this 


The 


πεποιθὼς οἶδα. 


For let this mind be in you, which [was] also in 


confidence I know.” 

ὅδ: καύχημα. In Eng. ver. “ rejoicing.” 

855 The Greek word is wodireverbe— be citi- 
zens.’ See note, ii. 20. 

850 The Philippian believers were evidently 
enduring persecution. See iii. 1, post. 

‘7 The Philippians at Paul’s visit to their 
city had seen him scourged and cast into prison, 
Acts xvi. 28, and now they heard of his being in 
prison at Kome. 

$58 So Virgil: 

Di tibl, si qua pios respectant numina, si quid 
Usquam justiti est, et mens sibi conscia recti, 


Premia digna ferant, ἄς. 
n. i. 603. 


2.02 


284 


[4.Ὁ. 63] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Cuap. VI, 


~] © 


Christ Jesus; who, being in the form “ἢ of God, thought it not a prize*”’ to 
be equal with God; but made himself nothing,**' and took upon him the form 
of a servant, beéng made in the likeness of men, and being found in fashion *" 
as a man, he humbled himself, and became obedient unto death, even the death 
of the cross; wherefore God also highly exalted him, and gave him a name 
which is above every name, that** ὧν the name of Jesus ‘every knee should 
bow,’ of those in heaven,* and those on earth,** and those under the earth ;3% 
and that ‘every tongue should confess’ (Js. xly. 24)°" that Jesus Christ is 
Lord, to the glory of God the Father. Wherefore, my beloved, as ye have 
always obeyed, not as in my presence only, but now much more in my absence, 
work out your own salvation with fear and trembling; for it is God which 
Do all things 
without murmurings and disputings, that ye may be blameless and harmless, 
‘the children of God, wnblameable in the midst of a crooked and perverse 


worketh in you both to will and to work of his good pleasure. 


generation’ (Deut. xxxii. δ)" among whom ye shine as /uminaries* in the 
world, holding forth the word of life, for a boast to me against the day of 


be offered “τ 
18 gratulate*” 


me. 


*° ἐν μορφῇ here, and ἐν σχήματι, v. 8. See a 
disquisition on the relative meanings of these 
two words in Lightfoot on Philipp. p. 125. 

°° ἁρπαγμὸν. In Eng. ver. “robbery.” The 
Greek word ἁρπαγμὸν answers literally to the 
English word “ prize,’ as derived from the 
French “prise,” a thing to be snatched or 
caught at, a prize or catch. So οἷον ἅρπαγμά τι 
τὴν ἐπάνοδον ποιησάμενοι. Euseb. de Vit. Con- 
stant. 11. 81. τὸν θάνατον ἅρπαγμα θέμενοι τῆς τῶν 
δυσσεβῶν μοχθηρίας. Euseb. Hist. Ec. viii. 12. 
And Josephus repeatedly uses the word περι- 
μάχητον, “a thing to be fought for,’ in the same 
sense. See a disquisition upon the word 
ἁρπαγμὸν, by J. B. Lightfoot on Philipp. p. 131. 

ὍΣ ἐκένωσεν. In Eng. ver. “ of no reputation,” 
The literal interpretation is “made himself 
empty.” 

2 ἐν σχήματι. See note 353, 
ev. “In,” not “at,” as in the Eng. ver. 
The ceremony of bowing at the mention of the 
name of Jesus is a proper act of reverence in 
itself, but derives no support (as thought by 
some) from this text, which means only that 
all created beings have been made subject to 
Jesus. 

°* ἐπουρανίων, not things, but beings, viz. 


363 


Christ, that I have not run in vain, neither laboured in yain. 


But and it I 


upon the sacrifice and service of your faith,’ I rejoice and con- 
you all; and for the same cause also do ye rejoice and congratulate 


angels. 

86° Viz. mankind. 

366 Viz. the dead. 

“7 ἐμοὶ κάμψει πᾶν γόνυ καὶ ὁμολογεῖται πᾶσα 
γλῶσσα τὸν θεόν. Is. xlv, 28. 

8 Τέκνα θεοῦ ἀμώμητα ἐν μέσῳ γενεᾶς σκολιᾶς 
In the LXX. the words are, 
ἡμάρτοσαν οὐκ αὐτῷ τέκνα μωμητὰ, γενεὰ σκολιὰ καὶ 
διεστραμμένη. 

89 φωστῆρες, not φῶτα. In Eng. ver. ‘lights.’ 

ὅτὸ Literally, ‘if I be poured out as a liba- 
tion.’ 

ὙΠ Τὴ i. 21 he had adverted to the contingency 
of his either sealing his life with his blood, or of 
his acquittal. In ver. 22 he had spoken on the 
supposition that he might be set at liberty at 
Rome ; he now proceeds to contemplate the 
possibility of his martyrdom. 

8 χαίρω καὶ συγχαίρω. In Eng. ver. “I joy 
and rejoice with you all.” The sense of cvyyaipo 
—‘to congratulate ’—is not uncommon. τὴν 
Ἑστίαν ἐπώμοσε τὴν Βουλαίαν συγχαίρειν τῇ πόλει, 
ὅτι τοιούτους ἄνδρας ἐπὶ τὴν πρεσβείαν ἐξέπεμψεν. 
ΠΡ βομΐη. edit. H. Stephani, p. 34, ἄς. The Eng- 
lish version carries with it the air of tautology, 
for if Paul rejoiced with them, it would follow, 
of course, that they rejoiced with him. 


καὶ διεστραμμένης. 


Cuar. VI.] 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [4.Ὁ. 63] 285. 


19 


Cu. IIL. 
2 
9 


4 


“But I hope in the Lord Jesus to send Timothy shortly unto you, that I 
also may be of good cheer, when I know your state; for I have no one like- 
minded, who will sincerely** care for your state; for all seek their own, not the 
things which are of Christ Jesus; but ye know the proof of him, that, asa 
child with the father, he hath served with me in the Gospel.** Him, there- 
fore, I hope to send forthwith, so soon as I shall see how it yoes with me; 
but I trust in the Lord that I also myself shall come shortly. But I have 
deemed it necessary to send to you Epaphroditus, my brother and féellow- 
worker, and fellow-soldier, and your messenger “ἢ and minister to my wants ;°"7 
for he longed after you all, and was full of heaviness, because ye had heard 
that he was sick ; for, indeed, he was sick nigh unto death, but God had mercy 
on him, and not on him only, but on me also, that I might not have sorrow 
upon sorrow. I have sent him, therefore, the more carefully, that seeing him 
again, ye might rejoice, and that I might be the less sorrowful. Receive him, 
therefore, in the Lord with all gladness, and hold such in honour,?™ because 
for the work of Christ he was nigh unto death, having hazarded*" his life, 
that he might supply your lack of service toward me.**° 
To write the same 


things to you, to me, indeed, is not zrksome, and for you it is safe.*? Beware 


“For the rest, my brethren, rejoice in the Lord.**? 


of dogs! beware of evil workers! beware of the concision !*** for we are the 
circumcision, who worship God in the spirit, and boast ourselves Ὁ in Christ 
Jesus, and trust not** in the flesh; though I might also have trust in the 


5 flesh. If any other man thinketh ¢o trust in the flesh, I more—cireumcised 


373 γνησίως. In Eng. ver. “naturally.” 

ὅτι Timothy had at this time faithfully served 
the Apostle for fourteen years, viz. from A.D, 49 
to ap. 63, and during that period had often 
laboured amongst the Philippians. 

579 Celeriter, ut spero, vos videbo. 
Fam. ii. 15. 

878 ὑμῶν δὲ ἀπόστολον. But some would render 
this “ your Apostle,” in the sense that Paul had 
appointed Epaphroditus the bishop of Philippi, 
but this interpretation does not harmonize with 
the context, which relates to the relief sent to 
Paul by the Philippian church. 

ὅτ He had brought a collection from the 
Philippian church for the relief of the Apostle’s 
necessities at Rome. 

878 ἐντίμους. In Eng. ver. “in reputation.” 

3” The true reading according to Griesbach, 
Scholtz, Lachmann, and Alford is παραβολευσά- 
μενος, and not as Textus receptus παραβουλευσά- 
μενος, and in Eng. ver. “not regarding.” 

850 The Philippians could not be personally 
present at Kome to relieve and comfort him, and 


Cic. Ep. 


this lack of service (not for want of will, but 
want of means) Epaphroditus supplied by 
taking their contribution to Rome, and by per- 
sonal attendance upon the Apostle. 

‘s! This rejoicing is the keynote of the whole 
Epistle: see 11. 17, 29; iv. 4; and also i. 4, 18, 
25 ; iv. 10. 

‘2 The Philippian church was at this time 
suffering much persecution; see ante, i. 28; and 
as the Apostle had before exhorted them not to 
be “ terrified by their adversaries,” so now again 
he tells them to rejoice at it. 

“8 The Apostle bids his converts beware of 
the Judaizers. The Jews called the Gentiles 
dogs (Matt. xv. 26), and the Apostle now retorts 
the language upon the Judaizing heretics. ‘“ We 
Christians,” says Paul, “are the true sons of 
Abraham, and the circumcision; and the unbe- 
lieving Jews are the dogs, and are the concision 
or mock circumcision.” 

SS In Eng. ver. “ rejoice.” 

In Eng. ver. “ have no confi- 


καυχώμενοι. 
889 πεποιθότες. 


dence.” 


286 [A.D. 63] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Cuap. VI. 


the eighth day *°—of the stock of Israel**’—of the tribe of Benjamin**— 
a Hebrew of the Hebrews **°—as touching the Law, a Pharisee *"—concerning 
zeal, persecuting the church **'—touching the righteousness which is in the 
Law, found blameless.**? 
for Christ. 
the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord, for whom I have suffered the loss of 


But what things were gain to me, these I count loss 
Yea, verdly, and I count all things but loss for the excellency of 


9 all things,** and do count them but dung, that I may win Christ, and be 
found in him, not having mine own righteousness, which is of the Law, but 
that which is through the Faith of Christ, the righteousness which is of God 
by Faith, that I may know him, and the power of his resurrection, and the 
fellowship of his sufferings, being made conformable unto his death, if by any 
means I may attain unto the resurrection from* the dead; not as though I 
had already attained, or were already perfect; but I press on, if that I may 
apprehend that for which also I was apprehended 355 of Christ Jesus. Brethren, 
I count not myself to have apprehended; but this one thing I do—forgetting 
those things which are behind, and reaching forth °° unto those things which 
11 are before, I press on toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of 
> God in Christ Jesus.°*7 


10 


Let us, therefore, as many as be perfect, be thus 
minded, and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal this 


16 also unto you. 


Ὅν Not a proselyte, and circumcised late in 
lie, but a Jew born. : 

*“T An Israelite descended from Abraham, and 
not grafted in by the proselytism of myself or 
my ancestors. 

“ Saul, the first king, had belonged to this 
tribe, which more particularly from that time 
held the most honourable position. 

*“ A Hebrew born, both on the father and 
mother’s side. 

*” The Pharisees, as opposed to the Sadducees, 
were the rigid observers of the Law of Moses, 
and had the character of peculiar sanctity. 

The Apostle, of course, alludes to his per- 
secution of the church in the time of Stephen 
the Protomartyr. 

“= No man had a more keenly sensitive con- 
science or was more in earnest in matters of 
religion than Paul. We did not, therefore, want 
his testimony that before embracing Christianity 
he scrupulously observed the Law. 

°° ra πάντα ἐζημιώθην. Literally, ‘I have been 
mulcted of all.’ So that the inference arises that 
Panl, on embracing Christianity, had suffered 
the total loss of worldly fortune, which might 
have been the case either by some public law 
which made apostasy a forfeiture of all posses- 


But whereto we have already attained, walk*** in the 


sions, or privately by the indignation of his 
parents, who on his becoming a Christian may 
have cut him off from his natural patrimony. 
We know that Paul had received the education 
and acquired the accomplishments of a gentle- 
man, and yet that asa Christian he supported 
himself by his manual labour, or was maintained 
by the liberality of the churches which he 
planted. 

®t Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Al- 
ford read τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν, instead of τῶν νεκρῶν 
simply. 

8 κατελήφθην --“1 was laid hold of —an ex- 
pression which vividly represents his arrest by 
Christ, on Paul's mad career from Jerusalem to 
Damascus. 

385 The word expresses the 
leaning forward of the body in a rapid race, 
whether a foot race or a chariot race. 

*“" Paul writing within the rules of the Palace 
where he was a prisoner, might well borrow a 
metaphor from the games, for next the Palace 
was the Circus Maximus, and the shouts of the 
spectators must often have rung in the Apostle’s 
ears. 

** The meaning appears to be, ‘If at present 
ye are not so perfect as to rum (διώκειν) on the 


ἐπεκτεινόμενος. 


Crap. VI.] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [a.p. 63] 257 
17 same.*”” Brethren, be followers together of me, and observe * those who walk so 
18 as ye have us for an ensample (for many walk, of whom I have told you often, 


Cu. IV. 


΄ 


and now tell you even weeping, that they are the enemies of the cross of 
Christ, whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly, and whose glory 
is in their shame, who mind earthly things); for our citizenship “δι is in heaven, 
from whence also we look for the Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall 
change our vile body, that it may be conformed unto his glorious body, 
according to the working whereby he is able even to subdue all things unto 
himself. Wherefore, my brethren dearly beloved and longed for, my joy and 
crown, so stand fast *”* in the Lord, my dearly beloved ! 

“T beseech Huodia,’’* and beseech Syntyche, that they be of the same 
mind in the Lord, and I intreat thee also, true yoke-fellow,*” help them, seeing 
that they have laboured with me in the Gospel,‘ with Clement" also, and 
with other my fellow-labourers, whose names are in the book of life. 
in the Lord alway ; again I will say, rejoice. Let your moderation be known*"? 


rejoice 


right road, God in his merey will at least bring 
you up to this; and in the mean time, if ye can- 
not run, at least walk (στοιχεῖν) in the right 
path, 

““ τῷ αὐτῷ στοιχεῖν. This is admitted by the 
latest critics to be the true reading, and not, as 
in Text. recept., τῷ αὐτῷ στοιχεῖν κανόνι τὸ αὐτὸ 
φρονεῖν, and in Eng. ver. “Let us walk by the 
same rule, let us mind the same thing.” The 
word κανόνι has erept in from Galat. vi. 16, and 
τὸ αὐτὸ φρονεῖν from Philipp. ii. 2. 

τὸ σκοπεῖτε, look up to them witha view to 
imitation. 

*! πολίτευμα. In Eng. ver. “conversation.” 
The word “citizenship” was peculiarly appro- 
priate to the Philippians, who, as Roman colo- 
nists, prided themselves on their being citizens 
of Rome, and were continually boasting of it. 

* The Philippians were suffering persecution, 
and the Apostle again exhorts them to stead- 
fastness in the faith. 

*8 Evodiav. In Eng. ver. “ Euodias,” as if 
the person were a man, but from the words 
αὐταῖς and αἵτινες, it is evident that both Euodia 
and Syntyche were women. Both Euodia and 
Syntyche are found on inscriptions as names of 
women, but never Euodias or Syntyches as names 
of men. See J. B. Lightfoot, in loco. 

* Σύζυγε γνήσιε. It has been suggested that 
Σύζυγος may be the proper name of the person 
addressed, but Syzigus does not appear in his- 
tory as a name. lt simply means yokefellow, 
but who is intended by that term is doubtful. 


Some say that Epaphroditus, the bearer of the 
Epistle, or Clement, who may have accompanied 
him, is referred to. Others that Paul was 
married, and that the injunction is to his wife. 
A more probable conjecture is that the appeal is 
to Lydia, and that the Apostle calls her his true 
yokefellow, as the first convert at Philippi, and 
the lady at whose house he had resided. and 


‘who had since been his great benefactress by 


forwarding subscriptions for his support both in 
areece and at Rome. 

© συλλαμβάνου αὐταῖς, αἵτινες, &e. In Eng. 
ver. “help these women which laboured with 
me,” &e., but the Apostle is evidently referring 
to Euodia and Syntyche, who had furthered the 
cause of the Gospel, but were now disagreeing. 
The women of Philippi appear to have- been 
active in the propagation of the faith, as besides 
Euodia and Syntyche, we have mention made of 
Lydia also at the first introduction of Chris- 
tianity. Acts xvi. 14. 

«° This may possibly be Clement, afterwards 
Bishop of Rome, but all is conjecture. If it be 
Clement of Rome, he may have accompanied 
Epaphroditus, the bearer of the letter, and in 
fact he may have been sent with Epaphroditus 
for the purpose of being a peace-maker, as from 
his gentleness and conciliatory nature he was 
afterwards appealed to by the Corinthians to 
heal their divisions, when he wrote them the 
well-known Epistle. 

“τ Whatever be the opposition of your adver- 
sary, be gentle and patient, for the conflict must 


EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Caar. VI 


ao =~ 


19 


unto all men: the Lord is at hand; be over careful for nothing, but in eyery 
thing by prayer and supplication with thanksgiving let your requests be made 
known unto God; and the peace of God, which passeth all understanding, 
shall keep your hearts and minds through Christ Jesus. Vor the rest, brethren, 
whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things 
are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever 
things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, 
think on these things.*°* What ye have both learned, and received, and heard, 
and seen in me, that do, and the God of peace shall be with you. 

“ But I rejoice in the Lord greatly, that now at the last ye have flourished 


“9 wherein ye were also thoughtful, but ye lacked 


again in thinking of me, 
opportunity—not that I speak in respect of want, for I have learned in what- 
soever state Iam, therewith to be content ; I know how to be abased, I know how 


to abound ; én every [thing] and in all things Iam instructed both to be full and 


> to be hungry, both to abound and to suffer need; I can do all things through 


Christ who strengtheneth me. Notwithstanding ye did well, in that ye com- 


410 


municated with my distress. Now ye know also, Philippians, that in the 


beginning of the Gospel, when I departed from Macedonia,*" no church com- 
municated with me in the matter of ** giving and receiving, but ye only—that 
in Thessalonica "ἢ also,** ye sent once and twice unto my necessity—not that 
But I 


haye all, and abound; I am full, having received of Epaphroditus the things 


I desire a gift, but I desire fruit that may abound to your account. 


which were sent from you, ‘an odour of a sweet smell’ (Gen. viii. 21). 5 a 
sacrifice acceptable, well pleasing to God: and my God shall supply all your 


soon be over, for life is short, and the day of 
judgment when we shall stand before the Lord 
Jesus is at hand. 

** Keep in mind all the Christian virtues 
above enumerated. 

4° Viz. that you have again sent me a contri- 
bution for my support. The Philippians had 
sent relief to him more than once at Thessa- 
lonica, and again when he was at Corinth. See 
note *4, 

πὸ συγκοινωνήσαντές μου τῇ θλίψει. In Eng. 
ver. “in that he did communicate with my 
affliction.” As the word κοινωνία is used through- 
out the Epistle in the sense of contribution, 
θλίψις means his distressed state under im- 
prisonment, during which he could not work as 
usual. 

“1 When Paul, on his first circuit in Europe, 
quitted Macedonia, he passed on to Athens, and 
thence to Corinth; and while at Corinth, Sil- 
yanus and Timothy joined him from Macedonia 


(Acts xviii. 5), and brought with them a contri- 
bution from Macedonia (2 Cor. xi. 9), which was, 
no doubt, from Philippi. 

2 ἐν τῷ πράγματι. In Eng. ver. “ concerning.” 

*° From Philippi Paul proceeded to Thessa- 
lonica, and the cruel usage he had experienced 
at Philippi (Acts xvi. 22) seems to have so 
strongly excited the Philippians’ sympathy that 
they immediately raised a contribution for his 
relief. 

4 ὅτι καὶ. The word καὶ is full of meaning, 
for the Apostle writes, “ Not only did ye send 
me large relief to Corinth, but also twice ye sent 
me temporary relief when I was at ‘Vhessa- 
lonica.” The Eng. ver., missing the force of 
the words, renders it “ for even in Thessalonica 
ye sent once again,” as if these were the only 
two contributions, whereas they were probably 
small only as compared with the bounty sent 
afterwards to Corinth. 

ΟΝ The words of the LXX. 


ae oer 
ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας. 


Cuar. 11 EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [a.D. 63] 289 


20 need, according to his riches in glory in Christ Jesus. Now unto God and 

our Father be glory for ever and ever. Amen. 

21 “Salute every saint in Christ Jesus. The brethren which are with me salute 

22 you. All the saints salute you, chiefly they that are of Caxsar’s household.*"® 

23 THe Grace or our Lorp Jesus Curist BE WITH you ALL.” *!7 

Epaphroditus now set out upon his journey, and as Tychicus had been sent to 
Colosse, and Mark, it is likely, had by this time passed into Asia Minor, the only 
fellow-labourers remaining with the Apostle were the faithful Timothy, and Luke 
and Aristarchus and Demas. 

We now approach the close of Paul’s imprisonment. He had been a captive at 
Rome two whole years, when, about March 4.p. 63, the crisis of his fate arrived. 
We have no particulars, and cannot even say with certainty whether his accusers 
appeared, or whether, if they did, the appeal was heard by the Emperor or by his 
Consular Legate. 

We have seen that in the Epistle to the Philippians, when the trial was near at 
hand, Paul, at the same time that he expressed a confident hope that he should be 
released, yet regarded the sacrifice of his life as by no means improbable, and the 
circumstances of the case may have furnished just grounds for his apprehension. 
Poppa, the Empress, was a Jewish Proselyte, and if she took part with Paul’s adver- 
saries, there would be great reason to fear that the judicial sentence might be warped 
by her secret influence. This would be more particularly the case should the 
Emperor choose to adjudicate upon the question personally, for though he sat with 
assessors, corresponding to our jury, he paid no regard to their opinion when they 
retired to consider the verdict, but delivered the sentence himself, according to the 
caprice of the moment." 

It is much more likely, however, that the trial was conducted before one of the 
Consular Legates, for Nero was ἃ voluptuary, and averse to serious business, and 
had also been lately suffering from ill-health, the result, no doubt, of his continued 
debaucheries.*”” 

If Nero heard the cause, his tribunal would be in the Temple of Apollo attached 
to the palace on the Palatine Hill. The Temple of Apollo "Ὁ was a building united 


418 οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας. So Philo: ris municating with Cmsar’s household. As to 
i} Ρ ss 


τῶν ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας. Philo in Flaccum, Poppa, see Fasti Sacri, p. 324, No. 1913. 

c. 5. Paul had been sent a prisoner to the τ The body of the Epistle was written by an 
Pretorium, or Palace, and was chained by the amanuensis, but the benediction at the end, to 
wrist to one after another of the ImperialGuard; authenticate the letter, was penned by the 
and this gave him the opportunity of frequent Apostle’s own hand. See Vol. I. p. 384, Gries- 
intercourse with those about the Palace (see bach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and 
ante, p. 281); not only so, but Poppa in a.p. Alford all omit the word ‘ Amen,’ which appears 


62 became the wife of Nero, and now resided in in the Eng. ver. 48 Suet. Nero, 15. 
the Palace, and as she was a Jewish proselyte, 419 Tac. Amn. xiv. 22, 47. 
the Jews had thus peculiar facilities for com- *° Dion, liii. 1; lviii. 9; Suet. August. 29. 


VOL. I. 2p 


290 [A.D. 63] TRIAL OF ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. 


to the Greek and Latin library, and the whole surrounded by a splendid portico. 
It was in this Temple that Nero usually gave audience, or presided ata trial. If 
the Consular Legate exercised his jurisdiction, he would hold his court in one of the 
ordinary Basilicas about the forum (fig. 295). From the groundlessness of the 


ai 
Nan 
q \ ἢ 


4 ἡ 


WANN WM W777 
Ϊ 77; 


Fig. 295.—Roman basilica or hall of justice. From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary. 


charges made against Paul, it is likely that his prosecutors did not appear. Agrippa 
had already pronounced, after the hearing before Festus, that if Paul had not appealed 
to Cesar he might have been set at liberty ;*” and although legal forms required 
that he should be transmitted to Rome, to abide the Emperor’s pleasure, the accom- 


“1 Suet. Aug. 29. 422 Acts xxvi. 32. 


CHap. Vi 


TRIAL OF ST. PAUL AT ROME. 


ΠΕΡ “ἢ 291 


panying ΠΕ of Festus must ee intimated that the charge was in fact a 


croundless one. 


The result of the appeal is left in no doubt. 


After a five years’ unjust deten- 


tion, partly in Judea and partly at Rome, the me was released.*** 


** See the date of the release fully discussed, 
Fasti Sacri, p. Ixxix. 

It is the opinion of some that Paul was never 
released from imprisonment, but how can such 
an hypothesis be reconciled with the Epistle to 
Titus and the two Epistles to Timothy ? 

The Apostle writes to Titus, “For this cause left 
I thee in Crete.” Tit. i. 5. But not only is there 
no mention in the Acts of the Apostles of any 
ministry in Crete, but there is no period of the 
Apostle’s life before his imprisonment at Rome 
during which he could haye preached there. He 
touched, indeed, at Crete on his way to Rome 
(Acts xxvii. 7); but he appears not to have 
landed; and if he did, how could he, a prisoner, 
and chained by the wrist to a soldier, haye evan- 
gelized the island and planted churches? The 
time, also, was too short for any such exercise of 
his vocation. Again, he tells Titus to come to 
him at Nicopolis, in Epirus, where he proposed 
to winter. Tit. iii. 12. But how could he have 
passed any winter at Nicopolis previously to his 
imprisonment? He first visited Greece in A.D. 
52, and the winter of that year and of the next 
he was at Corinth, where he sojourned (ἐκάθισε) 
for a year and six months and upwards. Acts 
xvii. 11, From Corinth he sailed to Jerusalem, 
and was present at the Feast of Tabernacles, 
A.D. 53. Thence he went down to Antioch, 
where he remained some time (Acts xviii. 23), 
and thence, in A.p. 54, proceeded through Ga- 
latia and Phrygia to Ephesus, where he stayed 
for the next three years—i.e. till a.p. 57. Acts 
xx. 91. Thence he passed through Macedonia to 
Corinth, where he wintered for three months 
(Acts xx. 2), and in the spring of a.p. 58 sailed 
from Corinth to Philippi, and reached it at the 
passover (Acts xx. 6), and on reaching Jerusalem 
was arrested and imprisoned for two years at 
Cesarea—i.e. till Ap. 60—and was then for- 
warded as a prisoner to Rome. 

If we look to the first Epistle to Timothy, we 
read at the opening, “As I besought thee to 
abide at Ephesus when I went into Macedonia,” 
ἄς. 1 Tim.i.3. But on what occasion could 
Paul, before his imprisonment, have left Timothy 
at Ephesus when Paul himself was on his way to 
Macedonia? He was at Ephesus twice only, viz. 
first on his way from Greece to Jerusalem, and 


ΓΕ not on his road to Macedonia (Acts 
xviii. 19), and again he sojourned for three years 
at Ephesus, and then did indeed sail for Mace- 
donia. Acts xx.1. But he did not leave Timothy 
behind, for, on the contrary, he had sent him 
away a little before to Macedonia. Acts xix. 22. 
Nor could ‘limothy have returned before Paul’s 
departure, and then have been ordered to stay ; 
for when Paul reached Macedonia and wrote the 
second Epistle to the Corinthians, Timothy was 
with him, and is joined in the salutations. 2 Cor. 
1.1. But when the first Epistle to Timothy was 
written, Timothy was not only at Ephesus, but 
desired to remain there until Paul returned to 
him. 1 Tim. iii. 14. 

The evidence supplied by the second Epistle 
to Timothy is still more conclusive of the A postle’s 
liberation from the first imprisonment and his 
experience of a second imprisonment. The 
second Epistle to Timothy was clearly written 
during some imprisonment (2 Tim. i. 8, 16; iv 
6, 16), and this was at Rome (i. 17); but how 
could this be during his first imprisonment ? 
For he writes to Timothy, “ Trophimus I left at 
Miletus sick.” 2 Tim. iv. 20, But on his voyage 
to Rome under the charge of Julius the cen- 
turion he did not touch at Miletus. In order to 
escape this difficulty recourse is had to the most 
extravagant theories. Some for ἐν Μιλήτῳ would 
read ἐν Μελίτῃ (at.Malta), but not a single MS. 
can be found to give the least countenance to 
such a deviation from the ordinary text. Others 
suggest that the Miletus alluded to is not the 
famous city of that name, but one of which the 
reader probably never heard, situate in Crete. 
But this would not answer the purpose, for St. 
Paul on his way to Rome sailed along the south 
coast of Crete; but this Miletus lay on the north 
of the island. 

Again, Paul tells Timothy that “ Erastus abode 
(remained behind, ἔμεινεν) at Corinth.” 2 Tim. 
iv. 20. But Paul, in sailing from Cesarea to 
Bome on his first imprisonment, did not pass 
through Corinth. This passage to Rome, there- 
fore, when he dropped Erastus at his native town, 
must have been on some subsequent occasion 
when Paul took the usual winter route from the 
east to Rome across the Isthmus of Corinth. 

Again Paul writes, “The cloak that I left at 


2P2 


292 [a.p. 63] 


ST. PAUL AT ROME. 


[Cuar. VI. 


Troas with Carpus, when thou comest, bring 
with thee, and the books, but especially the 
parchments.” 2 Tim. iv. 13. If this Epistle was 
penned during Paul’s first imprisonment, the 
date of it must be placed some time between the 
spring of a.D. 61, when the imprisonment at Rome 
began, and the spring of a.p. 63, when it ended; 
and the cloak, &c., must have been left at Troas 
some little time before the spring of a.p. 61. 
But Paul had not been at Troas previously to 
A.D. 61 since A.D. 58, when he touched there on 
his way from Macedonia to Jerusalem. On 
arriving in Judea he was taken prisoner and 
kept in bonds at Caesarea for two years, and 
then sailed for Rome, which he reached in A.D. 
61. If, therefore, the letter was sent towards 
the close of his imprisonment in a.p. 63, an 
interval of five years, and if sent at the com- 
mencement of his imprisonment, an interval of 
three years had elapsed since he had left his 
cloak and books and parchments at Troas. But 
how improbable is it that Paul should have 
waited for five, or even three years, for an article 


of dress such as a cloak, and for books and 
parchments which he must have required for 
constant use, more particularly the parchments, 
to which the Apostle attached so much im- 
portance ! 

Thus the two Epistles to Timothy and that to 
Titus cannot be explained except on the assump- 
tion that Paul was set free from his first impri- 
sonment, and was a second time incarcerated at 
Rome. Nor is there any even plausible argu- 
ment against such second incarceration. On the 
contrary, it is just what we might expect as a 
consequence of the Neronian persecution. How- 
ever, the advocates of the contrary hypothesis, 
rather than admit that Paul was ever liberated 
from imprisonment, advance the wild and un- 
tenable theory that both the Epistles to Timothy 
and that to Titus are spurious! However, it is 
not intended here to urge the genuineness of 
these Epistles, as no solid or substantial ground 
has ever been advanced for questioning it; and 
if every paradox were to be seriously discussed, 
it would require a life to execute the task. 


395 


CHAPTER VII. 


Paul quits Rome for Puteoli, and visits Spain, and writes the Epistle to the Hebrews— 
He sails jor Judea and goes to Jerusalem. and thence to Antioch. 

A captive to the fowler’s artful snare, Ἢ 

Barred from his wonted flights in mountain air, 

The eagle folds his wing—Lo! once again 

Dawns the bright day of freedom from the chain— 

Upward he springs to heaven with new delight, 

And soars and soars, till lost to mortal sight. 

Anon. 

ΕἾΝΕ years before this, Paul, in writing to the Romans, had expressed an intention 
of passing through Rome to Spain. He was now at liberty, and the question is, Did 
he carry out his original plan of visiting Spain, or was he obliged by circumstances 
to abandon that favourite project? On the one hand, the mischiefs which had 
sprung up during his absence in the Eastern churches called loudly for his personal 
presence; but on the other hand, a voyage to Spain had been the yearning of his 
heart for many years, and as he might safely confide the care of the Eastern churches 
to one or more of his faithful followers and fellow-labourers, what was to prevent 
the execution of his long-cherished purpose? Paul was a man of great fixedness of 
resolution. He tells us that “ his word was not yea and nay,”’ that is, he was a man 
of his word. We know, further, that he had exhausted the parts of Macedonia 
and Achaia, and as he would not build on another’s foundation, Spain was naturally 
the next province in succession to be evangelized by him.’ 

The Epistle to the Philippians was written shortly before his release, and the 
Epistle to the Hebrews was written not long after his release, and there are intima- 
tions in these two Epistles which lead us to infer that Paul did break ground in some 
new quarter, and that in a westerly direction, and therefore almost necessarily in 
Spain. He had been two years a prisoner at Rome, in his own hired lodging, with 
full liberty to see all that sought him, and we cannot, therefore, suppose that when 
at last he recovered his freedom he would have any occasion to sojourn longer in 
Italy. Whither, then, did he direct his course? Had he proposed to revisit his 
Eastern churches, he could at once have started off in that direction, and either have 
taken the Via Egnatia, across Macedonia to Philippi, or have embarked on board some 


1 2 Cor. i. 18. * Rom. xy. 23, and compare Hebrews xiii, 23. 


294 (A.D. 63] DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? 


[Cuar. VII. 


vessel bound for the East. Instead of that, he writes to the Philippians that, as soon 
as ever he knew his fate he would send Timothy to them to learn their welfare, and 
bring a report to himself.* Paul, therefore, had in contemplation some plan which 
would separate him from his beloved churches for a considerable interval, so consider- 
able indeed that he could not allow it to elapse without ascertaining by a special 
messenger what was their spiritual state. Now the distance from Rome to Brundi- 
sium, the Italian port, was about 360 miles, and the distance from Dyrrhachium, 
the Macedonian port, to Philippi, was about 370 miles, making together 730 miles, 
which, at the ordinary rate of twenty-five miles a day, would be a twenty-nine days’ 
journey, besides another day for crossing from Brundisium to Dyrrhachium.t The 
absence of Timothy, therefore, if he visited Philippi only, would be upwards of two 
months, and if he extended his journey to other churches of Greece, as to Corinth, 
would be about six months. Either, therefore, Paul, on his liberation, was to remain, 
without any reason, from two to six months in Italy, or he was meditating some inter- 
mediate cireuit. But further, as Timothy was dispatched eastward to Philippi, it is 
manifest that Paul, during Timothy’s absence (an interval from two to six months), 
was not intending to bend his own course in that direction ; and as Timothy steered 
eastward, we should naturally conclude that Paul himself was bound for some country 
westward, and if so, why not to Spain, which he had so long desired to evangelize ? 

There is also a passage in the Hebrews which refers to this mission of Timothy 
and may be thought to imply that Timothy was to rejoin the Apostle, not in Italy 
itself, but in some country to which the Apostle had proceeded, and whither he had 
been accompanied by certain brethren from Italy. ‘“ Know,” he writes, “that our 
brother Timothy has been sent on a mission, with whom, if he come quickly, I will see 
you. They from Italy greet you.”* The expression in Greek ὃ is ambiguous, and may 
mean either “those of Italy,” de. Italians, or “those from Italy ;” and as the Apostle 
could scarcely say that the Italians generally sent a greeting, the inference is that 
the salutation was sent by those who had accompanied him from Italy. Had the 
writer been at Rome he would have written, “the saints of Rome ereet you,” and 
if at Puteoli, he would have written the saints of Puteoli, as they only would be 
present to authorize the message. The Apostle, therefore, when he penned these 
words, was not in Italy himself, and Timothy was not to rejoin him in Italy, and if 
not, where else but in Spain, to which the Apostle had projected a visit ? 

The testimony of the ancients upon the subject under discussion is very meagre, 
but from the scattered hints that remain to us we may collect that the tradition 
amongst the earliest fathers was in fayour of a journey to Spain ;’ and as the fact of 


8 Philipp. ii. 23. to allude to Paul's visit to Spain is Clemens Ro- 
* See note ante, Vol. I. p. 135. manus, the contemporary of Paul himself, and 
° Heb. xiii. 24. supposed to be the person referred to in the 
" οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας. Ib. Epistle to the Philippians. In his first Epistle 


7 


The most ancient writer who may be thought to the Corinthians he writes: Διὰ ζῆλον καὶ ὁ 


Cuar. VIL] DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? [a.v. 63] 295 


a cireuit in the peninsula is credible in itself, and indeed highly probable from Paul’s 
known previous intention, and as it harmonizes with all the antecedents and sequel 
of his eventful life, we may fairly conclude that Paul, at the close of his imprison- 


ment, departed westward for the Province of Spain. 


Παῦλος ὑπομονῆς βραβεῖον ὑπέσχεν, ἑπτάκις δεσμὰ 
φορέσας, φυγαδευθεὶς, λιθασθεὶς, κήρυξ γενόμενος 
ἔν τε τῇ ἀνατολῇ καὶ ἐν τῇ δύσει, τὸ γενναῖον τῆς 
πίστεως αὐτοῦ κλέος ἔλαβεν, δικαιοσύνην διδάξας 
ὅλον τὸν κόσμον, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν 
καὶ μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη 
τοῦ κύσμου, καὶ εἰς τὸν ἅγιον τόπον ἐπορεύθη, 
ὑπομονῆς γενόμενος μεγίστος ὑπογραμμός. Τούτοις 
τοῖς ἄνδρασιν ὁσίως πολιτευσαμένοις συνηθροίσθη 
πολὺ πλῆθος ἐκλεκτῶν, οἵτινες πολλὰς αἰκίας καὶ 
βασάνους διὰ ζῆλον παθόντες, ὑπόδειγμα κάλλιστον 
ἐγένοντο ἐν ἡμῖν. Clem. Rom. Epist. 1, ο. 5. Here 
the expression τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως has been inter- 
preted to mean Spain, as “the boundary of the 
west.” Thus τὰ Γάδειρα κεῖται κατὰ τὸ τῆς Εὐρώπης 
τέρμα. Philost. Vit. Apoll.v.4. See J.B. Lightfoot 
in Clement's Ep. p. 50. At the same time this 
interpretation is open to question. The writer 
is evidently using very rhetorical language by 
saying that Paul had “taught the whole world,” 
which, of course, was not literally true. It will 
also be observed that the word ἐλθὼν, though it 
may signify having gone, as in the passage cited 
infra from Euseb. Demonst. Evang. 111. 3, yet 
more properly is rendered “having come to the 
boundary of the west,” and the writer, we must 
remember, was at Rome. The “coming to the 
boundary of the west” is coupled also with the 
Apostle’s martyrdom, καὶ μαρτυρήσας, κιτιὰ., and 
he certainly suffered at Rome. Clement had just 
spoken of Paul haying preached in the east and 
in the west, and τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως may also 
refer, not to the boundary of the world, but to 
the limit toward the west of Paul’s preaching. 
The next authority in point of antiquity is 
an inscription found in Spain, and if genuine 
must have been written about a.pD. 65 or 66, as 
it is connected with the clearance of the pro- 
vince from the Christians under the general 
Neronian persecution. It runs thus: NERONI 
CL. KAIS. AVG. PONT. MAX. OB PROVINC. LATRONI- 
BYS ET HIS QVI NOVAM GEN. HYM. SVPERSTITION. 
INCVLCAB. PVRGATAM. Gruter, p. 238, No. 9. 
Here it is implied that Christians were ob- 
noxious for their numbers in Spain in A.D. 65 or 
66, and as Paul in a.p. 58 had expressed his 
intention of planting Christianity there, it is not 
an unreasonable supposition that he had carried 


this design into effect in A.D. 63, two or three 
years before the date of the monument. If Paul 
did not preach in Spain, who did ? 

Another and more important testimony is 
found in a fragment of the Canon Muratorianus, 
so called as first edited by Muratori. It is gene- 
rally admitted to be referable to the second cen- 
tury (say A.D. 170), for it speaks of the publication 
of Hermas Pastor as still quite recent: Pastorem 
vero nuperrime temporibus nostris in urbe Roma 
Herma (for Hermas) conscripsit. Reliq. Sacre, 
p.5. The inscription regarding Paul, as corrected 
by Wieseler (Chronol. Apost. p. 536), runs thus: 
Acta autem omnium Apostolorum sub uno libro 
scribta (scripta) sunt. Lucas obtime (optime) 
Theophilo comprindit (comprehendit) quia (quee) 
sub prasentia ejus singula gerebantur, sicuti et 
semote passionem Petri evidenter declarat, sed 
profectionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam profici- 
scentis (omittit). But the learned Professor has, 
T think, failed to catch the author’s meaning, and 
has inserted the word ‘omittit’ very unneces- 
sarily. The latter part, as given in Reliq. Sacrie, 
stands thus: sieuti et semote (for semota) pas- 
sionem Petri evidenter declarat, sed (sed et 
reposuit, Friendall) profectionem Pauli ab urbe 
ad Spaniam proficiscentis. Relig. Sacre, iv. 4, 
where the whole canon will be found. The 
meaning is that Luke comprised in the Acts 
those events only which were within his own 
immediate knowledge (que sub presentid ejus 
singula gerebantur), and by passing over the 
martyrdom of Peter and the visit of Paul to 
Spain, Luke plainly implies—argues the canon 
—that they did not come under his personal 
notice. The passage, therefore, should be thus 
rendered: “ Luke to the most excellent Theo- 
philus: comprises all those things which were 
enacted under his presence; so that he mani- 
festly declares the martyrdom of Peter and de- 
parture of Paul when setting out from the city 
for Spain, to be matters removed from him,” i.e. 
not enacted under his presence. Whatever be 
the true interpretation, the fact is transparent 
that Paul, as was then believed, had on his re- 
lease sailed from Rome to Spain. 

Eus-bius, who flourished a.p. 296-840, seems 
to have overlooked this canon, and to have 


296 [A.D. 63] 


DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? 


[Cuap. VII. 


In tracing the steps of the Apostle we cannot fail to observe that (with the excep- 
tion of a very short time at Athens), he never travelled or exercised his ministry 
singly. From his impaired eyesight he laboured under infirmities himself, and would 


require the personal attendance of some one, partly as a menial to render him occa- 


known nothing of any visit of Paul to Spain ; 
for he tells us, on the authority of Origen 
(A.D. 220), that Paul preached as far as ///yricum, 
and then suffered martyrdom at Rome in the 
time of Nero. Euseb. ἀπὸ Ἱερουσαλὴμ μέχρι τοῦ 
Ἰλλυρικοῦ πεπληρωκότος (Παύλου) τὸ εὐαγγέλιον 
τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ὕστερον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἐπὶ Νέρωνος 
μεμαρτυρηκότος. Εἰ. H. ili. 1. 

Epiphanius (who flourished in first part of the 
fourth century) states that Peter and Paul were 
the first bishops there, but not permanently resi- 
dent, as they had to make cireuits in distant 
parts: ὁ μὲν yap Παῦλος καὶ es τὴν ᾿Ισπανίαν 
ἀφικνεῖται: Πέτρος δὲ πολλάκις Πόντον τε καὶ 
Βιθυνίαν ἐπεσκέψατο. Epiphan. Hieres. xxvii. 6. 
lib. i. tom. 2, p. 107. 

Cyril of Jerusalem who flourished a.p. 335-586, 
writes : τὸν ποτὲ διώκτην κήρυκα καὶ δοῦλον ἀγαθὸν 
ἀπειργάσατο Πνεῦμα γιον ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύμων μὲν καὶ 
μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Ιλλυρικοῦ πεπληρωκότα τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον, 
κατηχήσαντα δὲ καὶ τὴν βασιλίδα “Ῥώμην, καὶ μέχρι 
Σπανίας τὴν προθυμίαν τοῦ κηρύγματος ἐκτείναντα. 
Catechesis, xvii. ο. 20. 

Chrysostom, on the contrary (who died a.p. 407), 
assumes that Paul, after his liberation at Rome, 
did reach Spain; but he adds that it was not 
known whether he returned thence into the 
eastern parts. 
τὴν Σπανίαν ἀπῆλθεν. Ei δὲ ἐκεῖθεν πάλιν εἰς ravta 
τὰ μέρη οὐκ ἴσμεν. Comment. on 2 Tim. 5. 4; 
Homil. 10, 5. 3. But that Paul, if he went to 
Spain, did return to the East is evidenced by 
the Second Epistle to Timothy, as I have shown 
elsewhere (see p. 291, ante) 

Jerome (born A.D. 331, died a.p. 420) agrees 
that Paul visited Spain, and went thither directly 
after his release: Sciendum autem ... Paulum 
a Nerone dimissum, ut Evangelium Christi in 
Oecidentis quoque partibus preedicet. Hieron. 
de Eecles. Seript. ὁ. 5. Paulus apostolus . 
vocatus a Domino effusus est super faciem uni- 
verse terre, ut preedicaret Evangelium de Hiero- 
solymis usque ad Illyricum .. . sed usque ad 
Hispanias tenderet. Hieron. on Amos, v. 8, 9. 

Theodoret also who flourished a.p. 443-450, 
asserts the same thing more than once: τῆς ‘Ira- 
Alas ἐπέβη καὶ εἰς Tas Σπανίας ἀφίκετο καὶ ταῖς ἐν τῷ 
πελάγει διακειμέναις νήσοις τὴν ὠφέλειαν προσήνεγκεν. 


ετὰ μὲν τὸ γενέσθαι ἐν Ρώμῃ εἰς 
μετὰ μὲν τὸ Ὑ μῃ 


Theodoret ini Psalm. exvi. ἡνίκα τῇ ἀφέσει χρησά- 
μενος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ὑπὸ τοῦ Φήστου παρεπέμφθη, 
ἀπολογισάμενος ὡς ἀθῶος ἀφείθη, καὶ τὰς Σπανίας 
κατέλαβε, καὶ εἰς ἕτερα ἔθνη δραμὼν, τὴν τῆς διδασ- 
καλίας λαμπάδα προσήνεγκε. Idem, Comm. in 
2 Tim. iv. 14, and again Comm. on Philipp. i. 9. 

It would be useless to cite any more recent 
authorities, as they only echo the language of 
their predecessors. 

The discussion of Pavl’s visit to Spain leads 
naturally to the question whether Paul ever 
landed in Britain. We regard this as quite 
impossible. There was no period in which he 
could have made so distant a voyage. 10 is hard 
to find time for a visit of six months to Spain, 
and ἃ fortior? he could not have passed into a 
country so remote as Britain. 

Theodoret (see supra) indeed writes ina rhetori- 
cal way that οἱ δὲ ἡμέτεροι ἀλιεῖς καὶ of τελῶναι 
καὶ 6 σκυτοτόμος (Paul) . . . Βρετανοὺς, καὶ Κίμ- 
βρους καὶ Ῥερμανοὺς. .. δέξασθαι τοῦ σταυρωθέντος 
τοὺς νόμους ἀνέπεισαν. Theod. Disputatio, ix. 
De Legibus ad init. But he evidently is de- 
scribing the labours not exclusively of the 
twelve Apostles and Paul, but of the earliest 
missionaries generally. 

In another passagé Theodoret is thought to be 
more precise, for he writes that Paul visited the 
islands in the sea: eis τὰς Σπανίας ἀφίκετο καὶ 
ταῖς ἐν τῷ πελάγει διακειμέναις νήσοις THY ὠφέλειαν 
προσήνεγκεν (Theodor. in Psalm. exvi.); and this 
has been commonly interpreted to mean that he 
passed into Britain; but the words ev τῷ πελά- 
yee refer only to the islands in the Mediterranean 
sea—as Oyprus, Crete, Malta, and perhaps Corsica 
and Sardinia—and not to the islands in the ocean. 
Thecdoret certainly did not suppose Paul to have 
preached in Britain, for he tells us that on his 
liberation from his first imprisonment he sailed 
to Spain, and returned from Spain to Rome, and 
then and there suffered martyrdom: δύο ἔτη τὸ 
πρῶτον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ διήνεγκε καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν, οἰκῶν ἐν 
τῷ ἰδίῳ μισθώματι: ἐκεῖθεν δὲ εἰς τὰς Σπανίας 
ἀπελθὼν καὶ τὸ θεῖον κἀκείνοις προσενέγκων εὐαγ- 
γέλιον, ἐπανῆλθε καὶ τότε τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπετμήθη. 
Theod. Comm. on Philipp. i. 25. 

The first express mention of Paul’s supposed 
visit to Britain is ascribed to Venantius Fortu- 


Cuar. VII.) DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? 


[a.p. 63] 297 


sional assistance, and partly as an amanuensis to write at his dictation. Others would 
be employed in baptizing—often a laborious office, from the multitude of converts, 
for Paul was sent “not to baptize, but to preach the Gospel.”* Others would be 
engaged like Paul himself in discharging the duties of missionaries by public teaching, 
either in the synagogues of the Jews or in the lecture-rooms of the Gentiles. Others 
would be ready as envoys to carry the Apostle’s letters and instructions to distant 
churches, and to act as the representatives of the Apostle in solving their difficulties, 
reconciling their differences, and superintending generally the religious deportment 
of the half-formed communities. These fellow-trayellers about the Apostle were 
often numerous. Thus, when he set out from Corinth for Jerusalem, he took with him 
Luke, Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius, Timothy, Tychicus, Trophimus, and 
perhaps cthers.? And during his imprisonment at Rome we find waiting upon him 
Timothy,”° Tychicus, Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, Epaphroditus, Jesus called 
Justus,!! and Onesimus.” Of these, Tychicus and Onesimus had been since sent to 
Colosse and Epaphroditus to Philippi, and Mark had proceeded eastward ;'* and on 
the discharge of Paul from imprisonment Timothy also had been sent to Philippi. 
But so far as we know, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, and Justus still remained with 
the Apostle, and some of the others may have returned or their places have been filled 
up. We may also assume that, during the two years that Paul a prisoner was 
allowed to preach with full liberty at Rome, many of his hearers and some, per- 
haps, of the numerous converts saluted by him in the Epistle to the Romans, would 
attach themselves permanently to the Apostle, and become his fellow-labourers in 
the vineyard. When, therefore, the Apostle quitted Rome to carry forward the 
banner of Christ into Spain, we may rest assured that he was accompanied by a band 


natus, but who lived 600 years after the Apo- divinely supported, from the great success of their 
stolie age. Not only so, but when the whole — labours, though they were illiterate men, he re- 
passage is considered, it seems at least doubtful cords that they penetrated into Persia and Ar- 
whether the poet means that Paul himself, or menia and Parthia and Scythia, and others even to 
that only his writings had penetrated as far as Britain. τινὰς δὲ ἤδη καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης 


Britain, for the lines are as follows :— ἐλθεῖν τὰ ἄκρα, ἐπί τε THY ᾿Ινδῶν φθάσαι χώραν" καὶ 
Pa rae ete c ἢ Ra ΘᾺ ͵ 
“ Quid sacer ille simul Paulus, tuba gentibus ampla, STE POUS UT ep ΟΡ ΘΟ ΚΕΟΥΘΣ παρελθεῖν aS καλουμέ- 
Per mare per terras Christi ρυιυοοπία fundens, vas Βρεττανικὰς νήσους. Euseb. Demonst. Evang. 
eon asi sale, SL τον emate complens, iii.5. But his argument does not require, and his 

ὧς qua sol radiis tendit, stylus ille cucurrit. pa τ Ree 
Arctos, Meridies, bine plenus Vesper εὖ Ortus. meaning must not be taken to be, that any of the 
Transit et oceanum vel qua facit insula portum, twelve Apostles or Paul passed over into Britain, 
Quasque Britannus habet terras atque ultima 1 hule.” but only some of the earliest missionaries, who 


A a aa were in no higher station of life than the twelve 


There can be no doubt, however, that Chris- Apostles. 


tianity was planted in Britain in the very earliest ΒΤ Core 
period. Thus Tertullian (born a.p. 160, died 9. Acts xx. 4. 
A.D. 240) speaks of Britannorum inaccessa Ro- ® Coloss. i. 1; Philipp. i. 1. 
manis loca, Christo vero subdita. Tertull. adv. 1 Philem. 23; Coloss. iv. 10. 
Judos, ο. 7. And Eusebius goes so far as to say 2 Philem. 11. 
that some of the Apostles passed into Britain ; 8 Coloss. iv. 10. 
for, arguing that the Evangelists must have been 
Vou, I. 2a 


298 [A.D. 63] DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? [Cuar. VII. 


of faithful followers, partly his old companions, and partly new coadjutors adopted 
at Rome. All those who passed with him into Spain and “ went to the work,” may 
have been intended by him under the brief description contained in the Epistle to 
the Hebrews written from Spain. ‘They from Italy greet you.” Τ᾿ 

If we have little light as to Paul’s yisit to Spain at all, we are absolutely in the 
dark as to the details of his ministry there. At what port, for instance, did he land ? 
What cities did he evangelize? What was the length of his sojourn? The last ques- 
tion is the most capable of an answer, for as he was released about March a.p. 63, 
and Timothy was then immediately dispatched to Philippi with an injunction to re- 
joi the Apostle in the west,’ and as the mission of Timothy from Rome to Philippi 
would occupy some months at the least, and as Paul at the date of the Epistle to 
the Hebrews was expecting the return of Timothy shortly,'® the ministry in Spain 
must have continued over midsummer. But as Timothy would naturally stay some 
time with the Philippians, and might also have been commissioned to visit other 
churches, we should allow for his absence a period of about six months, which would 
extend the duration of Paul’s ministry in Spain until September, and this would 
give a meaning to the language in the Hebrews, that if Timothy came quickly Paul 
would sail with him for Judea," for as winter was approaching, Paul, if he waited 
long, would lose his passage to Judea for that year. 

What, again, were the fruits of the Apostle’s ministry in Spain? We cannot 
doubt that the champion who had planted churches in all the principal cities of the 
East would meet with his usual success in the Peninsula, but the only proof of it is 
an inscription, if it be genuine, found in Lusitania of Spain, which thanks the 
Emperor Nero for the execution of his bloody edicts against the unoffending Chris- 
tians of that province.’ The date of the inscription is referable to a.p. 65 or 66, 
and therefore only two or three years from the time of the Apostle’s visit. Any 
severities however which may have been exercised against the Christians had no more 
effect in Spain than elsewhere, for Irenzeus, who wrote in the latter part of the second 
century, speaks of the Christian community in Spain as then flourishing.” 

Tt was while Paul was prosecuting his labours in Spain that he was overtaken by 
a disastrous piece of intelligence from Judea, which obliged him to cut short his 
circuit in the west and return to Judea. We refer to the martyrdom of James the 
Just, the Bishop of Jerusalem, and the general persecution of the Hebrew church. 
To understand the posture of affairs in Judea at this juncture, we must recur for a 
moment to what had been passing there during Paul’s long imprisonment at Rome. 

When Paul had sailed from Caesarea in a.p. 60, Festus was Procurator, and had 
not long arrived in his province, and did not long continue in office, but while his 


Ἡ ᾿Ασπάζονται ὑμᾶς of ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας. Heb. M Heb. xiii. 23. 
xiii. 24, * See the inscription in note ante, p. 205. 
® Compare Philipp. ii. 28; Heb. xiii. 23. ™ ἐν ταῖς ᾿Ιβηρίαις. Ireneus ady. Heeres. i. 3. 


16 Heb. xiii. 23. 


Cuar. VII.J PERSECUTION AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 63] 299 


rule lasted he seems to have administered the affairs of the province with singular 
felicity. He displayed considerable energy in clearing the country of banditti, and 
dispersed a fanatical rabble, who had followed an impostor into the desert. In a.v. 
61,” Agrippa added a story to his palace at Jerusalem, on the N.E. verge of the 
High Town (now called Sion), so as to command a sight of what was passing in the 
Temple on Mount Moriah, to the east. The priesthood were indignant that the 
mysteries of religion should be overlooked, and raised the western wall of the inner 
Temple, so as to shut out the view from the palace of Agrippa, but which also had 
the effect of shutting out the view from the western outer cloister, where the Romans 
were wont to mount guard to check any sudden outbreak in the crowded area of the 
Temple. This gave offence to Festus, the Procurator, and the Jews were ordered to 
demolish the wall. They affected to be horror-struck at the impiety of taking down 
any part of the sacred edifice, and entreated Festus to allow them to send an embassy 
to the Emperor. With some difficulty this favour was conceded, and Ishmael, the 
high priest, with some of the most influential of his countrymen, set sail for Rome. 
They arrived in the course of the year a.p. 61, and having gained the ear of Poppa, 
then the mistress of Nero, and a Jewish proselyte, they succeeded in their mission. 
Ishmael, however, had so insinuated himself into the good graces of Poppea, that 
when the object of the embassy had been attained, Poppea expressed a wish, amount- 
ing to a command, that Ishmael should remain in attendance at the Imperial court. 
On the news of this detention reaching Judea, and therefore about the close of the 
year .p. 61,% Agrippa was under the necessity of appointing a high priest in the 
place of Ishmael, and he nominated Joseph, the son of Simon.” At the beginning of 
A.D. 62, Festus was suddenly snatched away by death, and on the transmission of the 
intelligence to Rome, Albinus was appointed his successor. About midsummer of 
the same year, A.p. 62, Agrippa displaced Joseph from the high priesthood, and con- 
ferred it upon Ananus, the son of Annas.” 

We have already described Ananus as a disinterested patriot, eloquent in speech 
and fearless in action, but unhappily, like the rest of the Sadducees, warped by an 
implacable hatred against the Nazarenes. Annas had been mainly instrumental in 
the crucifixion of our Saviour, and the son now followed in his father’s steps, by 
endeayouring to extirpate the obnoxious Heresy. The present juncture was peculiarly 
favourable for his purpose, as Albinus not having arrived, the Procuratorship was 
still vacant, and Agrippa, who though not a Christian, had been almost persuaded to 
adopt the faith, and might be regarded as friendly to the sect, was at a distance from 
Jerusalem, either residing in Cesarea Philippi, the capital of Trachonitis, or engaged 
with the Romans in the war against the Parthians.” 


*° See Fasti Sacri, p. 824, No. 1912. *8 Jos. Ant. xx. 9,1; Bell. ii. 14, 1. 
*1 See Fasti Sacri, p. 824, No. 1914. * Jos. Ant. xx. 9, 1. 
22 Jos. Ant. xx. 8, 11. *° See Fasti Sacri, p. 327, No. 1981. 


2 Q 2 


300 [aA.p. 63] MARTYRDOM OF JAMES THE JUST. [Cuar. VIT. 


The persecution began by the infliction of minor punishments, as confiscation 
of goods, imprisonment, scourging in the synagogues, and excommunication ; and 
it was at this period that James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, addressed his Epistle to 
his suffering brethren—at least we trace in it frequent allusions to more than ordinary 
trials. His first exhortation is this: “ My brethren, count it all joy, when ye fall 
into divers temptations ; knowing this, that the trying of your faith worketh patience ; 
but let patience have her perfect work, that ye may be perfect and entire, wanting 
nothing.” 2° And again, “ Do not rich men oppress you, and draw you before the judg- 
ment seats? Do not they blaspheme that worthy name by the which ye are called?” * 
And again, “ Be patient therefore, brethren, unto the coming of the Lord. Behold, 
the husbandman waiteth for the precious fruit of the earth, and hath long patience 
for it, until he receive the early and latter rain. Be ye also patient ; stablish your 
hearts ; for the coming of the Lord draweth nigh. Grudge not one against another, 
brethren, lest ye be condemned ; behold, the judge standeth before the door. Take, my 
brethren, the prophets, who have spoken in the name of the Lord, for an example of 
suffering affliction and of patience. Behold, we count them happy which endure. Ye 
have heard of the patience of Job, and have seen the end of the Lord; that the Lord is 
very pitiful, and of tender mercy.” ** 

These initiatory inflictions of Ananus passed over with impunity, and his severity 
now rose with his success, and was directed against higher victims. James, the Bishop 
of Jerusalem, and some of the most eminent of the Hebrew church were brought 
before the Sanhedrim, to be tried for their lives on the charge of Heresy or Blasphemy 
by the Jewish law. The Sadducee influence prevailed, and they were condemned, and 
immediately stoned to death. This bloody deed, so barbarous in itself, was wholly 
illegal, and an open defiance of the Roman authority ; for the constitution imposed 
upon them by their conquerors did not permit the Jews to inflict capital punishment 
without the sanction of the Roman governor. 

So cold-blooded a murder (for it was no less) of innocent and inoffensive men 
shocked the minds of all the sober part of the community, whatever night be their 
sentiments as to the merits of the Christian sect. A courier was immediately 
dispatched to Albinus, who had already reached Egypt on his way to Judea, and 
another to Agrippa, the King of Trachonitis, by whom Ananus had been appointed 
High Priest, and both Albinus and Agrippa exerted themselves with great spirit to 
prevent further bloodshed. 

We have an account of these inhuman proceedings from the pen ot the Jewish 
historian, Josephus, and the narrative is so credible in itself, that we cannot doubt its 
authenticity. ‘This younger Ananus, who, as we have said just now, was made 
High Priest, was of a bold temper and exceedingly daring, and moreover he was of 
the sect of the Sadducees, who, as we also have cbserved before, are, above all other 


26 James 1. 2-4. ~ 27 James ii. 6, 7. *8 James v. 7-11. 


Cuap. VIT.] MARTYRDOM OF JAMES THE JUST. [a.p. 63] 901 


Jews, severe in their judicial sentences. This then being the character of Ananus, 
he, thinking he had a fit opportunity because Festus was dead, and Albinus was yet 
upon the road, calls a sanhedrim of judges, and bringing before them James, the 
brother of him who is called Christ, and some others, accused them as transgressors 
of the laws, and had them stoned to death. But such as were reckoned the most 
moderate men of the city, and were skilful in the laws, were offended at this proceed- 
ing; and sent privately to the King (Agrippa) entreating him to send orders to 
Ananus no more to attempt such things, for neither was his first act justifiable ; and 
some went away to meet Albinus, who was coming from Alexandria, and put him in 
mind that Ananus had no right to call a council without his leave. And Albinus, 
approving of what they said, wrote to Ananus in much anger, threatening to punish 
him for what he had done. And King Agrippa took away from him the High 
Priesthood, after he had enjoyed it three months, and put in Jesus, the son of 
Damneus.” “ἢ 

We have also a relation of the martyrdom of James, from Hegesippus, a Christian 
writer, who lived about a.p. 173; but the details which he has given are so mixed 
with fable, and so manifestly absurd, that we forbear to insert them. They prove 
only that legendary fiction, even in that early age, had already begun to germinate.*” 

It may be readily imagined what was the consternation in the Hebrew church 
while all this was proceeding. A fearful chasm had been made in their ranks. They 
had lost their Bishop, and some of the most revered of their spiritual guides. Peter, 
the great Apostle of the Circumcision, was engaged in Babylon,’ or elsewhere in 
the East, and the remaining Apostles were dispersed over distant regions. The 
surviving presbyters were faithful to their post, and kept an anxious watch over the 
flock while the wolves were abroad; but notwithstanding all their zeal, there was 
just ground for apprehension that the designs of the Sadducees would eventually 
succeed, and that many of the Christian brethren, with the fear of death before their 
eyes, might be constrained to renounce (as some, perhaps, had already renounced) 
their Christian calling. 

Intelligence of the martyrdom of James the Just, and the persecution of the 
Hebrew church, reached Paul while he was prosecuting his ministry in the West, and a 
wish may haye been conveyed to him by the heads of the Hebrew church that he 
would come to their succour, or if he could not visit them himself, he would address 
to them an epistle of encouragement. He would gladly have sailed at once to Judea 
to console his beloved fellow-countrymen under so severe a trial, but he could not dis- 
entangle himself at a moment’s warning from his engagements in Spain, and he was 
daily expecting the arrival of Timothy from Philippi, with whose services in the 
ministry, whether in Spain or Judea, he could not easily dispense. Under these cir- 


% Jos. Ant. xx. 9; 1. © Euseb, Hist. ii. 23; and Fasti Sacri, p. 327, No. 1931. 
“1 1 Peter v. 


902 [A.D. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. 


cumstances, he prepared for a voyage to Jerusalem as soon as Timothy should join 
him, and if he delayed his coming, he resolved on embarking by himself. Meanwhile 
he wrote them a letter, the Epistle to the Hebrews, the most interesting of all his 
productions, and we had almost said, the most able; but such is the depth of Paul’s 
mind, that the Epistle last read almost invariably appears the sublimest com- 
position. 

His great aim was of course, by every argument that sound reasoning or persuasive 
eloquence could suggest, to prevent the Apostasy of the Hebrew church. This will be 
found the key-note of the whole Epistle—the vital principle that animates it from 
beginning to end. With this view, as the Law and the Gospel were in open collision 
at Jerusalem, he contrasts the one with the other, and shows the infinite superiority of 
the new dispensation over the old; that, in fact, the Law and the Levitical Priest- 
hood were but the type and figure of the Gospel and High Priesthood of Christ. The 
inference to be drawn was, that the brethren should not worship the shadow and 
renounce the substance. 

In perusing the Epistle the reader will bear in mind not only that a bitter perse- 
cution was now raging, or rather was supposed to be still raging, at Jerusalem, but 
that the Mosaic Dispensation, as having been superseded by the Gospel, was drawing 
rapidly to an end; Albinus, the next year, was succeeded by Gessius Florus, and his 
infamous tyranny gave rise, in aD. 66, to the Jewish war, and in 4.p. 70, Jerusalem 
was destroyed by Titus, the daily sacrifice ceased, and Jehovah had no longer a temple 
upon earth (fig. 296). 


Fig. 296.—Coin struck on the conquest of Jerusalem by Titus. From J. ¥. Akerman. 


Obv. Portrait of Titus with the legend T. CAES, IMP. AUG. F. TR. P. COS, VI. CENSOR. 
Rev. Female figure of Judea with the legend JUDAEA CAPTA. 5.6. 


We now lay before the reader a faint outline of the contents of the Epistle. The 
Apostle begins (i. 1) by impressing on the Hebrew converts the august majesty of 
their great Apostie, the author of the new dispensation, that as the Son of God and 
the heir of all things, he was far above all angels or created spirits, as he proves from 
the prophetic writings relative to the Messiah, and he then warns them of the danger 
of apostatising from their faith in that Divine Being: “If the word spoken by angels 
was stedfast, and every transgression and disobedience received a just recompense of 
reward, how shall we escape ¢f we neglect so great salvation, which at the first began 
to be spoken by the Lord, and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him, God also 


(ΠΑΡ. VII.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [4.}. 63] 303 


bearing them witness, both with signs and wonders, and with divers miracles and gifts 
of the Holy Ghost, according to his own will.” 55 

He next (1. 5) dwells on the character of Christ as our Great High Priest, that, 
having descended from his lofty sphere to assume the form of man, he had offered 
himself a sacrifice once for all for the sins of mankind, and that he is now our inter- 
cessor in heaven: “ For in that he himself hath suffered being tempted, he is able to 
succour them that are tempted.’”* 

Having thus portrayed Christ as our Apostle and High Priest, he proves (iii. 1) 
how immeasurably superior as an Apostle or Lawgiver, he was to Moses, for the latter 
was faithful as a servant im the household of God, whereas Christ, as the Son, was 
over his own household, ‘‘ Whose household,” he continues, “are we, if, at least, we hold 
Jast the confidence and the rejoicing of the hope firm unto the end.” And then, referring 
to those “whose carcases fell in the wilderness” for want of faith in Moses, he 
exhorts them to steadfastness in these words: “ Let us therefore fear, lest, a promise 
being left us of entering into his rest, any of you should seem to come short of it. For 
unto us are the glad tidings brought, as also unto them; but the word which they 
heard did not profit them, not being mixed with faith in them that heard it ;”** and he 
tells them in language almost awful, how searching an eye is over them: “Let us 
labour therefore to enter into that rest, lest any man fall after the same example of 
‘unbelief; for the word of God is quick and powerful and sharper than any two-edged 
sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and 
marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart; neither is there 
any creature that is not manifest in his sight, but all things are naked and laid open 
unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do.’ 

He next (iv. 14) compares Christ in his character of High Priest, with Aaron and 
the Levitical Priesthood, and evinces from Scripture that Christ, as a Priest, after 
the order of Melchisedec, was in numerous attributes superior to the Priests after 
the order of Aaron, as in being a Priest for ever, &c.; and he introduces parenthe- 
tically (from y. 12, to the end of the chapter) some strictures on the backward state 
of the Hebrew church. 

He then (viii. 1) advances a step farther, and shows that the Law and Levitical 
Priesthood, for which the Hebrews were pressed to renounce their allegiance to Christ, 
were merely the type of the Christian dispensation, and after citing the words of 
Jeremiah, “ Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, when I will make a new covenant 
with the house of Israel and with the house of Judah ;” he adds, “In that he saith, 
‘a new covenant,’ he hath made the first old: now that which decayeth and waxeth 
old is ready to vanish away :” and he proceeds (ix. 1) to point out the several types 
in the Levitieal Priesthood, as that the High Priest once a year offering sacrifice, and 
then, entering into the Holy of Holies there to intercede for the sins of the people, 


3? Heb. ii. 2-4. 33. Heb. ii. 18. * Heb: iy. 1 9. 5. Heb. iv. 11-13. 


504 [a.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VIL. 


signified by a figure that Christ should offer himself once for all a sacrifice for the 
sins of mankind, and then enter into heaven to be our intercessor with his Father. 

Thus far the Epistle is doctrinal. In the second part (x. 19) he exhorts them to 
- constancy in the faith, by every argument of hope or fear that earnest affection could 
dictate. 

He first (ix. 19) presses upon them the necessary inference from all that had 
preceded.—Haying such a High Priest, “ Let us,” he says, “ hold fast the profession 
of our faith without wavering, for he is faithful that hath promised ;*° and he again 
warns them of the fatal consequences of apostasy: “He that despised Moses’ law died 
without mercy under two or three witnesses. Of how much sorer punishment, sup- 
pose ye, shall he be thought worthy who hath trodden wnder foot the Son of God, and 
hath counted the blood of the covenant wherewith he was sanctified an unholy thing, 
and hath done despite unto the spirit of grace "ἢ 

He next (x. 32) reminds them of the first persecution, in the time of Stephen, and 
bids them display the same praiseworthy endurance which had then distinguished 
them. ‘Call to remembrance the former days, in which, after ye were illuminated, ye 
endured a great wrestling with affliction ; partly, whilst ye were made a gazing-stock 
both by reproaches and afflictions, and partly, whilst ye became comforters of them 
that were so used. For ye had compassion of those in bonds, and took joyfully 
the spoiling of your possessions, knowing in yourselves that ye have in heaven a 
better and an enduring possession.”** 

He next (xi. 1) sets before them the examples of the Patriarchs, who, from trust 
in God, were ready to sacrifice life itself—they had “trial of cruel mockings and 
scourgings, yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment; they were stoned, they were 
sawh asunder, were tempted, were slain with the sword; they wandered about in 


sheepskins and goatskins, being destitute, afflicted, tormented : ἢ 


nay, he bids them 
(xii. 2) follow the example of Christ himself. ‘‘ Look,” he says, “unto Jesus, the 
author and finisher of our faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured 
the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne of 
God.”*® He then (x11. 5) exhorts them to patience, as the adopted sons of God: “ For 
what son is there whom the Father chasteneth not? But if ye be without chas- 
tisement, whereof all are partakers, then are ye bastards, and not sons. We had 
then our fathers of the flesh which corrected us—shall we not much rather be in 
subjection unto the Father of spirits, and live Ὁ 

In the third part (xii. 14) he proceeds to enforce the duties of religion, and 
encourages them to the practice of holiness, by pointing out to them the recompense 
of their reward, even the glories of heaven their inheritance—that the law from 
Mount Sinai was attended with “blackness and darkness, and tempest, and the sound 


86 Heb. x. 23. 88 Heb. x. 32-34. 40 Heb. xii. 2. 
7 Heb. x. 28, 29. 8° Heb. xi. 36, 37. 4. Heb. xii. 7-9. 


πάρ. VII] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 305 


of a trumpet, which they that heard entreated that the word might not be spoken 
to them any more ;” but the Gospel led them to ‘‘ Mount Sion, and the city of the 
living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and an innumerable company of angels, to the 
general gathering and assembly of the firstborn, which are written in heayen, and 
God the judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect, and Jesus the 
mediator of the new covenant.”** He then (xiii. 1) adverts to the necessity of a 
charitable spirit, amid the trials and afflictions to which they were now subjected at 
the hands of their own countrymen: “ Let brotherly love continue.” He bids them 
also show hospitality, a virtue so constantly to be exercised at Jerusalem, to which, at 
the great festivals, such multitudes of houseless pilgrims were assembled. And he 
tells them to comfort such as were suffering imprisonment, or fine, or other distress 
in consequence of the persecution: “Remember them that are in bonds, as bound 
with them ; and them which suffer adversity, as being yourselves also in the body.”** 
He then refers to the death of James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, and his fellow- 
martyrs, who, like Stephen in the first persecution, and James the brother of John 
in the time of the elder Agrippa, had sealed their faith with their blood. “ Keep in 
mind,” he writes, “your pastors, who spake to you the word of God, whose faith 
follow, looking to the end of their conversation.’””** 

It would seem that the Jews had excommunicated the Christians, and would not 
allow them to join in the Temple sacrifices, and by refusing to hold communion with 
them would fain drive them from Jerusalem. Paul makes allusion to this, and 
comforts them by dwelling on the higher privileges of the Gospel, inasmuch as their 
city was in heaven, where was Christ, their High Priest, by whom they offered spiritual 
sacrifices. “ We,” he says, ‘‘ have an altar whereof they have no power to eat which 
serve the tabernacle. Wherefore Jesus also, that he might sanctify the people with 
his own blood, suffered without the gate. Let us go forth therefore unto him without 
the camp, bearing his reproach. For here have we no continuing city, but we seek one 
to come. By him, therefore, let us offer the sacrifice of praise to God continually, that 
is, the fruit of our lips, giving thanks to his name.’*® 

He (xii. 17) inculeates the necessity of obedience to their spiritual rulers, a 
suitable admonition when the bishop and pastors to whom they had been accus- 
tomed had been recently torn from them, and others had been newly appointed. He 
asks for their prayers on his own behalf (xiii. 18), particularly that he might soon be 
restored to them ; and knowing that some of the Hebrew church were prejudiced 
against him as advocating the free admission of the Gentiles without the Law, he 
defends himself by saying, “ We trust we have a good conscience, in all things wishing 
to live honestly.” 

He subjoins an apology for having addressed a church, over which he, as Apostle 
of the Gentiles, had no jurisdiction: ‘‘ And I beseech you, brethren, suffer the word 


42 Heb. xii. 22-94: SH EDs; ΟΣ 4# Heb. xiii. 7. 4“ Heb. xiii. 10-15. 
VOL. II. 28 


306 EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


[Cuar. VII. 


of exhortation, for I have written unto you in few words; and then informing 
them that Timothy had been sent on an errand, viz. to Philippi, and that if he 
arrived soon, they would visit Jerusalem together, he concludes with a salutation, and 
the usual benediction, the authentication of every letter. The Epistle ran thus : “— 


[The itulics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 
thus [ ], are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] 


Cu. 1. “ God, having at divers times and in divers manners** spoken in times past 


2 unto the fathers by the prophets, hath at the eatreme of * these days spoken unto 


46 Heb. xiii. 22. 

47 The date of the Epistle may be referred to 
the year A.D. 63,as follows :—Paul at the date of 
the Epistle was certainly at liberty, which would 
not be the case before the spring of A.D. 63, and 
at the date of the Epistle he was expecting 
Timothy back from the mission to Philippi, 
“Know that Timothy has been sent on a mis- 
sion, with whom, if he come quickly, I will see 
you,” Heb. xiii. 23, whither he had been sent 
immediately on Paul’s release in the spring, 
Philipp. ii. 19, 23; and Paul was either still in 
Italy or in some part to which his Italian fol- 
lowers had accompanied him: “They of (or 
from) Italy salute you,” Heb, xiii. 19. 

The date of A.p. 63 is also confirmed by the 
repeated allusions in the Epistle to the recent 
persecution of the Christians at Jerusalem. In 
A.D. 62, Ananus, the high priest, had put James 
the Just, the Bishop of Jerusalem, to death, and 
was taking violent proceedings against all of the 
same faith. (See Fasti Sacri, p. 827, No. 1951.) 
The tidings of this persecution had in ap. 63 
reached the western parts of the Empire, and in 
the 11th and following chapters of the epistle 
the Apostle refers again and again to these suffer- 
ings. The persecution in the writer’s mind was 
not that in the earliest days of the church, for 
he exhorts them to the like patience now as had 
heen exhibited by the first martyrs : “ Remember 
the former days in which, when ye were enlight- 
ened (φωτισθέντες) ye endured a great struggle 
of sufferings,’ Heb. x. 32, and the deaths of James 
the brother of John, and James the Bishop, are 
referred to in the passage, “Remember your 
rulers, Who spake to you the word of life (James, 
the brother of John, and James the Bishop), whose 
faith follow, seeing once and again (ἀναθεωροῦντες) 
the end of their course,” Heb. xiii. 7. 


48 Πολυμερῶς καὶ πολυτρόπως. These words 


were a common Greek expression (see Wetstein), 
and shew in what language the Epistle was 
written. The word πολυτρόπως answers to the 
phrases used by Paul elsewhere: πολὺ κατὰ πάντα 
τρόπον, Rom. ili. 2; παντὶ τρόπῳ, Philipp. i. 18; 
διὰ παντὸς ἐν παντὶ τρόπῳ, 2 Thess. iii. 16. 

Much argument has been employed to prove 
that this Epistle was not written by Paul. The 
‘Hebrews,’ however, contains all the Apostle’s 
peculiarities. 

1. Thus the Apostle usually commences an 
Epistle with doctrinal matter, and then proceeds 
to religious reflections, which he follows up with 
salutations, and concludes with a benediction, 
“The grace of our Lord be with you;’ and all 
these characteristics will be found seriatim in 
the Hebrews. With regard to the benediction 
in particular, it is observable that the other 
thirteen Epistles of St. Paul end with it, but 
none of the other Epistles (viz., of James, or Peter, 
or John, or Jude) close in the same manner. 
Indeed, as St. Paul tells the Thessalonians, the 
salutation in his own handwriting was the test 
of the authenticity of every Epistle of himself. 
2 Thess. iii. 17. When, therefore, we meet with 
this test in the Epistle to the Hebrews, how 
can we refuse to recognize Paul as the writer ? 
This note of authorship must have been familiar 
to the church, and no other well-intentioned 
writer would have attempted to impose on the 
world by using St. Paul’s distinctive mark. Other 
minor features of resemblance from time to time 
discever themselves, such as Paul’s asking for 
their prayers for him, &e. Heb. xii. 18. 

2. There are, besides, the personal relations of 
the writer, which point clearly to Paul, such as the 
mention of Timothy as one employed upon mis- 
sions to the churches (Heb. xiii. 23), the wish of 
the writer that he may be soon restored to the 
Hebrews (Heb. xiii. 19), which implies, as was 


® Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, read ἐπ᾿ ἐσχάτου instead of én’ ἐσχάτων. 


CHAP. bi 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


[a.p. 63] 501 


us ἜΣ lis Son, whom he hath = heir of all ΕΝ by whom also he 
3 made the worlds, who being the brightness of his glory, and the express 


the case with Paul, that he had been Weneaits 
separated from them. 

3. Paul also was an Hellenist, and the version 
of the Scriptures used by the Hellenists was the 
Septuagint, and in the Hebrews, as in the other 
Epistles of Paul, the citations are invariably, or 
nearly so, from the Septuagint. 

4. We may also remark that we find in the 
Epistle to the Hebrews the same proportion of ἅπαξ 
λεγόμενα, or words used by Paul once only, or in 
only one Epistle. The ἅπαξ λεγόμενα in the dif- 
ferent Epistles are stated by Forster to be as 
follows :— 


Heb. 151 Col. 35 
Rom. 111 1 Thess. 15 
1 Cor. 100 2 Thess. 8 
2 Cor. 86 ΠΠ τη; ΤΆ 
Gals 31 2Tim. 47 
Fph. 38 Tit. 3 
mk 4 Phil. 6 
Total .. 746 


In this table the Romans, though longer, con- 
tains fewer ἅπαξ λεγόμενα than the Hebrews; 
but, on the other hand, 1 Tim., though little 
more than one-third of the Hebrews, contains 74, 
and if of equal length, would furnish nearly 220. 

5. By Pauline words are meant words used 
only, or ina peculiar manner, by Paul; and these 
also occur in about the same proportion in the 
Hebrews as in the other Epistles. Thus the 
10th chapter of Hebrews and the 8th chapter of 
Romans contain each 39 verses, and in each are 
exactly 19 Pauline words: 


Hebrews. Romans. 
᾿Ανάμνησις. ᾿Απεκδέχομαι. 
᾿Ἐπισυναγωγή. ᾿Αποκαραδοκία. 
᾿Ἐφάπαξ. ᾿Απολύτρωσις. 
Θεατρίζομαι. Δουλεία. 
ΔΛειτουργέω. ἜἘνίστημι. 
Οἰκτιρμός. ᾿Ἐνοικέω. 
‘Opodoyia. Θνητός. 
᾿Ὀνειδισμός. Οἰκέω. 


Thus Philo —Tis 
μακαρίας φύσεως ἐκμυγεῖον ἣ ἀπόσπασμα ἣ ἀπάυ- 
γασμα. De Mundi Opif. ec. 51. And again— 
Τῆς μακαρίας καὶ τρὶς-μακαρίας φύσεως a ἀπαύγασμα. 
De Concupis. ὁ. 11. There was a famous Alexan- 
drian school at Tarsus where the works of Philo 


® Απαύγασμα τῆς δόξης. 


image of his Poe Ἵ and ἈΡΒΟΙΘΙΕ ΕΣ all ee by the word of his Ewen 


Febrews. Romans. 
Πληροφορία. Προορίζω. 
ΠροσΦυρά. Στενοχωρία. 
Τιμωρία. Συμπάσχω. 
Ὑπενάντιος. “Υἱοθεσία. 
Ὑποστέλλω. Ὕψωμα. 


The use of the copulative re is also remark- 
able. It does not appear in the Septuagint at 
all, but καὶ is invariably employed. It is found 
in the Hebrews twenty times, and in Paul’s other 
Epistles seven times. With the exception of 
Luke, all the other writers of the New Testament 
together vary the copulative καὶ for re in eight 
instances only. The connective re appears to have 
clung to the author’s mind in the Hebrews as the 
word πλοῦτος in the Ephesians and Colossians. 

6, No doubt the style of the Hebrews is not quite 
consonant with that of Paul’s Epistles generally, 
but the Hebrews is rather a carefully wrought 
treatise on the most vital points of faith, and 
addressed to a church over which Paul had no 
supremacy, and to which he was comparatively 
a stranger, while the other Epistles were letters 
to churches with which Paul was familiar, or 
over which, as the Apostle of the Gentiles, he 
exercised an allowed authority. The difference 
of style only shows the wonderful talent of the 
Apostle, who, while scorning to write in studied 
language to the Greeks, 1 Cor. ii. 4, could, when 
occasion called for it, employ a flowing and even 
ornate style. See Forster on the Hebrews. 

7. It has been made an objection to the Pauline 
authorship of the Epistle, that the Hebrews 
abounds too much in quotations to have come 
from the hand of Paul; but on a comparison of 
it with the Romans, it is found that the latter 
has 48 while the former has only 34 citations. 
Certainly, the Romans is the longer Epistle, viz. 
in the proportion of 14 to 10; but even allowing 
for this, there is a greater frequency of quotation 
in the Romans than in the Hebrews. 

8. It has been thought singular by some that 
Paul does not preface his letter with the usual 


would be diligently stidiail and Paul, as aig 
cated and afterwards residing at Tarsus, would 
be deeply imbued with Philo’s style. This will 
account for Paul’s repeated allusions to Philo. 

* Literally “his substance,” 
αὐτοῦ. 


τῆς ὑποστάσεως 


Z2OR sz 


308 [a.p. 68] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


{Cuar. VII. 


when he had by himself made purgation of our sins, sat down on the right 
4 hand of the Majesty on high, having become so much better than the angels, 


5 inasmuch as he hath inherited a more excellent name than they. 


For unto 


which of the angels said he at any time, ‘Thou art my son, this day have I 
begotten thee” (Ps, ii. 7.) And again, ‘I will be to him for a Father, and 
6 he shall be to me jor a Son.’ (2 Sam. vii. 14.) And again, when he 


words, “Paul, the Apostle of Jesus Christ;” 
but the obvious explanation of so immaterial a 
circumstance is, that the writer was unwilling 
to prejudice his argument by prefixing a name 
which to some members of the Hebrew church 
(for all the flock were not as clear-sighted as 
their teachers), would be no recommendation. 
It had been said to him shortly after his conver- 
sion, ‘‘ Make haste, and get thee quickly out of 
Jerusalem, for they will nut receive thy testimony 
concerning me” Acts xxii. 18. He may also 
have felt a delicasy in assuming an apostolic 
authority when aadressing a chureh to which 
he did not belong, and over which he, as the 
Apostle of the Gentiles, had no spirit τῷ} juris- 
diction. This explanation is of the highest 
antiquity, as Eusebius quotes an old presbyter 
aS Saying, διὰ μετριότητα 6 Παῦλος, ὡς ἂν εἰς 
τὰ ἔθνη ἀπεσταλμένος, οὐκ ἐγγράφει ἑαυτὸν 
“Ἑβραίων ἀπόστολον, διὰ τε τὴν πρὸς τὸν Κύριον 
τιμὴν, διὰ τε τὸ ἐκ περιουσίας καὶ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις 
ἐπιστέλλειν ἐθνῶν κήρυκα ὄντα καὶ ἀπόστολον. 
Euseb. E. H. vi. 14. 

It was in 4.p. 54, at the close of Paul’s second 
circuit, when Paul and Barnabas went up to 
Jerusalem together, that the solemn compact 
was made between Paul and Barnabas on the 
one hand, and the Apostles of Jerusalem on the 
other, thit Paul and Barnabas should be recog 
nized as the Apostles of the Gentiles. In the 
two Epistles to the Thessalonians written before 
that time, Paul does not eall himself an Apostle, 
but he does so in all the others which were of a 
subsequent date, except in the Mpistle to the 
Philippians (which is accounted for from special 
circumstances), and in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
where of course he would omit the titte as he 
was not an Apostle of the Hebrews, who were 
under the jurisdiction of the Apostles of Jeru- 


salem. 


J, As to external testimony, Clement of Rome, 


the disciple of Paul, quotes it repeatedly, which he 
would not have done had it not been a canonical 
book. Pantienus, the most learned man of his day, 
and who flourished about a.p. 180, and was head 
of the school of Alexandria, speaks of it as from 


the hand of Paul. Euseb. vi. 14. Clement of 
Alexandria, the successor of Panteenus in the 
same school, assents to the same opinion, but 
broaches the idea that it was originally written 
in Hebrew, and translated by Luke. Euseb. 
vi. 14. Origen, who flourished a.p. 220, con- 
sidered Paul to have been the author as regards 
the thoughts, though he leaned to the opinion 
that Clement or Iuuke had assisted the Apostle 
in clothing the >deas in language. Euseb. vi. 25. 
(See Stuart on the Hebrews.) In the Western 
church, however, the Epistle, as is natural, was 
less known. Irenzeus, A.p. 178, denied the Pau- 
line authorship, and Tertullian, a.p, 200, at- 
tributed it to Barnabas; and Caius, a.p. 211 
and Hippolytus, a.p. 220, did not admit Paul to 
be the author, (See Davidson's Introduction, 
vol. iii.) At the present day most of the German 
critics deny that Paul had any connection with 
the Kpistle, and would ascribe it to Luke, or 
Barnabas, or Clement, or Apollos, or Sylvanus, or 
indeed, to any one but the only person who, in 
the author’s opinion, has any just pretensions to 
it, viz. the Apostle Paul. 

Further arguments in favour of the Pauline 
claim to the Epistle will be found in several 
passages commented upon as they occur. 

Vids μου εἶ σὺ ἐγὼ σήμερον γεγέννηκά σε. 
The words are cited exactly from the LXX. 
Paul applies the same passage in the same 
manner in Acts xiii. 83; and no other writer of 
the New Testament has done so. 

Ὁ Καὶ πάλιν. ‘This mode of citation is pecu- 
liarly Pauline, and occurs nowhere in the New 
Testament but in his Epistles. In Rom. xy. 10 
we have the exact counterpart of the present 
formula: Kat πάλιν λέγει Εὐφράνθητε ἔθνη μετὰ 
τοῦ λαοῦ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάλιν, Aivetre τὸν Κύριον, &e. 
Καὶ πάλιν Ἡσαΐας λέγει, Ἔσται ἡ ῥίζα, &e. 
1 Cor. iii. 19, 20. 

Kya ἔσομαι αὐτῷ eis πατέρα, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται 
μοι εἰς υἱόν. These words are cited from the 
LXX. Besides the passage from 2 Sam. vii. 14, 
we also find—Oébros ἔσται μοι εἰς υἱὸν, Kayo αὐτῷ 
εἰς πατέρα. 1 Chron, xxii. 10. Kayo ἔσομαι αὐτᾷ 
1 Chron, xxvii. 6. 


So in 


εἰς πατέρα. 


Cuar, VII.] 


EPISTLE ΤῸ THE HEBREWS. [A.p. 63] 309 


12 


14 


bringeth the first begotten into the world, he saith, * And let all the angels of 
God worship him.’ (Deut. xxxii. 43.)°° And of the angels he saith, ‘ Who 
maketh his angels winds,® and his ministers a flame of fire “7 (Ps. civ. 4); but 
unto the Son he saith, ‘Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever; a sceptre 
of righteousness is the sceptre of thy kingdom: thou hast loved righteous- 
ness, and hated iniquity; therefore God, even thy God, hath anointed thee 
with the oil of gladness aboye thy fellows.’ (Ps. xly. 0.) And, ‘Thou, Lord, 
in the beginning hast laid the foundation of the earth; and the heavens 
are works of thine hands. They shall perish, but thou remainest, and they 
all shall wax old as doth a garment, and as a vesture shalt thou fold them 
up,” and they shall be changed; but thou art the same, and thy years 
shall not fail.’ (Ps. cii. 25.) But to which of the angels said he at any 
time, ‘Sit on my right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool’? (Ps. 
ex. 1.)" Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for 


them who shall be heirs of salvation ? 


© Προσκυνησάτωσαν αὐτῷ πάντες ἄγγελοι Θεοῦ. 
These words are found in the LXX., Deut. 
xxxil. 43, but there is no trace of them in the 


i 


Hebrews, 
13. Κάθου ἐκ δεξιῶν 


μου, ἕως ἂν θῶ τοὺς 


1 Corinthians. 
= GE Eats : 
XY. 25. Δεῖ γὰρ αὐτὸν 
βασιλεύειν ἄχρις οὗ 


Hebrew—a strong argument that the Epistle ἐχθρούς σου ὑποπό- ἂν θῇ πάντας τοὺς 
was written in Greek. In Ps. xevii. 7 we have διον τῶν ποδῶν σου. ἐχθροὺς ὑπὸ τοὺς 
Προσκυνήσατε αὐτῷ πάντες ἄγγελοι Θεοῦ, but even πόδας αὐτοῦ. 

there the Hebrew does not agree, for the text in "Eoxaros ἐχθρὺς 


Hebrew is—* Worship him, all ye gods!” 

°° πνεύματα. In Eng. ver. “ spirits.” 

“ The citation is exactly from the LXX., 
except that πυρὸς φλόγα is substituted by the 
Apostle for πῦρ φλέγον. The Hebrew text runs 
“who maketh the winds his mnessengers and 
flames of fire his ministers.” ‘The Epistle, 
therefore, was written in Greek, as the LXX. 
and not the Hebrew is followed. Others, how- 
ever, maintain, that the LXX. is the true trans- 
lation of the Hebrew. See Alford’s note, 

Ὁ The citation is verbatim from the LXX. 

°° “Ελίξεις αὐτούς. Some MSS. have ἀλλάξεις, 
which agrees with the Hebrew, and also with 
the Alexandrine MS. of the LXX. 

“ὃ Σὺ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς, Κύριε, τὴν γῆν ἐθεμελίωσας, ἄο. 
In the LXX., Kar’ ἀρχὰς τὴν γῆν σὺ, Κύριε͵ 


Il. 8. Πάντα ὑπέταξας 


ὑποκάτω τῶν ποδῶν 
αὐτοῦ. 
nah ΠΥ ; 
Ἐν γὰρ τῷ ὑποτάξαι 
αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα, 
Οὐδὲν ἀφῆκεν αὐτῷ 
a 
- 
ἀνυπότακτον. 


Nov δὲ οὔπω ὁρῶμεν 
αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα ὑπο- 
τεταγμένα. 

Τὸν δὲ βραχύτι παρ᾽ 
ἀγγέλους ἠλαττωμένον 
βλέπομεν Ἰησοῦν διὰ 
τὸ πάθημα τοῦ θανά- 
του δύξῃ καὶ τιμῇ ἐστε- 


ἐθεμελίωσας. φανωμένον, 

Ὁ The citation is from the LXX. ‘The [Π.14. Ἕνα διὰ τοῦ θα- 
parallelism observable between this part of the νάτου καταργήσῃ τὸν 
Epistle and the First Epistle to the Corinthians τὸ κράτος ἔχοντα τοῦ 
lends strong support to the view that both θανάτου τουτέστι τὸν 


emanated from the same hand. 
following passages :— 


Compare the 


διάβολον. 


ἱ 


καταργεῖται ὁ θάνατος. 
Πάντα γὰρ ὑπέταξει 
ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ. 


Ὅταν δὲ εἴπῃ ὅτι 
πάντα ὑποτέτακται. 

Δῆλον ὅτι ἐκτὸς τοῦ 
ὑποτάξαντος αὐτῷ τὰ 
πάντα. 

Ὅταν δὲ ὑποτάγῃ 
αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα, 

Τότε καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ 
υἱὸς ὑποταγήσεται τῷ 
ὑποτάξαντι αὐτῷ τὰ 
πάντα. 


The use in both passages of the word καταργεῖν 


 Accroupyixa πνεύματα. So Philo has ἤλγγελοι λειτουργοί, Vol. ii. p. do7; de Caritate, ο. 3, 


310 


Cn. IT. 


[a.p. 63] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cnap. VII. 


“Therefore we ought to give the more earnest heed to the things which we 
2 have heard,” lest at any time we should fall away."* For if the word spoken 

by angels” was stedfast, and every transgression and disobedience received a 
3 just recompense of reward, how shall we escape who have neglected so great 
salvation, which having begun to be spoken by the Lord, hath been confirmed 


εξ: 


unto us by them that heard ?°° God also bearing witness, both with signs and 
wonders, and with divers miracles, and distributions of the Holy Ghost, 
according to his own will.” 

5 “For unto the angels he hath not put in subjection the world to come, 
6 whereof we speak ; but one in a certain place testified, saying, ‘ What is man, 
that thou art mindful of him? or the son of man, that thou visitest him ? 


7 Thou madest him for a little while* lower than the angels ;* thou crownedst 
8 him with glory and honour ; thou hast put all things in subjection under his 


feet.’ (Ps. vii. 4.)" 
he left nothing that is not put under him ; but now we see not yet all things 


For in that he put all ¢déngs in subjection under him; 


9 put 2m subjection under him ; but we see Jesus, who was made for a little while 


lower than the angels, through the suffering of death, crowned with glory and 
honour, that he by the grace of God should taste death for eyery man; for it 


1 


became him, for whom are all things, and by whom are all things,” in bring- 


is particularly remarkable, as the term is ex- 
tremely rare; and though introduced in St. 
Paul’s Epistles twenty-six times, is only once 
(Luke xiii. 7) employed elsewhere in the whole 
of the New Testament. See Forster, p. 69. The 
text in the Hebrews is evidently not a citation 
of that in the Corinthians, but the operation of 
ope mind working freely, in a similar mode, 
upon the same materials. 

“8. This language is thought to be very dif- 
ferent from that employed by Paul in his ad- 
mitted Epistles. But it must be remembered 
that he is here writing to the Hebrews, who 
had not derived their knowledge of the Gospel 
from himself, for he was the Apostle of the 
Gentiles, but had heard it from the Apostles 
of the cireumcision. The relation between the 
Apostle and his correspondents is, therefore, 
not the same in the Hebrews as in the other 
Epistles. See, however, the use of similar lan- 
guage by the Apostle in writing even to a 
Gentile church. Ephes. iii. 5. 

Ἢ παραῤῥυῶμεν. In Eng. ver. “let them slip.” 

© That is, the Law of Moses, which, accord- 
ing to Paul, was given by the intervention of 
angels, διαταγεὶς δι᾽ ἀγγελῶν. Galat. iii. 19. We 
have before had occasion to remark that the 
old Dispensation was attributed to angels. See 


Vol. 1. p. 3850. 

‘ This has been used as an argument by 
some that Paul did not write the Epistle, as 
the author of it here speaks of himself and 
those he was addressing as deriving the Gospel 
from the Apostles, whereas Paul received it 
from Revelation. But Paul often identifies him- 
self with his correspondents when the remark 
could not by any possibility be applied to him- 
self personally. See Vol. I. p. 283, and Note “ὃ 
supra. 

* We have here as elsewhere the testimony 
of Paul to the miracles recorded in the New 
Testament. 

88 βραχύ τι, as in Acts v. 84. In Eng. ver. “a 
little lower.” 

® In Hebrew the word is Dinos and in the 
LXX. only is the word “angels.” The Epistle, 
therefore, was written in Greek. 

The words in the Textus receptus καὶ 
κατέστησας αὐτὸν ἐπι τὰ ἔργα τῶν χειρῶν σου, “and 
didst set him over the works of thy hands,” are 
doubted by Lachmann, and rejected by Gries- 
bach, Scholtz, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

7 The same text from the Psalms is also 
quoted 1 Cor. xy. 27, and Eph. i. 22. The cita- 
tion is verbatim from the LXX. 

ΤΣ Viz. God the Father. 


11 


12 
19 


14 


Cu, ΠῚ. 


τϑ Viz. Christ. 
τὰ Viz. Christ. 


75 


Cuap. V1I.] 


eee ἢ , 
ἐν μέσῳ ἐκκλησίας. 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 311 


ing many sons unto glory, to make the captain of their salvation perfect 
through sufferings ; for both he that sanctifieth “Ὁ and they that are sanctified 
are all of one; for which cause He‘* is not ashamed to call them brethren, 
saying, ‘I will declare thy name unto my brethren; in the midst of the con- 
gregation® will I sing praise unto thee.’ (Ps. xxii. 22.) And again, “1 will 
And again, ‘Behold I, and the children which God 
Forasmuch, then, as the children are par- 


ὅτι 


put my trust in him. 
hath given me.’ (Js. viii. 18.)* 
takers of flesh and blood, he also himself likewise partook of the same, that 
through death he might destroy him that hath the power of death, that is, the 
devil, and deliver them, whoever through fear of death were all their lifetime 
held under bondage ; for verily he doth not assume [the nature of] angels, but 
he assumeth the seed of Abraham. Wherefore in all things it behoved him to 
be made like unto his brethren, that he might become a merciful and faithful 
high priest ‘’ in things pertaining to God, to make atonement for the sins of 
the people; for in that he himself hath suffered being tempted, he is able to 
succour them that are tempted. 

“Wherefore, holy brethren, partakers of the heavenly calling, consider 
the Apostle and High Priest of our confession Jesus,’ who was faithful to 
him that appointed him, as also Moses was ‘faithful in all his house’ (Num. 
xii. 7) ;*! (for this one was counted worthy of more glory than Moses, inasmuch 
as he who framed the house hath more honour than the house; for every 
house is framed by some man, but he that framed all things is God; and 
Moses, verily, was faithful in all his house, as a servant,” for a testimony of 
those things which were to be spoken after ; but Christ as a son over his own 
house, whose house are we, if at least we hold fast the confidence and the boast 


τ The doctrine of the high priesthood of 
Christ is found nowhere in the New Testament 


In Eng. ver. “in the but in Paul’s Epistles. See Rom. xv. 16; 1 Cor. 


midst of the church.” 

τὸ ἀπαγγελῶ τὸ ὄνομά σου, κιτιλ. In the LXX, 
διηγήσομαι τὸ ὄνομά σου, K.T-d. 

7 ἐγὼ ἔσομαι πεποιθὼς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ. Inthe LXX., 
πεποιθὼς ἔσομαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ. The same words are 
found in 2 Sam. xxii. 3, and the words ἐλπιῶ ἐπ᾽ 
αὐτὸν in Ps, xviii. ὃ. 

τϑ The citation is from the LXX. The two 
passages in this verse follow each other in the 
LXX., and are one sentence. The words “and 
again” which here divide them are probably an 
interpolation. The words should run thus, * I 
will put my trust iu him. Lo! Land the chil- 
dren which God hath given me,” and by children 
must be understood not the children of Christ, 
but the children of God. 


ix. 13; Eph. v. 2; where the writer glances at 
the subject, but without the discussion of it, 
which, perhaps, he reserved to a future oppor- 
tunity. 

0 τὸν ἀπόστολον καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁμολογίας ἡμῶν 
Ἰησοῦν. So Philo calls the high priest ὁ μέγας 
ἀρχιερεὺς τῆς ὁμολογίας. De Somniis, i. ὁ, 38, p. 
654. The word Χριστὸν before Ἰησοῦν is rejected 
by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, 'Tischendorf, 
and Alford. 

‘| πιστὸν. . .. ὡς καὶ Μωσῆς ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ 
αὐτοῦ. In the LXX. ὁ θεράπων μου Μωυσῆς ἐν 
ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ μου πιστός ἐστι. 
© ὡς θεράπων. In allusion to the same word 


in the LXX., quoted abeve. 


[a.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [παρ᾿ VII. 


15 


(or) 


of the hope firm unto the end.**) Wherefore, as the Holy Ghost saith,“ ‘To- 
day, if ye will hear his yoice, harden not your hearts, as in the provocation, in 
the day of temptation in the wilderness, when your fathers tempted me, proved 
me, and saw my works forty years: wherefore I was grieved with that genera- 
tion, and said,—They do always err in their heart, and they have not known 
my ways; so I sware in my wrath, they shall not enter into my rest’ (Ps. 
xev. 7),*° take heed, brethren, lest there be in any of you an evil heart of 
unbelief, in apostatizing * from the living God; but exhort one another daily, 
while it is called to-day, lest any of you be hardened through the deceitfulness 
of sin; for we are made partakers of Christ, if so be that we hold the begin- 
ning of our confidence stedfast unto the end, ἐφ that it is said, ‘To-day if ye 
will hear his voice, harden not your hearts, as in the provocation ;’ for some, 
when they had heard, did provoke; but not all that came out of Egypt by 
Moses. Was it not with them 
that had sinned, whose carcases fell in the wilderness? And to whom sware 
he that they should not enter into his rest, but to them that believed not ? 
So we see that they could not enter in because of unbelief. 


But with whom was he grieved forty years? 


“Let us, therefore, fear, lest, a promise being left us of entering into his 
rest, any one of you should seem to come short of it; for unto us ave the glad 
tidings brought *' as also unto them; but the word which they heard“ did not 
profit them, not being mixed with faith in them that heard it. For we whe 
have believed do enter into rest, as he said, ‘So I sware in my wrath, they shall 
not enter into my rest’ (although the works had been finished from the foun- 
dation of the world, for he spake in a certain place of the seventh day on this 
wise, ‘And God did rest the seventh day from all his works’ (Gen. 11. 2),°° and 
in this place again, ‘ they shall not enter into my rest’*’). Seeing, therefore, 
it remaineth that some must enter therein, and they to whom it was first 


88 Paley has pointed out the peculiarity of 
St. Paul in “ going off at a word.” The reader 
will observe how the mention of the faithfulness 
of Moses “in all his house” leads him away 
from his subject to comment on the idea of 
“the house.” When he has concluded his paren- 
thetical remarks, he again resumes the train of 
thought which for a moment he had quitted, 
“ Wherefore, as the Holy Ghost saith,” &e. 

** Therefore David, the author of the Psalm, 
was divinely inspired. 

* The citation is verbatim from the LXX. 


ὅδ ἐν τῷ ἀποστῆναι. In Eng. ver. “in depart- 


ing.” 
δ᾽ ἐσμὲν εὐηγγελισμένοι. In Eng. ver. “unto 
us was the gospel preached.” 


ὅδ ὁ λόγος τῆς axons. In Eng. ver. “the word 


preached.” 

88. Allusion is here made to the good report of 
the land of Canaan brought to the Israelites by 
Joshua and Caleb, but which was not believed. 

8 καὶ κατέπαυσεν ὁ Θεὸς ἀπὸ πάντων TOY ἔργων 
αὐτοῦ. In {πὸ LXX., καὶ κατέπαυσε τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ 
ἑβδόμῃ ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν ἔργων αὐτοῦ. 

91 The argument is that God promised a rest 
to the Israelites in the wilderness, which must, 
therefore, be a distinct rest from that at the 
conclusion of the work of creation; but this rest 
was not attained in the time of Joshua, for it 
was still prospective in the time of David, as 
appears from the passage, “ Zo-duy if ye will 
hear his voice harden not your hearts,” &c., 
being a promise of rest to such as should hear 
and believe. 


Cuar. VII.] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a ν. 63] 313 


ind 
‘ 


15 


[54] 


preached entered not in because of unbelief, again he limiteth a certain day, 
saying in David, ‘To-day,’ after so long a time (as we have said, ‘ To-day, if ye 
will hear his voice, harden not your hearts’); for if Joshua ** had given them 
rest, then would he not afterward haye spoken of another day. There re- 
maineth, therefore, a sabbath-rest to the people of God ; for whoso hath entered 
into his rest he also hath ceased from his own works, as God did from his own. 
Let us be diligent, therefore, to enter into that rest, lest any man fall after 
the same example of unbelief; for the word of God is lively, and powerful, 
and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder 
of soul and spirit, and of the joints and marrow, and is a discerner of the 
thoughts and intents of the heart; neither is there any creature that is not 
manifest in his sight; but all things are naked and laid open unto the eyes of 
him with whom we have to do.” 

“Seeing, then, that we have a great High Priest, that is passed through 
the heavens, Jesus the Son of God,** let us hold fast our confession; for we 
have not a High Priest which cannot sympathize with our infirmities, but 
who was in all points tempted like as we are, yet without sin. Let us, there- 
fore, come boldly unto the throne of grace, that we may obtain mercy, and 
find grace to help in time of need. 

“For every High Priest taken from among men is ordained for men in 
things pertaining to God, that he may offer both gifts and sacrifices for sins; 
who can haye compassion on the ignorant and erring,’ for that he himself 
also is compassed with infirmity; and by reason hereof he ought, as for the 
people, so also for himself, to offer for sins. And no man taketh this honour 
unto himself, but he that is called of God, as was Aaron: so also Christ glori- 
fied not himself to be made a High Priest; but he that said unto him, 
‘Thou art my Son; to-day have I begotten thee’ (Ps. 11. 7);°° as he saith 
also in another place, ‘Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchi- 
sedec.’ (Ps. cx. 4.)" Who in the days of his flesh, when he had offered up 
prayers and supplications with strong erying and tears unto him that was able 
to save him from death, and was heard, from his devoutness,** though he 


® "Incovs, the Greek form of Joshua. 


In Eng. rerum Divin. heres. ὁ. 26. 


yer. “ Jesus,” which is apt to mislead. 

* Tn this striking passage (which cuts as it 
speaks), Paul seems to have had Philo in his 
thoughts: ἵνα τὸν ἀδίδακτον ἐννοῆς Θεὸν, τέμνοντα 
τάς τε τῶν σωμάτων καὶ πραγμάτων ἑξῆς ἁπάσας 
ἡρμόσθαι καὶ ἡνῶσθαι δοκούσας φύσεις τῷ τομεῖ 
τῶν συμπάντων αὐτοῦ λόγῳ, ὃς εἰς τὴν ὀξυτάτην 
ἀκονηθεὶς ἀκμὴν διαιρῶν οὐδέποτε λήγει τὰ αἰσθητὰ 
πάντα, ἐπειδὰν δὲ μέχρι τῶν ἀτόμων καὶ λεγομένων 


ἁμερῶν διεξέλθη, κατιλ. Philo, vol. i. p. 491. Quis 
VOL. 1. 


* As opposed to Jesus or Joshua, the son of 
Nun. 

ὃ πλανωμένοις. 
out of the way.” 

“ The words are taken verbatim from the 
LXX. 

* Verbatim from the LXX. 

°° ἀπὸ τῆς εὐλαβείας. In Eng. ver. “in that he 
feared.” 


In Eng. ver. “them that are 


914 


[A.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. 


Cu. VI. 


were a son, yet learned he obedience by the things which he suffered ;*° and 
being made perfect, he became the author of eternal salvation unto all them 
that obey him; declared by God a High Priest after the order of Melchisedec, 
of whom we have much to say, and hard to be interpreted, seeing ye are dull of 
hearing (for when, by reason of the time ye ought to be teachers, ye have need 
that one teach you again which be the first principles of the oracles of God, 
and are become such as have need of milk, and not of solid nowrishment ;*°° 
for every one that useth milk is unskilful in the word of righteousness, for he 
is a babe, but solid nowrishment belongeth to them that are of full age,‘ even 
those who by reason of use have their senses exercised to discern both good 
and evil. Wherefore leaving the word of initiation’ in Christ, let us go on 
unto perfection, not laying again the foundation of repentance from dead works, 


2 and of faith toward God, of the doctrine of baptisms, and of laying on of 


He OO 


6 


And this 
will we do, if God permit ;*** for those who have been once enlightened, and 
have tasted of the heavenly gift, and have been made partakers of the Holy 
Ghost, and have tasted the good word of God, and the powers of the world to 


hands,’ and of resurrection of the dead, and of eternal judgment. 


come, it is impossible when they have fallen away, to renew again unto repent- 
ance, seeing they crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh, and put him 
to an open shame. For the grownd which drinketh in the rain that cometh 
oft upon it, and bringeth forth the herb meet for them by whom it is dressed, 


8 partaketh of blessing from God ; but ¢f a bear thorns and briars τέ is rejected, 


9 
10 


and is nigh unto cursing, whose end is to be burned. But, beloved, we are 


persuaded better things of you,’ and things pertaining to salvation ;'°° for 


God is not unjust to forget your work and the love’ which ye have shewed 


99 


ahs : 
ἔμαθεν ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἔπαθε τὴν ὑποκοήν. 


An ap- xix. 12, xxviii. 8. Cf. 2 Kings vii.; Matt. ix. 18, 


parent allusion to the proverb, παθήματα μαθή- 
ματα, Herod. i. 207, and therefore an argument 
that the Epistle was written in Greek. So Philo 
de Profugis, ο. 25, vol. i. p. 566: ἔμαθον μὲν 6 
ἔπαθον. 

10 στερεᾶς τροφῆς. 
meat.” 

101 


In Eng. ver. “ strong 


πᾶς yap ὁ μετέχων γάλακτος ἄπειρος λόγου 
δικαιοσύνης, νήπιος γάρ ἐστι, τελείων δέ ἐστιν ἡ 
στερεὰ τροφή. This appears to be drawn from 
Philo De Agric. ¢. 2, vol. i. p. 901 : νηπίοις μέν ἐστι 
γάλα τροφὴ, τελείοις δὲ τὰ ἐκ πυρῶν πέμματα, K.T-r. 
102 τῆς ἀρχῆς λόγον. In Eng. ver. “the prin- 
ciples of the doctrine.” 

S That imposition of hands which was prac- 
tised under the Law and found in some eases its 
continuance under the Gospel. By laying on of 
hands the sick were healed (Mark xvi. 18; Acts 


&e.), officers and teachers of the church were 
admitted to their calling (Acts vi. 6, xiii. 3; 
1 Tim. iv. 14, v 22; Numb. viii. 10, xxviii. 18, 
23; Deut. xxxiv. 9), converts were fully ad- 
mitted into the Christian church after baptism 
(Acts viii. 17, xix. 6; 2 Tim. 1,6), and there can 
be little doubt that it is mainly to this last that 
the attention of the readers is here called. Alford. 

ane So the Apostle 
(1 Cor. xvi. 7) uses the like expression, ἐὰν 6 


Κύριος ἐπιτρέπῃ, a phrase not found elsewhere. 
105 


»» » ΄ ς ΄ 
εαν TEP ἐπιτρεπὴ O Θεός. 


πεπείσμεθα δέ περὶ ὑμῶν, ἀγαπητοὶ, τὰ κρείσ- 
cova, καιλ. Are not these words from the same 
hand as πέπεισμαι δὲ, ἀδελφοί μου, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐγὼ 
περὶ ὑμῶν, κιτιλ., Rom. xv. 14? 

108 ἐχύμενα τῆς σωτηρίας. In Eng. ver. “things 
that accompany salvation.” 

1 Observe the parallelism between the He- 


Cuar. VII] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 315 


11 towards his name, in that ye ministered to the saints, and do minister ;!° and 
we desire that every one of you do shew the same diligence to the full assur- 
12 ance of hope unto the end, that ye be not slothful, but followers of them who 
13 through faith and patience inherit the promises. For when God made pro- 
mise to Abraham, because he could swear by no greater, he sware by himself,!"* 
14 saying, ‘Surely blessing I will bless thee, and multiplying I will multiply 
15 thee’ (Gen. xxii. 17);"° and so, after he had patiently endured, he obtained 
16 the promise. For men verily swear by the greater; and an oath for confir- 
mation is to them an end of all gainsaying; wherein God, willing more 
abundantly to shew unto the heirs of the promise the immutability of his 
18 counsel, confirmed it by an oath,; that by two immutable things, in which it 
was impossible for God to lie, we might have a strong consolation, who have 
19 fled for refuge to lay hold upon the hope set before us; which [hope] we have 
as an anchor of the soul, both sure and stedfast, and which entereth into the 
20 interior of the veil; whither the forerunner is for us entered, even Jesus, 
having become a high priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec).!” 


Cu.VII. 


“For this Melchisedec, King of Salem," priest of the most high God, 


brews and the First Epistle to the 'Thessa- 
lonians :— 
Hebrews. 

VI. 10. Οὐ yap ἄδικος ὁ 
Θεὸς ἐπιλαθέσθαι Tov | 
ἔργου ὑμῶν, | 

Kat τοῦ κόπου τῆς ] 


1 Thessalonians, 


1. 3. ᾿Αδιαλείπτως μνη- 


μονεύοντες ὑμῶν τοῖ 
ἔργου τῆς πίστεως, 

Καὶ τῆς ἀγάπης. 
ἀγάπης. 


The whole context also in each Epistle is full of 
the same thoughts, and of words peculiarly 
Pauline. See Forster. The received text of the 
Hebrews has the words τοῦ κόπου τῆς ἀγάπης, and 
if this were the true reading the parallelism 
would be stil! more exact; but the words τοῦ 
κόπου are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lach- 
mann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

8 The Apostle here alludes to the kind offices 
of the Jewish converts at Jerusalem in minis- 
tering to the wants of their fellow-Christians, 
and more particularly in finding them lodgings 
during the great feasts (as Mnason took in Paul 
and his company at the Pentecost, Acts xxi. 17), 
and in relieving those who were in prison for 
their faith, as was Paul himself for two years at 
Cesarea. 

1 Ἐπεὶ κατ᾽ οὐδενὸς εἶχε μείζονος ὀμόσαι, ὦμοσε 
καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ. The Apostle seems again to refer 
to Philo, who observes upon the same passage : 
‘Opas yap ὅτι οὐ καθ᾽ ἑτέρου ὀμνυει Θεός" οὐδὲν yap 
αὐτοῦ κρεῖσσον: ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ὃς ἐστι πάντων 


ἄριστος. Legis Allegor. iii. 72, vol. i. p. 98. 
10 Ἢ μὴν εὐλογῶν εὐλογήσω σε, καὶ πληθύνων 
πληθυνῶ σε. In the LXX., Ἦ μὴν ἐυλογῶν 
εὐλογήσω σε, καὶ πληθύνων πληθυνῶ τὸ σπέρμα 
σου, 
Ἢ τὸ ἐσώτερον τοῦ καταπετάσματος. 
ver. “that within the veil.” 

u? Another instance of Paul’s mode of digress- 
ing. Having now run out the parenthesis com- 
mencing at chapter v. 12, he returns to the 
subject of Melchisedec. 

4S Salem is generally taken to be the same as 
Jerusalem, So Josephus: ἔνθα καὶ ὁ τῆς Σόλυμα 


πόλεως ὑποδέχεται βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν Μελχισεδέκης 


In Eng. 


. THY μέντοι Σόλυμα ὕστερον ἐκάλεσαν Ἱεροσό- 
λυμα. Απί. 1. 10,2, and see Ant. υἱῖ. 8, 3. 'Lhe 
change from Salem to Jerusalem is said to have 
arisen from the sacrifice of Abraham on Mount 
Moriah (placed, in the Second Book of Chronicles, 
iii. 1, on the mount of the Temple), and as Abra- 
ham called the place Jehovah Jireh (Gen. xxii. 
14), the name of Jireh was added to Salem, and 
so formed Jerusalem. Others are of opinion 
that the Salem of Melchisedee was identical with 
the Salem by Anon, where John the Baptist 
was baptizing (John iii. 23); and this view is 
adopted by Wordsworth, who argues that the 
Salem of Melchisedee (Gen. xiv. 18) must be the 
same as the Salem of Gen. xxxiii. 18. But the 
argument is not very cogent, for Melchisedec in 
the first passage is called “ King of Salem,” as a 

28 2 


316 


(Car. VII. 


[A.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


bo 


“1S 


10 
11 


who met Abraham returning from the slaughter of the kings," and blessed 
him—to whom also Abraham gave a tenth part of all (Gen. xiy. 20)—first 
being by interpretation King of Righteousness ;° and after that also King 
of Salem, which is King of Peace "’—without father, without mother,"® with- 
out descent,’ haying neither beginning of days, nor end of life, but made 
like unto the Son of God-—abideth a priest continually. Now consider how 
great this man was, unto whom even the patriarch Abraham gave the tenth 
of the spoils! And verily they that are the sons of Levi, who receive the 
office of the priesthood, haye a commandment to take tithes of the people 
according to the Law—that is, of their brethren, though they come out of the 


ἡ loins of Abraham; but he whose descent is not counted from them received 


tithes of Abraham, and blessed him that had the promises, and without all 
contradiction the less is blessed by the better. And here men that die receive 
tithes; but there he receiveth them, of whom it is witnessed that he liveth ; 
and as I may so say, Levi also, who receiveth tithes, payed tithes through 
Abraham, for he was yet in the loins of his father, when Melchisedec met 
him. If, therefore, perfection were by the Leyitical priesthood (for under 1" 
the people received the Law), what further need was there that another 
priest should rise after the order of Melchisedee, and not be called after the 
order of Aaron? For the priesthood being changed, there is made of necessity 
a change also of the Law. For he of whom these things are spoken pertaineth 
to another tribe, of which no one gave attendance at the altar, for it is evident 
that our Lord sprang out of Judah, of which tribe Moses spake nothing 
concerning priesthood; and it is yet far more evident, for that after the 
similitude of Melchisedec there ariseth another priest, who is made, not after 
the law of a carnal commandment, but after the power of an endless life; for 


place well known ; but in the other passage it is τὸ 


said that “Jacob came to Shalem, a city of 
Shechem, which is in the land of Canuan;” and 
it is not likely, if it were the same Salem, that it 
should be first assumed to be familiar to the 
reader, and then afterwards require a particular 
periphrasis to identify it. See Wordsworth’s 
note, which contains all that can be said in sup- 
port of his theory. 

“ds συναντῆσας ὑποστρέφοντι ἀπὸ τῆς κοπῆς 
τῶν βασιλέων. These are with a slight varia- 
tion the words of the LXX., but applied to the 
king of Sodom: ἐξῆλθε δὲ βασιλεὺς Σοδόμων εἰς 
συνάντησιν αὐτῷ, μετὰ τὸ ὑποστρέψαι αὐτὸν ἀπὸ 
τῆς κοπῆς . . . τῶν βασιλέων. Gen. xiv. 17. But 
though it is not expressed in Genesis that Mel- 
chisedee also met Abraham, it is implied, for he 
brought out bread and wine. Gen. xiv. 18. 


As the Apostle interprets the words Mel- 
chisedee and Salem, we may conclude that the 
Epistle was written in Greek 

πὸ Josephus speaks of Melchisedee in the 
same terms. Μελχισεδέκης, σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο βασι- 
λεὺς... δίκαιος. Ant. i. 10, 8. ὁ τῇ πατρίῳ 
γλώσσῃ κληθεὶς βασιλεὺς. . . δίκαιος. Bell.vi.10. 

"7 So Philo interprets Melchisedee as King of 
Fiighteousness and King of Peace: καὶ Μελχισε- 
dex βασιλέα τε τῆς Elpyyns, Σαλὴμ, τοῦτο yap 
ἑρμηνεύεται, lepéa ἑαυτοῦ πεποίηκεν ὁ Θεὺς, κιτιλ. 
καλεῖται γὰρ βασιλεὺς... δίκαιος. Legis Allegor. 
iil. Ὁ: 25, vol. i. p. 102. 

15 ὡς γὰρ ἀμήτωρ ἀπάτωρ τε γεγώς. 

Enrip. Ion 109. 

nN? No genealogy is given of him in the Old 
Testament. The word ἀγενεαλόγητος is not found 
elsewhere. 


Cuar. VII.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.. 63] 317 


18 


ο 


Ne) 


he testifieth, ‘Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec.” For 
there is verily a disannulling of the commandment going before for the weak- 
ness and unprofitableness thereof; for the Law made nothing perfect, but was 
the introduction of a better hope, by the which we draw nigh unto God. And 
inasmuch as [it was] not without an oath (for those priests were made with- 
out an oath; but this with an oath by him that said unto him, ‘The Lord 
sware and will not repent, Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Mel- 
chisedec),'”” by so much Jesus became surety of a better covenant." And they 
truly are many priests because they are not suffered to continue by reason of 
death ;'? but this man, because he continueth ever, hath an unchangeable 
priesthood. Wherefore he is able also to save them to the uttermost that 
come unto God: by him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them. 
For such a high priest became us, who is holy, harmless, undefiled, separate 
from sinners, and made higher than the heavens ; who needeth not daily, as 
those high priests, to offer up sacrifices, first for his own sins, and then for 
the people’s; for this he did once for all, when he offered up himself. For 
the Law maketh men high priests which have infirmity ; but the word of the 
oath, which was after the Law, maketh the Son, who is perfected for ever- 
more.!** 


vill, “Now of the things which we have spoken this is the sum: we have such 


a high priest, who is set on the right of the throne of the Majesty in the 
heavens—a minister of the sanctuary, and of the true tabernacle, which the Lord 
hath pitched, and not man. For every high priest is ordained to offer gifts 
and sacrifices; whence it is of necessity that this man haye somewhat also to 
offer; for if he were on earth he would not be a priest, seeing that there 
are priests that offer gifts according to the Law, who serve unto the example 
and shadow of the heavenly things, as Moses was admonished of God when he 
was about to make the tabernacle, for, ‘See, saith he, that thou make all things 
according to the pattern that hath been showed to thee in the mount? (Ex. xxv. 
40); "5 but now hath he obtained a more excellent ministry, by how much 
also he is the mediator of a better covenant, which was established upon better 
promises. For if that first covenant had been faultless, then should no place 
have been sought for the second; for finding fault with them, he saith, 
‘Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, when I will conclude a new covenant 
with the house of Israel, and with the house of Judah —not according to the 


* The words “after the order of Melchisedee” Jerusalem. Ant. xx. LOST? 


are omitted by the Alexandrine and other ancient US τετελειωμένον. In Eng. ver. “ consecrated.” 
MSS., and are rejected by Tischendorf and Alford. “Opa yap, φήσι, ποιήσης πάντα κατὰ τὸν τυπὸν 
151 διαθήκης. In Eng. ver. “ testament.” τὸν δείχθεντά σοι ἐν τῶ ὄρει. In the LXX., ‘Opa, 
ἘΞ There were, according to Josephus, eighty- φήσι, ποιήσεις κατὰ τὸν τυπὸν τὸν δεδειγμένον σοὶ 


three priests from Aaron to the destruction οἵ ἐν τῷ ὄρει. 


125 


125 


‘7 The Apostle, in citing the passage from the 


10 


11 


or 


[A.p. 63] EPISTLE 10 THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. 


covenant that I made with their fathers in the day when I took them by the 
hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt ; because they continued not in my 
covenant, and regarded them not, saith the Lord—for this is the covenant that 
I will covenant with the house of Israel after those days, saith the Lord: I will 
put my laws into their mind, and on their hearts J will write them, and I will 
be to them for a God, and they shall be to me for a people, and they shall not 
teach every one his neighbour, and every one his brother, saying, ‘ Know the 
Lord ;’ for all shall know me, from the least to the greatest ; for I will be 
merciful to their iniquities,’” and their sins and their lawlessness Ὁ Ὁ will I re- 
member no more.’ (Jer, xxxi. 31.) In that he saith, ‘a new [covenant,’] he 
hath made the first old; bué that which decayeth and waxeth old is ready to 
vanish away. 

“Then verily the first covenant had also ordinances of divine service, and the 
worldly sanctuary.’ For there was a tabernacle made—the first, (wherein was 
the candlestick (fig. 297), and the table, and the showbread) (fig. 298),° which 
is called the Holy ;'°° and after the second veil,!! the Tabernacle which is called 
the Holy of Holies, which had the golden censer,!? and the ark of the covenant 
overlaid round about with gold, wherein was the golden pot! that had manna, | 
and Aaron’s rod that budded,!** and the tables of the covenant ;* and over it 
the cherubim of glory shadowing the mercy seat, of which we cannot now 


ἀδικίαις. 
3 Ξ 
ἀνομιῶν, 


In Eng. ver. “ unrighteousness.” 


was only used once in the year, on the great 
In Eng. ver. “ iniquities.” 


Day of Atonement. Ley. xvi. 12. The altar of 
Incense was called the Golden (χρυσοῦ θυμιατη- 


LXX. (probably from memory), makes some 
verbal variations, as φήσι for λέγει, and συντελέσω 
ἐπὶ τὸν οἶκον for διαθήσομαι τῷ οἴκῳ, and ἐποίησα 
for διεθέμην, and διδοὺς for διδοὺς δώσω, and ἐπι- 
γράψω for γράψω, and ἀνομίων for ἁμαρτίων, and 
in one place he omits the word μου. 

™® A sanctuary of this world as typical of the 
heavenly. 

™ As to these three things, see Exod. xxv. 
93-40; xxxvii. 10-24; Lev. xxiv. 5-9. And see 
Philo, vol. 11. p. 150. Vit. Moys. iii. 9. 

0 “Ayia, the holy, to agree with σκηνὴ: but 
others, ἅγια, the holy places. 

™ For the first veil, see Exod. xxvi. 80, 37; 
xxxvi. 37. For the second, see Exod. xxvi. 31-33; 
XXxvi. 35. 

2 χρυσοῦν θυμιατήριον. The altar of Incense, 
(called θυσιαστήριον τοῦ θυμιάματος (Luke i. 11), 
and sometimes θυμιατήριον simply (Ant. iii. 6, 8),) 
was without the Holy of Holies. Luke i. 9. But 
the θυμιατήριον, or censer spoken of by the 
Apostle, was within the Holy of Holies. The 
two, therefore, are not to be confounded. The 
altar of Incense was for daily use; the censer 


ptov, Ant. 111. ὃ, 3), as being overlaid with gold. 
Exod. xxx. 3. But the censer was solid gold—so, 
at least, we should infer from the distinction 
made by the Apostle between the censer and the 
ark, the former being characterised as χρυσοῦν, 
and the cther as περικεκαλυμμένη χρυσίῳ, Heb. ix. 
4. Where the censer was kept is nowhere men- 
tioned, but, as part of the furniture of the Holy 
of Holies,it was probably preserved in the Holy 
of Holies until wanted for use. The words σκηνὴ 
ἔχουσα τὸ θυμιατήριον May either be interpreted 
as containing the censer, or as haying the censer 
appropriated to it—i.e. it was used exclusively 
for the purposes of the Holy of Holies. 

8 The LXX. calls the pot golden, but the 
word is not in the Hebrew, Exod. xvi 33, another 
proof that the writer was using the LXX. 

4 That these two things were placed in the 
ark in the tabernacle, see Exod. xvi. 84; Numb. 
xvii. 10; Deut. xxxi. 26. As to the ark in the 
temple of Solomon, the case was different. See 
1 Kings viii. 9; 2 Chron vy. 10. 

186 Deut. x. 5; 1 Kings viii. 9; 2 Chron. v. 10. 


Cuarv. VIT.J EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 519 


6 speak particularly. Now these things being thus ordained, the priests enter con- 
7 tinually**® into the first tabernacle, accomplishing the service of God ; but into 
the second enters the High Priest alone once every year,'*’ not without blood, 
8 which he offereth for himself, and for the ignorances’” of the people : the Holy 
Ghost this signifying, that the way into the holy places was not yet made mani- 
9 fest, while the first tabernacle was yet standing (which was a figure for the time 
then instant) according to which [ Tabernacle] are offered both gifts and sacri- 


ΓΞ, 


Fig. 297.— The candlestick as sculptured on the Arch of Titus. From Reland. 


The woodcut is taken from the old drawing by Reland, as the original has sinc* become much worn. 
The pedestal on which the candlestick stands must have been a substitute by the hands of so ne Roman artificer, as 
the sculpture of living creatures would have violated the Jewish law. 


10 fices, that cannot make him that serveth perfect, as regards the conscience, resting 

only on meats and drinks, and divers washings, and carnal ordinances, imposed 
11 on them until the time of reformation. But Christ having arrived a High 
Priest of good things to come, through a greater and more perfect tabernacle, 


185 διαπαντὸς. In Eng. ver. “always.” Tbe ayear. See Pausan. Eliac. vi. 25,3; Aread. vill. 
Apostle means that the priests were daily and 91, 5; viii. 41,4; viii. 47,4. Boot. ix. 25, 3. 


hourly going into the first temple, but into the 188 ἀγνοήματων. In Eng. ver. “ errors.” 

second once a year only. The “continually” is 189 See Lev. xvi. 15. 

opposed to the “once,” and the priests without 40 εἰς τὸν καιρὸν τὸν ἐνεστηκότα, καθ᾽ ἣν, KC. 

distinction to the high priest. So ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ. Jos. Ant. xvi. 6,2. The 
87 So Philo in nearly the same words: εἰς ἃ reading of the Textus receptus is καθ᾽ ὃν. 

(the Holy of Holies) ἅπαξ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ὁ μέγας Ml T.e. his flesh. (See post, x. 30.) Christ, being 


ἱερεὺς εἰσέρχεται, τῇ νηστείᾳ λεγομένῃ μόνον, ἐπι- God from eyerlasting, passed through the taber- 
θυμιάσων. Leg. ad Caium,c.39. And to the nacle of the flesh by his incarnation, that by the 
same effect Philo de Monarch. ii. 2, and Jos. once offering of his blood he might take away 
3ell. v. 5, 7, and 3 Mace. i. 11. Certain temples our sins. 

amongst the heathen also were entered only once 


320 [a.p. 63] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


[Cuap. VII. 


12 not made with hands, that is to say, not this building, neither by the blood 


of goats and calves, but by his own blood, entered in once for all into the holy 


13 place, having obtained eternal redemption for us. For if the blood of bulls 


and of goats, and the ashes of a heifer sprinkling the unclean, sanctifieth to 
14 the purifying of the flesh, how much more shall the blood of Christ, who 


through the eternal Spirit offered himself without spot to God, purge your 


15 conscience from dead works to serve the living God? 


And for this cause he 


is the mediator of a new testament, that by means of death, for the redemp- 


Fig. 298.—The candlestick and table of showbread and trwmpet, as carried in triumph by Titus at Rome after the 


capture of Jerusalem. 


From a photograph of the Arch of Titus. 


tion of the transgressions that were under the first testament, they which are 


16 called might receiye the promise of eternal inheritance. 


For where a testa- 


ment ' is, there must also of necessity be asswmed the death of the testator ; 


42 The Apostle reasons here upon the double 
meaning of διαθήκη, which signifies either ὃ 
covenant or a testament. The corresponding 
word in Hebrew for ‘ covenant’ is said (but this 
is disputed) not to bear the same double mean- 
ing, and if so the Epistle must have been written 


in Greek. In English we have no word which 
will so far answer to the Greek διαθήκη as to 
signify indifferently a covenant and a testament. 
The nearest approach to it is the word ‘ disposi- 
tion,’ which etymologically is the literal trans- 
lation of διαθήκη, and sufficiently represents 


Cuar. VITI.] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS, 


[a.p. 63] 321 


17 for a testament. is. of force after men are dead ; since it is of no Force at all 
18 while the testator liveth. Whence neither the first testament was inaugu- 
19 rated’ without. blood ; for when Moses had spoken every precept to all the 
people according to the Law, he took the blood of calves and of goats, with 
water, and scarlet wool, and hyssop,'‘ and sprinkled both the book itself, and 
20 all the people, saying, ‘This is the blood of the testament which God hath 


21 enjoined unto you.’ (Ez. xxiv. 8.)"° Moreover he in Like manner 


sprinkled 


22 with blood both the tabernacle and all the vessels of the ministry ;"° and 


almost all things are by 
23 ding of blood is no remission. 


the Law purged with blood, and without shed- 
It was therefore necessary that the copies 


of the heavenly things should be purified with these, but the heavenly things 


24 themselves with better sacrifices than these. 
places made with hands which are the counterparts 17 


25 heaven itself, now to 


appear in the presence of God for us; 


For Christ entered not into holy 
of the true, but into 
nor yet that he 


should offer himself often, as the High Priest entereth into the holy place 
26 every year with blood of others, for then must he often have suffered since the 
foundation of the world, but now once αὐ the end of the world hath he appeared 


dispensation on the one hand, and a testa- 
mentary gift on the other. The word διαθήκη 
might be rendered ‘ disposition ° throughout. the 
Epistle, but the words ‘ covenant’ and ‘ testa- 
ment’ have become so inveterate from long 
usage that it was thought best not to innovate. 
It may appear at firs sight to be almost sophis- 
tical to argue, as the Apostle does, from the 
double meaning of the word διαθήκη, first in the 
sense of a covenant and then in the sense of a 
testament; but in point of substance they are 
the same thing. As between mun and Man, & 
covenant and a testament differ from each other, 
for a coyenant supposes a power in each con- 
tracting party independent of the other, while 
in the case of a will the testator has the absolute 
power in himself. But as between God and man, 
there can be no covenant strictly so called, for 
the absolute power is in God, and man ean only 
submit. In Scripture, therefore, a covenant 
means nothing more than a manifestation of 
Gods will; and thus ‘ covenant’ and « testa- 
ment’ are identical. The Old Covenant and the 
New Testament may be called the old dispensa- 
tion and the new dispensation, or the old will 
and the new will. 

MS ἐγκεκαίνισται. In Eng. ver. “ dedicated.” 
The word is literally “renovated,” and hence 
came to signify the consecration or dedication of 
a building on its completion, whether originally 

VOL. I. 


or by repair. 

™ Τῶν μόσχων καὶ τράγων μετὰ ὕδατος καὶ ἐρίου 
κοκκίνου καὶ ὑσσώπου. In the Old Testament the 
blood: only is mentioned ; the other particulars 
are Implied or assumed from the usage when 
the Apostle wrote, or derived from some other 
source. We occasionally find Josephus as well 
as Paul introducing slight cireumstances which 
are not found in the Old Testament according to 
the existing MSS. See infra note 16. and Ley. 
xiv. 4-6, 49-52. 

 Tovro τὸ αἷμα τῆς διαθήκης ἧς ἐνετείλατο πρὸς 
ὑμᾶς ὁ Θεός. In the ἜΠΟΣ. υγδοὺ τὸ αἵμα τῆς 
διαθήκης ἧς διέθετο Κύριος πρὸς ὑμᾶς. 

M6 This is an independent transaction, and 
not connected with the preceding verse; for at 
the time of the dispensation the tabernacle had 
not been erected. The Apostle appears to be 
now citing Exod. xl. 9-11: Καὶ λήψῃ τὸ ἔλαιον 
τοῦ χρίσματος, καὶ χρίσεις τὴν σκηνὴν, καὶ πάντα τὰ 
ἐν ἀυτῇ, κιτιλ. Certainly, o/7 only is here men- 
tioned, but Josephus mentions Blood also. Jos. 
Ant. iii. 8, 6. 

“" ἀντίτυπα. In Eng. yer. “the figures.” The 
word in Greek signifies the stamp left by the 
τύπος which strikes it. Moses had been com- 
manded to “make all things according to the 
pattern (τύπον) that had been shewn to him on 
the mount.” Ante, viii, 5. 


27 


322 [a.p. 63] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


[Caar. ὙΠ. 


28 unto men once to die, but after this the judgment, so Christ, once offered to 


bear the sins of many, shall unto them that look for him appear the second 


time without sin unto salvation. 
Cu. X, 


“For the Law having a shadow’ of good things to come, [and] not the 


very image of the things, can never with the same’ sacrifices which they offer 


bo 


year by year continually make the comers thereunto perfect ; for then would 


they not have ceased to be offered? because that the worshippers once purged 


3 should have had no more conscience of sins.}°° 


But in those sacrifices there is 


4 a remembrance again made of sins year by year; for it is not possible that 


Or 


the blood of bulls and of goats should take away sins. Wherefore when He 155 


cometh into the world, he saith, ‘Sacrifice and offering thou wouldest not, but 


6 a body hast thou prepared me.’ 


7 hast had no pleasure. 


In burnt offerings and offerings for sin thou 
Then said I, Lo, I come (in the volume of the book it 
8 is written of me), to do thy will, Ὁ God.’ (Ps. xl. 6.) 


Above ®® when 


he saith, ‘ Sacrifice and offering and burnt offerings and offerings for sin thou 
wouldest not, neither hadst pleasure therein ;) which are offered by the law—— 


Ve) 


then said he, ‘ Lo, I come to do thy will.’ 


He taketh away the first, that he 


10 may establish the second: by the which ‘ will’ we are sanctified through the 


11 offering of the ‘body’ of Jesus Christ once for all. 


And every priest '*" stand- 


eth daily ministering and offering oftentimes the same sacrifices, which can 


12 never take away sins; but this man, after he had offered one sacrifice for sins, 


MS σκιὰν. . . τῶν μελλόντων ἀγαθῶν. In 


Coloss. ii. 17 the Apostle uses the same expres- 
sion, σκιὰ τῶν μελλόντων, aN additional proof that 
Paul was the author of the ‘Hebrews.’ Philo, 
whom Paul had studied, had said, twenty years 
before, of the spiritual Jew : “Qs μᾶλλον τὰ νοήτα 
καταλαμβάνειν τῶν αἰσθητῶν, καὶ ταῦτα νομίζειν 
ἐκείνων εἶναι σκιάς. Phil. Leg. 40. 

149 In Eng. ver. “ those.” The 
meaning is, the same sacrifices are offered on 
the Day of Atonement, as had before been daily 
offered for the same sins. 

150 Tf sacrifices could take away sin, then the 
daily sacrifices would be sufficient ; but the like 
sacrifices are offered every year on the great Day 
of Atonement for the sins of the whole year, 
which shews that, in fact, sacrifices do not take 
away sin, but are only a remembrance of it. 

™! Viz. on the great Day of Atonement, when 
sacrifices ave again offered for the sins of the 
whole year, notwithstanding the previous daily 
sacrifices. 

152 Viz. Christ. 


"ἢ σῶμα δὲ κατηρτίσω μοι. 


ταῖς αὐταῖς. 


These are the 


words of the LXX., but the Hebrew is “ Mine 
ears hast thou opened,’ i.e. thou hast made 
me to listen attentively to thy will, or as others 
would render the Hebrew, ‘“ Mine ears hast 
thou bored,” the boring of the ear being a sign 
of the master’s property in his slave. Exod. 
xxi. 6; Deut. xv. 17. How the LXX. came to 
deviate so much from the Hebrew has never 
been satisfactorily explained. 

M4 Θυσίαν καὶ προσφορὰν οὐκ ἤθελησας, σῶμα δὲ 
κατηρτίσω μοι" ὁλοκαυτώματα καὶ περὶ ἁμαρτίας οὐκ 
ἐυδόκησας" τότε εἶπον Ἰδοὺ ἥκω (ἐν κεφαλίδι βιβλίου 
γέγραπται περὶ ἐμοῦ) τοῦ ποιῆσαι, ὁ Θεὸς, τὸ θέλημά 
σου. The only variations from the LXX. are, 
that we read there ἤτησας instead of εὐδόκησας, 
and that ὁ Θεὸς is omitted. The Apostle adopts 
the LXX., which does not agree with the Hebrew. 

19 »Ανώτερον, in the prior part of the passage. 

156 The words 6 Θεὸς in the Text. recept. are 
rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, and Alford. 

101 Lachmann and Alford read ἀρχιερεὺς, high 
priest. 


Cuar. VII] 


13 


90 


‘law died without mercy under two or three witnesses (Deut. xvii. 6): 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 323 


for ever sat down on the right hand of God; from thenceforth expecting till 
“his enemies be made his footstool.” (Ps. ex. 1.) For by one offering he hath 
perfected for ever them that are sanctified: and the Holy Ghost also is a 
witness to us, for after that he had said before, ‘this is the covenant that I 
will covenant with them after those days, saith the Lord, I will put my laws 
into their hearts, and in their minds will I write them,’ “ἢ [he saith] ‘and their 
sins and iniquities will I remember no more ;’ bud where remission of these is, 
there is no more offering for sin. 

“Having, therefore, brethren, boldness to enter into the holy place by the 
blood of Jesus,’** by a new and living way, which he hath inaugurated for us, 
through the veil, that is to say, his flesh, and having a High Priest over 
the house of God, let us draw near with a true heart in full assurance 
of faith, having our hearts sprinkled from an eyil conscience, and our bodies 
washed with pure water. Let us hold fast the confession of our faith without 
wavering (for he is faithful that promised), and let us consider one another to 
provoke unto love and good works, not forsaking the assembling of ourselves 
together,’ as the manner of some is, but exhorting [one another], and so 
much the more, as ye see the day approaching. For if we sin™ wilfully after 
that we have received the knowledge of the truth, there remaineth no more 
sacrifice for sins, but a certain fearful looking for of judgment and fiery 
indignation, which shall devour the adversaries. He that despised Moses’ 
of how 
much sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy who hath 
trodden under foot the Son of God, and hath counted common the blood 
of the covenant wherewith he was sanctified, and hath done despite unto the 
Spirit of grace? for we know him that hath said, ‘ Vengeance belongeth unto 
me, I will recompense, saith the Lord’ (Deut. xxxii. 35) ; 5 and again, ‘The 


bs The same passage is cited above in viii. 10; 
but on comparing the two citations together, 
some minute variations are observable. This is 
very important as shewing that the Apostle had 
not the book before him, but quoted from memory, 
and was not careful to use the same words, letter 
for letter. 

© As the priest entered into the Holy of 
Holies with the blood of the sin-offering. Lev. 
xvi. 15. 

™ ἐπισυναγωγὴν, the going to synagogue or 
church. This is the only passage in the New 
Testament in which the frequent attendance 
upon public worship is impressed upon us. The. 
reason for the precept here is that from the per- 
secution which now afflicted the Hebrew church, 
many of the disciples, being afraid to show their 


true colours, had begun to absent themselves 
from public worship. Under ordinary cireum- 
stances, the duty was regarded as a matter of 
course. 

“The whole object of the Epistle was to 
keep the Hebrews who were under persecution 
from abandoning their faith. ‘The sin, there- 
fore, here referred to is confined to that of apo- 
stasy. 

™ πυρὸς ζῆλος ἐσθίειν μέλλοντος τοὺς ὑπεναν- 
τίους. The Apostle here apparently alludes to 
a passage in Isaiah: πῦρ robs ὑπεναντίους ἔδεται. 
Is. xxvi. 11. 

WS Ἐμοὶ ἐκδίκησις, ἐγὼ ἀνταποδώσω, λέγει Κύριος. 
This quotation is a very remarkable one, as it 
differs materially both from the Hebrew and 
the LXX. In the latter the passage is Ἐν 


2 πιῶ 


924 


[A.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. 


31 Lord shall judge his people.’ (Deut. xxxii. 36.)'* It is a fearful thing to fall 
into the hands of the liying God. 
32 “But call to remembrance the former days,’ in which, when ye were 
33 enlightened, ye endured a great struggle of sufferings; partly, whilst ye 
were made a gazing stock both by reproaches and afflictions, and. partly, 
34 whilst ye became partners with” them that were so used; for ye had com- 
passion of those in bonds'®* and took joyfully the spoiling of your posses- 
sions, knowing that for yourselves ye have in heayen a better and an enduring 
35 possession."° Cast not away, therefore, your confidence, which hath great 
36 recompense of reward: for ye have need of patience, that, after ye have done 
37 the will of God, ye may receive the promise ; for yet a very little while, and 


38 He that cometh will come and will not tarry." But the ‘just shall live by 
faith ;\7? and if he draw back, my soul hath no pleasure in him.’ (Hab. τι. 4.)'* 


ἡμέρᾳ ἐκδικήσεως ἀνταποδώσω. In neither are the 
words λέγει Κύριος. Yet we find the same cita- 
tion, totidem verbis, in Rom. xii. 19. Must not 
the author of the Hebrews and of the Romans 
have been the same person ? 

164 Κύριος κρινεῖ τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ. But in the 
LXX., κρινεῖ Κύριος τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ. The Apostle 
therefore was quoting from memory. 

> Τὰς πρότερον ἡμέρας implies strictly the 
former of two visitations There had, in fact, 
been two prior persecutions, one at the martyr- 
dom of Stephen, A.p. 37, at the very outset of 
the Gospel, and the other some years after, when, 
in a.p. 44, Herod Agrippa proceeded κακῶσαί 
τινας τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. Acts xii. 1. The 
latter ceased almost immediately by the death of 
Agrippa, the promoter of it. The great perse- 
cution was that in the time of Stephen, and the 
Apostle distinguishes it from the other by call- 
ing it “the former days in which, when ye were 
enlightened,” i.e.‘ when ye first received the light 
of the Gospel.’ The third persecution, which 
was raging at the date of the Epistle, was that 
when James the Just, the Bishop of Jerusalem, 
was summoned, in the absence of the Roman 
Procurator, before the Jewish Sanhedrim, and 
condemned and stoned. See Fasti Sacri, p. 327, 
No. 1981. The analogy between the stoning of 
Stephen when the Procurator Pilate was on his way 
to Rome, and the stoning of James the Just when 
Albinus the Procurator elect had not yet arrived, 
is very striking; and Paul may well have directed 
the attention of his countrymen from the one 
persecution to the other. 

8 ἄθλησιν παθημάτων. 
sulictions. ’ 


In Eng. ver. “ fight of 


187 κοινωνοὶ, “ partakers of ” or “ partakers 
with.” In Eng. ver. “companions.” The mem- 
bers of the Hebrew church had not only suffered 
affliction themselves; but had done their utmost 
to relieve and comfort those who were afflicted. 

168 The true reading, supported by the best 
MSS., and adopted by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lach- 
mann, Tischendorf, and Alford, is τοῖς δεσμίοις. 
The Apostle could not have written rots δεσμοῖς 
μου, for he is alluding to the jirst persecution, 
when Paul himself was amongst the oppressors. 
Indeed, he was neyer a prisoner at Jerusalem at 
all, except for one night in the castle of Antonia. 
189 γῶν ὑπαρχόντων ὑμῶν. In Eng. ver. “your 
goods.” 

τὸ "Y7apéw evidently has reference to the pre- 
ceding word ὑπαρχόντων, another proof that the 
Epistle was written in Greek. 

11 Tn a short time the Lord will come, and 
Jerusalem shall be destroyed. This event oc- 
curred seven years after the date of the Epistle. 
The Christians, it is said, retired ina body, before 
the siege began, from Jerusalem to Pella. 

172° δὲ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται. ‘he Apostle 
cites the same passage, word for word, Rom, i. 
17; and again, Ὃ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται, Gal. 
iii. 11. It is observable that in all three citations 
the writer varies slightly from the LXX,. which 
is, Ὃ δὲ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεὼς μου ζήσεται, ab. 1]. 4. 
The more trivial the variation, the more cogent 
the argument that the same hand penned all the 
passages. 

TED) ἐρχόμενος ἥξει καὶ οὐ χρονίει. Ὃ δὲ δίκαιος 
ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται καὶ ἐὰν ὑποστείληται, οὐκ εὐδο- 
κεῖ ἡ ψυχή μου ἐν αὐτῷ: In the ΤΙΧΧ,, Ὅτι 
ἐρχόμενος ἥξει καὶ οὐ μὴ χρονίσῃ. “Eav ὑποστείληται 


Cuap. VII.] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 325 


39 


Cx. ΧΙ. 
2.3 


4 


or 


8 justification which is by faith. 


9 


10 
11 


But we are not of them who draw back unto perdition; but of them that 
believe to the saving of the soul. 

“Now faith is the confidence’ of things hoped for, the conviction? of 
things not seen; for by it the elders were testified of." Through faith we 
understand that the worlds were framed by the word of God, so that things 
which are seen were not made of things which do appear. By faith Abel 
offered unto God a more excellent sacrifice than Cain,’ by which he had the 
testimony that he was righteous (Matt. xxiii. 95),. God testifying of his gifts, 
and by it he being dead yet speaketh." By faith Enoch was translated that 
he should not see death;® and ‘was not found because God had translated 
him ; 15 (Gen. y. 24) for before his translation he had the testimony, that he 
‘had pleased God ;’ (Gen. ν. 24)*! but without faith it is impossible to please 
him ; for he that cometh to God must believe that he is, and that he is a rewarder 
of them that diligently seek him. By faith Noah, beg warned of God of 
things not seen as yet, taking heed, prepared an ark to the saving of his 
house ;** by the which he condemned the world,’ and became heir of the 
By faith Abraham, when he was called 
obeyed to go out into a place which he should after receive for an inhe- 
ritance; and he went out, not knowing whither he was going ;*° by faith he 
sojourned in the land of promise, as in a strange country, dwelling in tents 
with Isaac and Jacob, the heirs with him of the same promise; for he looked 
for the city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God. By 


seats ae : ΟΝ ΝΕ 
οὐκ εὐδοκεῖ ἡ ψυχή μου ἐν αὐτῷ 
πίστεώς μου ζήσεται. 


τὸ χρησθὲν λόγιον, ἐν ᾧ φωνῇ χρώμενος καὶ βοῶν ἃ 
πέπονθεν εὑρίσκεται: πῶς γὰρ 6 μήκετ᾽ ὧν διαλέγ- 
εσθαι δυνατός. Philo, Quod deterius potiori, &e., 


O δὲ δίκαιος ἐκ 
The Apostle proceeds, 


Ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐκ ἐσμὲν ὑποστολῆς ἀλλὰ πίστεως. The 
word ὑποστολῆς is evidently drawn from the pre- 
ceding word in the LXX., ὑποστείληται, and is 
another argument that the Epistle was originally 
written in Greek. 

"4 ὑπόστασις. In Eng. ver. “ substance.” The 
same word is used, in the same sense of confi- 
dence, ante, iii. 14. 

"5 ἔλεγχος. In Eng. ver. “ evidence.” 

τὸ ἐμαρτυρήθησαν. In Eng. ver. “ obtained a 
good report.” 

7 Gen. iv. 3. 

M8 Εμαρτυρήθη εἶναι δίκαιος. In Matt. xxiii. 
35, our Lord speaks of him as”ABeX τοῦ δικαίου. 
He is not called righteous in any other part of 
Seripture. St. Paul, therefore, supposes St. Mat- 
thew’s Gospel to be in the hands of his readers. 
See note 1 Cor. vi. 2, and post, xi. 16. 

“8a Here again Paul appears to have studied 
Philo, in whom we read ὋὉ Ἄβελ. . . ἀνήρῃταί 
re καὶ ζῇ" ἀνήρηται μὲν εκ “ἧς τοῦ ἄφρονος διανοίας, 
(7 δὲ τὴν ἐν Θεῷ ζωὴν εὐδαίμονα. Μαρτυρήσει δὲ 


6. 4, vol. i. p. 200. 

τ Gen. v. 24. 

180 Verbatim from the LXX., except that the 
Apostle employs διότι for ὅτι. 

181 The words of the Apostle are, καὶ οὐχ εὑρίσ- 
kero διότι μετέθηκεν αὐτὸν ὁ Θεὸς, πρὸ yap τῆς 
μεταθέσεως αὐτοῦ μεμαρτύρηται εὐηρεστηκέναι τῷ 
Θεῷ. In the LXX. the passage is, καὶ εὐηρέσ- 
τησεν Ἑνὼχ τῷ Θεῷ, kal οὐχ εὑρίσκετο ὅτι μετέθηκεν 
αὐτὸν ὁ Θεός. It is very observable that the 
word εὐηρέστησεν has no term corresponding 
with it in the Hebrew, but the expression there 
is, Enoch “walked with God.” As the Apostle 
dwells upon the word εὐηρέστησεν, does it not 
follow that the Epistle was written in Greek ? 

182 εὐλαβηθεὶς. In Eng. ver. “ moved with 
fear.” 

183 Gen. vi. 22. 

18 Because they believed not his warning. 

189 Gen. xii. 1, 4. 


[A.v. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuap. VII. 


12 


19 


14 
15 


16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 


22 


faith also Sara herself received strength to conceive seed, even*® when she 
was past age, because she judged him faithful who had promised.’ Where- 
fore sprang there even of one, and him as good as dead, so many ‘as the stars 
of the heaven in multitude’ (Hz. xxxii. 13),’*° and ‘as the sand which is by 
the sea shore innumerable.’ (Is. x. 22.)'** These all died in faith, not having 
received the promises, but having seen them afar off,!°° and embraced them, 
and confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth ;!*" for they 
that say such things declare plainly that they seek a country ; and truly, if 
they had been mindful of that from whence they came out, they might have 
had opportunity to return ; but now they desire a better [country], that is, a 
heavenly ; wherefore God is not ashamed to be called their God (Matt. xxii. 
32); for he hath prepared for them a city. By faith Abraham, when he was 
tempted, offered up Isaac; and he that had received the promises offered up 
his only begotten son,'*’ fo whom it was said, ‘That in Isaac shall thy seed be 
called’ (Gen. xxi. 12) ;!° accounting that God was able to raise [him] up, even 
from the dead, from whence also he received him in a figure. By faith Isaac 
blessed Jacob and Esau concerning things to come.!* By faith Jacob, when 
dying, blessed each of the sons of Joseph,'*° and ‘worshipped upon the top of 
his staff? (Gen. xlvii. 31).1%° By faith Joseph, when he died, made mention of 
the departing of the sons of Israel, and gave commandment concerning his 
bones."*? By faith Moses, when he was born, was hid three months by his 
parents, ‘because they saw he was a goodly child’'** (Er. ii. 2); and they 
were not afraid of the king’s commandment. By faith Moses, ‘ when he was 
come to years, (Ha. 11. 11)" refused to be called the son of Pharaoh’s 
daughter, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to 
enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season,” esteeming the reproach of Christ 
greater riches than the treasures in Egypt, for he had respect unto the recom- 


6 The word ἔτεκεν, “ was delivered of a child” 
in the Textus receptus, is rejected by Griesbach, 
Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

187 Gen, xvii. 19; xxi. 2. 

*S The words are those of the LXX., except 
that for ὡσεὶ the Apostle substitutes καθὼς. 

 @oei ἄμμος ἣ παρὰ τὸ χεῖλος τῆς θαλάσσης 
ἀναρίθμητος. In the LXX., ὡς ἡ ἄμμος τῆς 
θαλάσσης. 

“The words καὶ πεισθέντες, “and were per- 
suaded of them” in the Textus receptus, are re- 
jected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, and Alford. 

41 1 Chron. xxix. 15; Ps. xxxix. 12. 

* Gen. xxii. 2. 
The citation is verbatim from the LXX. 
Gen. xxvii. 27, 39. 


195 Gen. xlviii. 16. 
M8 καὶ προσεκύνησεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἄκρον τῆς ῥάβδου 
αὐτοῦ. In the LXX., καὶ προσεκύνησεν ᾿Ισραὴλ 
ἐπὶ τὸ ἄκρον τῆς ῥάβδου αὐτοῦ. The Hebrew is 
ambigusus, and may signify “on his staff,” or 
“on the bed's head,” "8 signifying a bed's 
head, and ND a staff; but the Apostle here, as 
in other places, follows the LXX. 
17" {δ τὴν |. 24, 25. 


oe nee p 
198. διότι εἶδον ἀστεῖον TO παιδίον. 


In the LXX., 
ἰδόντες αὐτὸ ἀστεῖον. 

1 μέγας γενόμενος, the words of the LXX. 
Philo has the same sentiment : 6 δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν 
φθάσας τὸν ὅρον τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης εὐτυχίας καὶ θυγα- 
τριδοῦς μὲν τοῦ τοσούτου βασιλέως νομισθεὶς .. 
τὴν συγγενικὴν καὶ προγονικὴν ἐζήλωσε παιδείαν 
i. 85. Vit. Moys. i. 7. 


200 


Cnav. VII.] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [A.D. 63] 327 


27 
28 


29 
90 


91 


90 
37 


38 


pense of reward. By faith he forsook Egypt, not fearing the wrath of the 
king, for he endured, as seeing him who is invisible.” By faith he kept the 
passover, and the sprinkling of blood, lest he that destroyed the first-born 
should touch them.”* By faith they passed through the Red Sea as by 
dry land, which the Egyptians assaying to do were drowned? By faith the 
walls of Jericho fell down, after they were compassed about seven days." 
By faith the harlot Rahab perished not with them that believed not, having 
received the spies with peace.” And what shall I more say? for the time 
would fail me to 611" 6 of Gideon, and of Barak, and of Samson, and of 
Jephtha, of David also, and Samuel and of the prophets, who through faith 
subdued kingdoms,*” wrought righteousness,” obtained promises,”” stopped 
the mouths of lions,” quenched the power of fire, escaped the edge of the 
sword,” out of weakness were made strong,”! waxed valiant in fight, turned 
to flight the armies of aliens, women received their dead raised to life 
again,’ and others were tortured,”"* not accepting deliverance, that they 
might obtain a better resurrection; and others had trial of mockings?!” and 
scourgings,””* yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment ;”"° they were stoned,22° 
they were sawn asunder,” were tempted,” were slain with the sword,”* they 
wandered about in sheep-skins and goat-skins,”* being destitute, afflicted, 
tormented (of whom the world was not worthy), wandering in deserts, and in 


SEE Xe 96: 0)» xI OL, 

Ὅν Ex. xii. 3, 21. 

208 Ex. xiy. 21. 

204 Josh. vi. 20. 

“> Josh, 11: 15 yi. 23. 

ἐπιλείψει yap με δηγούμενον ὁ χρόνος ; almost 


206 


“13 Hezekiah. 

414 Gideon, Jonathan. : 

715 The widow of Sarepta, and the Shuna- 
mite. 

18 ἐτυμπανίσθησαν, “ were broken on the wheel,” 
as Eleazar. 2 Mace. vi. 19. 

*17 As oneof the seven brethren. 2 Mace. vii. 7. 


in the words of Philo, Vit. Moys. i. 38, vol. ii. 
p. 115, ἐπιλίποι ἂν ὁ Bios τοῦ βουλομένου διηγεῖσ- 
θαι. 

27 «The acts referred to may be Gideon's 
victory over the Midianites (Judg. vii.), Barak’s 
over the Canaanites (ib. iv.), Samson’s over the 
Philistines (ib. xiv.), Jephtha’s over the Am- 
monites (ib. xi.), David's over the Philistines 
(2 Sam. v. 17-25, viii. 1, xxi. 15), Moabites, 
Syrians, Edomites (ib. viii. 2), Ammonites (ib. x. 
14).” Alford. 

*°8 j.e. practised a life of righteousness, as Abel, 
who was called righteous (ante, xi. 4); Samuel, 
who judged the people righteously (1 Sam. xii. 
3); David, who reigned righteously (2 Sam. viii. 
15), &e. 

°° Caleb, Joshua, David, &e. 

10 Samson, David. 

21 Shadrach, Meshech, and Abed-nego. 

212 Moses, Elijah, David. 


218 As the seven brethren. 2 Mace. vii. 1. 


As Jeremiah and Jonathan. 1 Mace. xiii. 12. 
Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, 2 Chron. xxiv. 
21; Jeremiah, Tertull. Scorpiae. viii. 

= Tsaiah is said by the fathers to have been 
sawn asunder. Tertull. Scorpiac. viii. 

= ἐπειράσθησαν, 1.6. were tempted, by tortures 
on the one hand and bribes on the other, to 
abandon their faith. Others think the word has 
crept in by mistake from its following ἐπρίσθησαν. 
Others would substitute ἐπυράσθησαν were burnt, 
or ἐπηρώθησαν were mutilated. 

*S As Urijah, Jer. xxvi. 23; and see 1 Kings 
xix. 10. 

**4 i.e. in the meanest clothing, as the skins of 
sheep and goats with the wool or hair on, such 
as worn by Elijah (2 Kings i. 8) and John the 
Baptist (Matt. iii. 4; Mark i. 6). 


219 
220 


ive) 
bo 
lo) 


[Δ.}. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [CHap. VII. 


39 mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth.?” 


And these all, being testified 


40 of through faith, received not the promise, God having provided some better 


Cx. XII. 


bo 


σι He 


Ne) 


10 


11 


12 
19 


thing for us, that they without us should not be made perfect. νυ 


226 


“ Therefore seeing we have encompassing us*® so great a cloud of wit- 
nesses,” let us also lay aside every weight,”* and the sin which doth so 
easily beset us’? and let us run with patience the race that is set before us, 
looking unto Jesus the author and finisher of our faith, who for the joy 
set before him endured the cross, despismg the shame,”*° and is set down 
at the right hand of the throne of God. For consider him that endured such 
contradiction from sinners against himself, that ye be not wearied and faint in 
your minds. Ye have not yet resisted unto blood, striving against: sin ;* 
and ye have forgotten the exhortation which speaketh unto you as unto 
sons, ‘My son, despise not thou the chastening of the Lord, nor faint 
when thou art rebuked of him’ (Prov. iii. 11) ;** (for whom the Lord loveth 
he chasteneth, and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth. If ye endure 
chastening, God dealeth with you as with sons, for what son is he whom 
the father chasteneth not? but if ye be without chastisement, whereof all are 
partakers, then are ye bastards, and not sons. We had then our fathers of the 
flesh as chastisers,"** and we gave them reverence: shall we not much rather 
be in subjection unto the Father of spirits, and live? for they verily for a few 
days chastened us after their own pleasure, but he for our profit, that we may 
be partakers of his holiness. Now no chastening for the present seemeth to 
be joyous, but grievous: nevertheless afterward it yieldeth the peaceable fruit 
of righteousness unto them which were exercised thereby) ;** wherefore ‘lift 
up the hands which hang down, and the feeble knees’ (Js, xxxy. 3);*° and 


25 As Elijah (1 Kings xix. 13) and the hun- 


*82 υἱέ μου, μὴ ὀλιγώρει παιδείας Κυρίου, μηδὲ 


dred prophets hidden by Obadiah (1 Kings xvii. 
4, 13), and David (1 Sam. xxii. 1), ἄς. 

25 ἔχοντες περικείμενον juiv. In Eng. ver.“ com- 
passed about.” 

27 rovyapoiy καὶ ἡμεῖς τοσοῦτον ἔχοντες περικεί- 
μενον ἡμῖν νέφος μαρτύρων, κιτιλ. So Philo, ἔχων 
οὖν, δέσποτα, τῆς ἡμετέρας προαιρέσεως τοιαῦτα 
παραδείγματα, κιτ.λ., ad Caium, 5. 41. 

#8 Ridding ourselves of every encumbrance 
that would lessen our speed in the race. 

“9 The sin of apostasy that presses upon us. 

280 'The cross was the most shameful of deaths. 
καὶ μετὰ πάσας τὰς αἰκίας, ὅσας ἐδύναντο χωρῆσαι 
τὰ σώματα αὐτοῖς, ἡ τελευταία καὶ ἔφεδρος τιμωρία 
σταυρὸς ἦν. Philo in Flaceum, ο. 9, vol. ii. p. 527. 

381. All the metaphors in the four first verses 
are drawn fromthe games of the heathen. In 
these allusions we may trace the hand of Paul. 


ἐκλύου, ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐλεγχόμενος" ὃν yap ἀγαπᾷ Κύριος 
παιδεύει: μαστιγοῖ δὲ πάντα υἱὸν, ὃν παραδέχεται. 
In the LXX. the word pov is omitted, and 
instead of παιδεύει is ἐλέγχει. 


283 παιδευτὰς. In Eng. ver. ‘‘ which corrected 


USS 
*4 One of Paul’s parentheses. Having touched 
on the word ‘ chastening,’ he turned aside to dilate 


upon it. He had left off with the words “nor 


faint when thou art rebuked of him,” v. 5, and 


he now resumes the same figure— Wherefore, 
lift up the hands which hang down, and the 
feeble knees.” 

285 Tas παρειμένας χεῖρας Kal τὰ παραλελυμένα 
These words seem to be 
taken from Is. xxxv.3: Ἰσχύσατε, χεῖρες ἀνειμέναι 


γόνατα ἀνορθώσατε. 


Rouse Σ 
καὶ γόνατα παραλελυμένα. 


Cuap, VIT.] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [A.p. 63] 329 


14 
15 


16 
17 


18 


19 


20 


21 
22 


23 


24 
25 


‘Make straight paths for your feet’ (Prov. iv. 26),°° that what is lame be 
not dislocated," but rather may be healed. 

“ Follow peace*** with all men, and holiness, without which no man shall 
see the Lord (Matt. v. 8): looking diligently lest any man fail of the grace 
of God, ‘lest any root of bitterness springing up trouble you’ (Deut. xxix. 
18), and thereby many be defiled; lest there be any fornicator,™’ or profane 
person, as Esau, who for one meal** sold his birthright ; for ye know how that 
afterward when he would have inherited the blessing, he was rejected, for he 
found no place of repentance, though he sought it carefully with tears. For 
ye have not approached unto a mount that may be touched, and that burneth 
with fire, nor unto ‘ blackness, and darkness, and tempest’ (Deut. iv. 11), and 
‘the sound of a trumpet’ (Hz. xix. 16), and ‘the voice of words’ (Deut. iv. 
12), which [voice] they that heard intreated that not a word should be spoken 
to them more, for they could not endure that which was commanded, ‘ And if 
so much as a beast touch the mountain, it shall be stoned’ *? (Ez. xix. 13); 
and so terrible was the sight [that] Moses said, ‘I exceedingly fear and quake’ 
(Deut. ix. 19) ;**° but ye have approached unto Mount Sion,”* and unto the 
city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to tens of thousands ** of 
angels, to the general assembly and congregation of the first-born, which are 
written in Heaven, and to God, the judge of all, and to the spirits of just men 
made perfect, and to Jesus, the mediator of the new covenant, and to the 
blood of sprinkling, that speaketh better things than Abel*°—see that ye 


236 


kal τροχιὰς ὀρθὰς ποιήσατε τοῖς ποσὶν ὑμῶν. 
(The line is a hexameter, but this is accidental.) 
In the LXX, ὀρθὰς τροχιὰς ποίει σοῖς ποσὶ καὶ τὰς 
ὁδούς σου κατεύθυνε. 

*7 ἐκτραπῆ. In Eng. ver. “be turned out of 
the way.” 

88 The Apostle now proceeds to the hortatory 
part of the Epistle, and ἐιρήνη first suggests 
itself from the use of the word εἰρηνικόν a few 
lines before, ver. 11. The virtue of peace was 
particularly to be cultivated at the present junc- 
ture, from the dissensions introduced by the 
persecution of Ananus. The Apostle, however, 
presently disentangles himself from this exclu- 
sive subject, and enforces the practice of holiness 
in general. 

289 μή τις ῥίζα πικρίας ἄνω φύουσα ἐνοχλῇ. The 
words of the LXX. are μή τις ἐστὶν ἐν ὑμῖν ῥίζα 
ἄνω φύουσα ἐν χολῇ καὶ πικρίᾳ. 

“#0 Fornication is, perhaps, to be taken here in 
the Hebrew sense of apostasy from the true re- 
ligion. This agrees also with the warning that 
follows against profaneness or bartering our faith 


VOL. I. 


for worldly advantages. 

Ξ βρώσεως. In Eng. ver. “ morsel of meat.” 

22 κἂν θηρίον θίγῃ, λιθοβοληθήσεται. In the 
LXX. λιθοβοληθήσεται ἢ Βολίδι κατατοξευθήσεται, 
ἐάν τε ἄνθρωπος. The words ἢ βολίδι κατατοξευ- 
θήσεται, “or thrust through with the dart,” are 
rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, 
Tischendorf, and Alford, and have crept in 
from Ex. xxix. 13. 

43 ἔκφοβός εἰμι καὶ ἔντρομος. In the LXX. the 
words καὶ ἔντρομος are omitted. Here ends the 
long parenthesis, another instance of Paul’s pecu- 
liarity in going off at a word. The mention of 
the “ yoice” had immediately drawn after it the 
whole accompanying scene. 

24 As opposed to Mount Sinai. 

* μυριάσιν. In Eng. ver. “an innumerable 
company.” 

3:5 The blood of Abel that was shed cried from 
the ground for vengeance. Gen. iii.10. But the 
blood of Christ that was shed intercedes for us 
by way of atonement. 


2 ΠῚ 


5380 


[A.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. 


refuse not him that speaketh, for if they escaped not who refused him that 
spake on earth,’ much more shall not we escape, if we turn away from him 
that speaketh from Heayen,*** whose voice then shook the earth ;**° but now he 
hath promised, saying, ‘ Yet once more I shake not the earth only, but also 
Heaven.’ (Hagg. ii. 6.)*° And this word, ‘Yet once more,’ signifieth the 
removing of those things that are shaken, as of things that are made, that 
those things which are not shaken may remain: wherefore, we receiving a 
kingdom which cannot be shaken, let us have thankfulness,’ whereby we may 
serve God acceptably with reverence and devotion,*? for ‘our God is a con- 


suming fire.’ (Deut. iv. 24.)?°° 


Ca, XIII. 


“Let brotherly love continue.** Be not forgetful to entertain strangers,” 


2 for thereby some have entertained angels unawares.?°° 

3 “ Remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them; and them which 
suffer adversity, as being yourselves also in the body.?7 

4 “Marriage is honourable in all, and the bed undefiled; but whore- 
mongers and adulterers God will judge. 


5 “Let your manner*® | of life] be without coyetousness, and be content with 


such things as ye have, for himself hath said, ‘I will never leave thee, nor 


6 forsake thee.’ (Deut. xxxi. 8.)**° 


So that we may boldly say, ‘The Lord is my 


helper, and 1 will not fear what man shall do unto me.’ (Ps. exyiii. 6.) 7% 
fl “Remember your rulers’ who spake unto you the word of God, whose 
faith follow, seeing once and again the end of their cowrse.?! 


47 Tf they escaped not who disobeyed the Law 
delivered by Moses, the representative merely of 
God upon earth, how shall they escape who dis- 
obey the Gospel brought to earth by Christ, whose 
nature is divine ? 

48 τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς and τὸν ἀπ᾽ οὐρανῶν. In 
Eph. i. 10 and Col. i. 16 we have a similar ex- 
pression: τά τε ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. 
Paley observes that the connecting of things in 
earth with things in heaven is a very singular 
sentiment, and found nowhere but in the Ephe- 
sians and Colossians; but we have it here in the 
Hebrews also, and we may argue from it that 
Paul wrote the Epistle. 

49 Viz. at the giving of the lamb. Ex. xix. 18. 

290 ἔτι ἅπαξ ἐγὼ σείω οὐ μόνον THY γῆν, ἀλλὰ καὶ 
τὸν οὐρανόν. In the LXX. the words are ἔτι ἅπαξ 
ἐγὼ σείσω τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ THY γῆν. 

231 χάριν. In Eng. ver. “grace.” 

252 εὐλαβείας. In Eng. ver. “ godly fear.” 

eS In the 
LXX., Κύριος 6 Θεός σου πῦρ καταναλίσκον ἐστί" 
and see Deut. ix. 3. 

254 A precept very necessary, when, in a timo 


ε qa Qs x : 
ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν πῦρ καταναλίσκον. 


of persecution and apostasy, many animosities 
would naturally arise. 

°° τῆς φιλοξενίας. The exhortation to hospi- 
tality points to Paul as the author of the Epistle, 
for he is the only writer of the New Testament 
by whom the duty is ineuleated. The exhorta- 
tion was most appropriately addressed to the 
inhabitants of Jerusalem, to which, at the times 
of the great festivals, such multitudes resorted. 

*5 An allusion to the case of Abraham (Gen. 
Xviii.) and Lot. Gen. xix. 

*7 The Apostle here refers to the imprison- 
ments, scourgings, excommunications, and fines, 
to which the Christian Hebrews were now sub- 
ject from the persecution of Ananus. 

gs In Eng. ver. “ conversation.” 


> , dn 29> > , > , 
ου μὴ σε ava, ovd OU μη σε ἐγκαταλίπω. 


ὁ τρύπος. 
259 In 
the LXX. οὐκ ἀνήσει σε οὐδὲ μή σε ἐγκαταλίπῃ. 

*% The citation is verbatim from the LXX. 

200 γῶν ἡγουμένων ὑμῶν. In Eng. ver. “ them 
which have the rule over you.” 

*°l ἀναστροφῆς. In Eng. ver. “ conversation,” 
an apt word formerly, but not now used in this 
sense. Allusion is here made to James the brother 


Cuap. 11] 


591 


[a.p. 63] 


15 


14, 15 


16 


“Jesus Christ 7s the same yesterday, and to-day, and for ever: be not 
carried about with divers and strange doctrines; for it is a good thing that 
the heart be established with grace, not with meats, which have not profited 
them that walked therein.** We have an altar, whereof they have no power 
to eat which serve the tabernacle 3° for the bodies of those beasts, whose 
blood is brought into the sanctuary by the High Priest for sin, are burned 
‘without the camp,’ (Lev. xvi. 27)*** wherefore Jesus also, that he might 
sanctify the people with his own blood, suffered without the gate. Let 
us go forth therefore unto him without the camp, bearing his reproach, for 
we have no abiding city here, but we seek that which is to come. By him 
therefore let us offer the sacrifice of praise to God continually, that is, ‘ the 
fruit of our lips’ (Hos. xiv. 2) giving thanks to his name. But to do good 
and to communicate forget not ; for with such sacrifices God is well pleased.?” 

“Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit yourselyes,”" for they 
watch for your souls, as they that must give account, that they may do it 


with joy, and not with grief; for that is unprofitable for you. 


of John whom Agrippa had slain with the sword 
(Acts xii. 1), and to James the Bishop and the 
other heads of the church, whom Ananus had 
recently convicted of heresy, and caused to be 
stoned. The rulers of the church for the time 
being are referred to afterwards at ver. 17, whom 
the disciples are exhorted to obey. 

°82 οἱ περιπατήσαντες. In Eng. ver. “those that 
have been occupied therein.” 

*68 Tf ye as Christians are excommunicated 
and excluded from the Jewish altar, we have an 
altar which the unbelieving Jews have no right 
to approach. 

**4 Those who served the tabernacle partook 
of most of the sacrifices, but the sin-offering 
was wholly burnt, and no part was eaten by the 
priests: καὶ πάντα τὰ περὶ τῆς ἁμαρτίας, ὧν ἐὰν 
εἰσενεχθῇ ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ 
μαρτυρίου ἐξιλάσασθαι ἐν τῷ ἁγίῳ, οὐ βρωθήσεται: 
ἐν πυρὶ κατακαυθήσεται, Ley. vi. 30. Christ, the 
Apostle argues, is our sin-offering, and, as such, 
suffered without the camp, and to his disciples 
there is no more any sacrifice to be eaten. 

*° The Apostle, of course, means the gate of 
Jerusalem, and from this familiar reference to 
it, we may infer that he was addressing the 
Hebrews of that city. 

* The expression, “we have no abiding city 
here,” is another plain allusion to Jerusalem, 
which was soon to be destroyed, and in which 


“ Pray for τι," for we trust we have a good conscience,” in all things 


the Christians were now suffering persecution. 
It was thought by Stuart that the letter was 
addressed to the Hebrews of Cxsarea, but the 
12th, 13th, and 14th verses establish almost in- 
contestably that the Apostle was addressing his 
countrymen of Jerusalem. 

ὅτ The Apostle now exhorts them to works of 
charity, as the sacrifices now to be offered by 
Christians in lieu of the Levitical sacrifices, 
which had ceased. 

*8 James the Bishop, and the most revered of 


‘their spiritual teachers, had lately been put to 


death; and the Apostle exhorts the Hebrews to 
submit themselves to the new rulers who had 
been substituted in the place of their ancient 
pastors, and had not yet, by long services, 
riveted the affections of their flocks. 

“8 προσεύχεσθε περὶ ἡμῶν. We find the very 
same words in 1 Thess. v. 25, and see 2 Thess. 
iii. 1, and Col. i. 3. Paul is the only writer of 
the New Testament who asks for the prayers of 
his converts, or alludes to his offering up his 
own prayers for them. The appeal also to a 
good conscience, in the concluding part of the 
verse, is peculiarly Pauline. See Acts xxiii. 1; 
xxiv. 16; 2 Tim. i. 3. These incidental cireum- 
stances show very forcibly that he was the author 
of the Epistle. 

*° This, in a letter to the Hebrews, is pecu- 
liarly Pauline, as his yery first words before the 

20 2 


332 


[4.D. 63] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


[Cuap. VII. 


19 desiring to live honestly. And I beseech you the more exceedingly’ to do 
this, that I may be restored** to you the sooner. 

20 “ Now the God of peace,?@ that brought again from the dead our Lord 
Jesus, that great ‘shepherd of the sheep,’ (Is. Ixiii. 11)’"* through the blood 

21 of the everlasting covenant,” make you perfect in every good work to do his 
will, dong in you that which is well-pleasing in his sight, through Jesus 
Christ ; to whom be glory for ever and ever. Amen. 

22 « And I beseech you, brethren, suffer the word of exhortation, for I have 


written a letter unto you in few words. 


276 


23 “ Know ye that our brother Timothy*" hath been sent on an errand,” with 
whom, if he come shortly, I will see you.” 


Hebrew sanhedrim were to claim a good con- 
science. Acts xxiii. 1. 

ὅτι περισσοτέρως. In Eng. ver. “the rather,” 
which is feeble as compared with the Greek. 

272 ἀποκατασταθῶ, “ put back.” The writer, 
therefore, must haye been some one who had 
been sent against his will from Jerusalem, i.e. 
Paul, who had been arrested at Jerusalem nearly 
five years before, and sent a prisoner to Rome, 
and now asks their prayers that he be restored 
to Jerusalem, where his sufferings had com- 
menced. 

"τὸ ὁ δὲ Θεὸς τῆς Εἰρήνης. So in Rom. xv. 33, 
5 δὲ Θεὸς τῆς Εἰρήνης. And again, Rom. xvi. 
20; 1 Cor. xiv. 33; 2 Cor. xiii. 11; Philipp. 
iv. 9; 1 Thess. v. 28; a phrase used only by 
Paul. 


274 


τὸν ποιμένα τῶν προβάτων. Verbatim from 
the LXX. 

273 The everlasting covenant is dwelt upon, as 
opposed to the old covenant that was vanishing 
away. 

276 Ata βραχέων ἐπίστειλα ὑμῖν. There is a cor- 
responding expression in Eph. iii. 3, προέγραψα 
ἐν ὀλίγῳ: We see in both the same hand. 
Compare also Gal. vi. 11. The Apostle not 
having any charge over the Hebrew church, 
apologises for intruding upon them with an 
Epistle. 

*7 Tt has been made an objection by some to 
Paul’s authorship of this Epistle that he calls 
Timothy his brother, whereas Timothy was his 
own convert and on that account is called his 
sov, 1 Tim. 1,2; 2 Tim. ii. 2, and Philemon 1. 
But the phraseology “ Timothy our brother,” so 
far from being an objection, is really a strong 
argument in favour of Paul’s authorship, as, 
though Paul in addressing Timothy personally 


calls him his son, yet in speaking of him to 
others he calls him “ our brother,” as in 2 Cor. 
i. 1; Coloss. i. 1; 1 Thess. iii. 2; 2 Thess. iii. 2; 
Philem. 1. 

28 ἀπολελυμένον. In Eng. ver. “set at liberty.” 
But there is no trace of Timothy haying ever suf- 
fered imprisonment; nay, we know that a little 
before this, at the date of the Epistle to the Philip- 
pians, Timothy was at liberty, for it was Paul’s 
purpose on the prospect of being set free to send 
Timothy immediately from Rome to Philippi. 
Philipp. ii. 23. ᾿Απολελυμένον may signify ‘ sent 
on a mission,’ just as well as ‘set at liberty,’ and 
it no doubt here signifies the former. For the 
use οἵ ἀπολελυμένον in this sense see Acts xiii. 3, 
xy. 30, &e. 

2° This verse is a strong argument for the 
Pauline origin of the Epistle. Not only is 
Timothy here spoken of as τὸν ἀδελφὸν (see 
note *"), but ἐὰν τάχιον ἔρχηται corresponds with 
the passage in 1 Cor. xvi. 10: ἐὰν δὲ ἔλθῃ Τιμόθεος. 
The use of the word τάχιον is also very obsery- 
able, for Paul, in writing to the Philippians a 
few months before, with reference to this very 
same journey of Timothy, had twice employed 
the same term: Τιμόθεον ταχέως πέμψαι, and 
αὐτὸς ταχέως ἐλεύσομαι, Philipp. 11. 19,24. Why 
the Apostle should thus mention Timothy may 
be accounted for on the supposition that the 
elders of the Hebrew church, in their afflic- 
tion during the persecution by the fierce Sad- 
ducee Ananus, had probably requested Paul 
(whom they believed to be still in prison) to 
write to the Hebrews, and send the letter 
by Timothy, who had ingratiated himself with 
the Hebrews by having submitted to circum- 
cision. 


Cuae. VII.] 


EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 


[a.p. 63] 339 


24 “ Salute all them that have the rule over you,” 


281 


from Italy salute you. 
25 “GRACE BE WITH YOU ALL. 


282 


280 


and all the saints. They 


AMEN.” 


280 The author of the Epistle, therefore, was 
acquainted with the heads of the Hebrew church, 
and this points to Paul, for we are expressly told 
in the Acts that when Paul was last at Jerusa- 
lem πάντες τε παρεγένοντο oi πρεσβύτεροι, καὶ 
ἀσπασάμενος (6 Παῦλος) αὐτοὺς, κιτιλ. Acts xxi. 18. 

38: ᾿Ασπάζονται ὑμᾶς οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας. The 
true interpretation of these words has been 
much disputed, viz. whether they imply that 
Paul when he wrote was himself ix Italy, or 
when he wrote was cut of Italy. 

1. Those who support the view that Paul was 
in Italy render the words as in the Authorized 
version, “ They of Italy ;” and many instances 
might be cited in which ἀπὸ is applied to denote 
the place of a person’s abode, as oi ἀπὸ τῆς Θεσ- 
σαλονίκης ᾿Ιουδαῖοι (Acts xvii. 13); Ἰησοῦς ὁ ἀπὸ 
Ναζαρέτ (Matt. xxi. 11); οἱ ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύμων 
γραμματεῖς (Matt. xv. 1); and ἀπὸ may be ap- 
plied in this way, even though the writer is 
himself in the place referred to. Thus Ignatius, 
when in Smyrna, sends the following salutation 
to the Magnesians: ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς Ἐφέσιοι ἀπὸ 
Σμύρνης, ὅθεν καὶ γράφω ὑμῖν. Epist. ad 
Magnes. 5. 15. 

If this construction be adopted we must sup- 
pose the sequence of events to be this, viz. that 
Paul, on being set free, arranged with Timothy 
that the latter should proceed immediately to 
Philippi, and that Paul should sail for Spain, 
but that both at the end of a certain period (say 
six months) should meet again at Puteoli, and 
thence take ship together for Judea—that Paul 
accordingly returned to Puteoli, but before 
Timothy had arrived, and that while waiting for 
Timothy he wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
“ Know that our brother Timothy has been sent 
on a mission, with whom, if he come quickly, I 
will see you. They of Italy salute you.” Heb. 
xiii. 23. 

2. Those who maintain that Paul, when he 
penned the Epistle, was out of Italy, render the 
words in question “ They from Italy ”—that is, 
‘those who have accompanied me from Italy, and 
are now with me.’ The word ἀπὸ means literally 
and strictly, ‘from,’ and not ‘of;’ and as the 
Apostle studies brevity in the Epistle (Heb. xiii. 
22), the phrase “ They from Italy” may very 
well express compendiously ‘those who have 
come with me from Italy.’ 


If this interpretation be accepted we must 
suppose the sequence of events to be this, viz. 
that Paul on his liberation despatched Timothy 
to Philippi with an injunction to rejoin the Apostle 
in Spain, to assist him there in the ministry— 
that accordingly Paul sailed to Spain with the 
intention of spending some time there, but that, 
in the course of his progress, and before the 
return of Timothy, he received intelligence of 
the threatened defection of the Hebrew church, 
and that he then immediately wrote the Epistle 
to the Hebrews, to confirm the waverers in their 
faith, and promised, at the earliest day possible, 
to follow himself, and, if Timothy should reach 
Spain in time, to make Timothy his associate in 
the voyage. 

After much hesitation (which may well be 
excused in so doubtful a matter), we have given 
the preference in the text to the hypothesis that 
Paul, when he wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
was in Spain; and in doing so we have followed 
the authority of Dr. Wordsworth, who interprets 
oi ἀπὸ ᾿Ιταλίας ‘ They from Italy, and gives the 
following reasons: 1. That the Epistle could not 
have been written from Jome, or the Apostle 
would have mentioned /tome, and not Italy; and 
2. That the Epistle could not have been written 
from Italy (as from Puteoli), as he could hardly 
take upon himself to convey the greeting of the 
Italians generally, nor would he have described 
the Christians of Italy as “ They of Italy,” but 
as the ‘saints’ or ‘brethren’ of Italy. Words- 
worth on Heb, xiii. 24. 

*“ The Apostle had said to the Thessalonians, 
“The salutation of Paul with mine own hand, 
WHICH IS THE TOKEN IN EVERY EPIsTLE, so I 
WrITE: ‘THE GRACE OF OUR LorD Jesus Curist 
BE WITH YOU ALL.” 2 Thess. iii. 17,18. All 
the other Epistles of Paul are thus authenti- 
cated, and the reader will observe that the Apostle 
subjoins the like salutation in his own hand at 
the end of the Hebrews: “Grack BE WITH 
you atu.” He therefore authenticates the 
Epistle as his own, and thereby removes any 
doubt which might have existed as to the au- 
thorship, from the omission of the writer’s name 
at the beginning. In the Hebrews, as in the 
other later Epistles, the benediction is in a short 
form. No other Epistles but those of Paul have 
this benediction. 


[a.p. 63] ST. PAUL SAILS TO JUDEA. [Cuar. VII 


The letter was dispatched, but by whose hands we know not. Timothy, who had 
submitted to circumcision, would have been most acceptable to the Hebrew church, 
but he had not yet rejoined the Apostle. Luke, who had waited upon him at Rome, 
may have been still with ‘him, and it has been surmised that, in fact, he assisted the 
Apostle in the composition of the Hebrews, as the style of it has great resemblance 
to Luke’s other writings. But Luke was a Gentile, and could scarcely have been 
selected as a suitable envoy. Demas, Aristarchus, and Justus were also apparently 
with Paul at this time, but Demas again was a Gentile, and would therefore be 
objectionable. But Aristarchus and Justus were both of them Israelites, and one 
of them may have been employed for the purpose. After all, the Epistle may have 
been transmitted to Jerusalem by the ordinary letter-carrier. If the Hebrew church 
had intellects to understand, and hearts to feel the incisive arguments and stirring 
exhortations contained in the Epistle, the appeal must have produced signal effects, 
and have established their wavering faith on a firm and immoyable basis. 

Not long after the dispatch of the letter, Timothy arrived from Philippi, when Paul 
and his youthful follower, and the other missionaries in the Apostles’ company, sailed 
for Judea. 

Crete lay on their way, and it has been supposed by many, that Paul at this 
time promulgated the Gospel there, but this seems improbable. The passage in the 
Epistle to Titus, which is the foundation of the hypothesis, is as follows: “ For this 
cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are want- 
ing, and ordain elders in every city as 1 had appointed thee” ***. We are hence led 
to infer, that Paul had traversed the island and preached in the principal cities, but 
this would have occupied him two or three months, which he could ill spare, when he 
was making all haste to Jerusalem. In writing from Spain, he had asked for the 
prayers of the Hebrews, “that I may be restored to you the sooner,”*** and alluding 
to Timothy, he says, “ with whom, ¢f he come shortly, I will see you;*° so that if 
Timothy had delayed his arrival, Paul would have embarked without him. It is clear 
also that when Paul visited Crete on the occasion referred to in the Epistle, Titus was 
with him, but there is no trace of Titus having sailed with Paul from the west. Another 
argument of considerable weight is, that no one can read the Epistle to Titus, then 
in Crete, without feeling that the writer had parted from him not long before, 
whereas the letter as we shall see was not written for at least a year after the period 
of which we are now speaking. We may assume, therefore, that Paul made no stay 
αὖ Crete at the present time, but he may have touched there, and may have promised 
to re-visit them the first convenient opportunity, a pledge which he afterwards 
redeemed. 

Paul and his companions in due time reached Jerusalem, and if on the last ocea- 


288 They are distinguished, as being of the So Se ΠΕ ΙΒ. 1; ὩΣ: 


circumcision, from Epaphras, Luke, and Demas, 28f Heb. xiii. 19. 


who were Gentiles. Coloss. iv. LO. *85 Heb. xiii. 23. 


Cuap. VII.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [A.D. 63] 990 


339, 


sion “ the brethren received them gladly,”*** the Hebrews now in their distress would 
welcome their coming with the most heartfelt joy. The bitterness of death was by 
this time past, but though Ananus had been deposed from the high priesthood, the 
persecution may have been still continued in a mitigated and more legitimate form. 
The Apostle’s first act at Jerusalem was, perhaps, with a grateful heart for his own 
deliverance from a tedious imprisonment, to worship his Maker in that Holy Temple 
which he was destined never to see again. The last time he had been in the courts 
of the Lord’s House, he had been assailed by an infuriate mob, but a merciful Pro- 
vidence had resened him that he might shine a still brighter example of Christian 
fortitude. In a few short years, the sanctuary, where religious zeal had roused the 
passions of the multitude to such a pitch of phrensy, was to lie a solitude amid the 
stillness of death. If this was revealed to the Apostle as he gazed on the stately 
pile for the last time, the water must have stood in his eyes. 

But the distress of the living called for his aid, and the Apostle now by word of 
mouth, as he had done before by letter, comforted the Hebrew brethren, and strength- 
ened them by his manly exhortations against the assaults of their enemies. He may 
also have been an active champion in securing to them the civil rights which had 
been so grossly violated by Ananus. He who from his dungeon at Philippi had 
obliged the magistrates “to come and fetch him out,”**? was well calculated to shield 
the disciples from tyrannical oppression, and assert their privileges as peaceful 
citizens living under the protection of the Roman laws. Paul had so clear a forecast 
of the approaching downfall of the Jewish polity, that he may also have prepared 
the minds of the Hebrews for that event, by impressing upon them our Saviour’s 
prophetic warning, that when they saw the Roman eagles gathered about the carcass 
of the Holy City, they should flee unto the mountains. It has been recorded that 
the Christians availed themselves of the prediction, and retired to Pella, and so were 
not involved in the horrors of the last desperate struggle. 

Paul in his letter from Spain had used the expression “TI will see you, *** which 
rather negatives the idea of a lengthened visit. We may conclude, therefore, that 
after a brief sojourn amongst the Hebrew brethren, the Apostle, as he had done on 
former occasions, took his route to Antioch, the metropolitan Gentile church, and 
there passed the ensuing winter, a.p. 62-63. 


=i) UMC se o.aly INE SACs Xvi. of. ἘΣ ὄψομαι ὑμᾶς. Heb. xiii, 23. 
μαι ὑμ 


CHAPTER VIII. 


Paul’s last Circwit—He visits Ephesus and Crete, and passes through Macedonia to 
Corinth—He writes the First Epistle to Titus, and the First Epistle to Timothy— 
He winters in Epirus—He visits Dalmatia, and returns a prisoner to Ephesus. 
The Christian pastor bound to earth, 
With thankless toil and vile esteemed, 
Still travailing in second birth 
Of souls that will not be redeemed, 
Yet steadfast set to do his part, 
And fearing most his own vain heart. 
Christian Year. 


Pau had now been in the ministry more than a quarter of a century. There 
had been time for enthusiasm to cool—for an acute intellect to discover error—for a 
sound judgment to reform its conclusions,—yet Paul had never once swerved. During 
that interval he had been four times shipwrecked, he had been scourged and whipped, 
stoned and imprisoned, he had submitted to every indignity and outrage that 
ingenious malice or popular fury could heap upon him, yet he had never flinched. 
The hardships he had endured, the anxieties and mental agonies attendant upon 
his office, may have impaired the bodily frame, but he retained the same fixedness 
of purpose, the same earnest but steady zeal by which he had been actuated six- 
and-twenty years before. It was not likely that so hardy a veteran should at the 
eleventh hour, when victory was within his reach, retreat from the conflict. Accord- 
ingly, in the spring of a.p. 64 he commenced his last circuit, and took leave of 
Antioch never more to return to it. 

We have no connected history of Paul’s movements from the time of his release, 
but from the intentions expressed in the Epistle to Philemon we may gather that he 
pow traversed Galatia and Phrygia to Colosse, where he had directed a lodging to 
be provided for him.! Here the Apostle was received by the wealthy Philemon and 
the poor Onesimus, once the master and slave, now two brethren in Christ. 

From the deep interest which Paul took in the welfare not only of the Colossians 
but also of all Christians in their immediate vicinity,’ we may infer that Paul on his 
way to Ephesus, bestowed, for the first time, the benefit of his personal presence upon 


1 Philem. 22. ? Col. ii. 1. 


‘ 7 


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45 


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MAP OF THE 


CIRCUITS or St PAUL 


WITH THE POLITICAL DIVISION OF THE 


ROMAN EMPIRE INTO PROVINCES. 


es 15 2 2i5 


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London. Bell & Sons. 


To face Vol 2 


page 336. 


EdwVWeller, litho. Kad Lion Square 


Places visited by St. Paul m lus 
several Circuits from Antroch 
of Syria. 


FIRST CIRCUIT. 
(GREEN.) 

Antioch of Syria 

Seleucia 

Salamis 

Paphos 

Perga 

Antioch of Pisidia 

Iconium 

Lystra 

Derbe 

Lystra 

Teconium 

Antioch of Pisidia 

Perga 

Attalia 

Antioch of Syria 


SECOND CIRCUIT. 
(YELLOW.) 

Antioch of Syria 

Tarsus 

Derbe 

Lystra 

Iconium 

Antioch of Pisidia 

Pessinus 

Aneyra 

Tavium 

Ancyra 

Pessinus 

Troas 

Neapolis 

Philippi 

Ampbhipolis 

Apollonia 

Thessalonica 

Berea 

Dium 

Cenchrea 

Corinth 

Cenchrea 

Ephesus 

Ceesarea 

Jerusalem 

Antioch of Syria 
(By land) 


THIRD CIRCUIT, 
(RED.) 
Antioch of Syria 
Tarsus 
Tavium 
Ancyra 
Pessinus 
Ephesus 
Troas 
Neapolis 
Philippi 
Amphipolis 
Apollonia 
Thessalonica 
Pelagonia 
Thessalonica 
Cenchrea 
Corinth 
Berea 
Thessalonica 
Apollonia 
Amphipolis 


N.B.—The visit to Spain, 


has not been inserted. 


Philippi 

Neapolis 

Troas 

Miletus 

Patara 

Tyre 

Ceesarea 

Jerusalem 

Cesarea 

Sidon 

Myra 

Cnidus 

Fair Havens 

Malta 

Syracuse 

Rhegium 

Puteoli 

Appii Forum 

‘Tres Taberne 

Rome 

Tres Taberne 

Appii Forum 

Puteoli 

Rhegium 

Ceesarea 

Jerusalem 

Caesarea 

Antioch of Syria 
(By land) 


FOURTH CIRCUIT. 
(BLUE.) 
Antioch of Syria 
Tarsus 
Derbe 
Lystra 
Tconium 
Antioch of Pisidia 
Colossee 
Laodicea 
Hierapolis 
Ephesus 
Crete 
Ephesus 
Troas 
Neapolis 
Philippi 
Amphipolis 
Apollonia 
Thessalonica 
Cenchrea 
Corinth 
Nicopolis 
Dalmatia 
Pelagonia 
Thessalonica 
Apollonia 
Amphipolis 
Philippi 
Neapolis 
Troas 
Epkesus 
Cenchrea 
Corinth 
Apollonia (Epirus) 
Brundusium 
Capua 
Appii Forum 
Tres Tabernz 
Rome 


as doubtful, 


ood 


Cuar. VIII] ST. PAUL'S LAST CIRCUIT. [a.p. 64] 337 


the churches also of Laodicea and Hierapolis. Laodicea had three years before been 
desolated by an earthquake,* but Pheenix-like, she had soon risen to her pristine 
greatness. 

Paul now once more found himself at Ephesus.‘ He had not visited it since the 
riot of Demetrius, the silversmith. However, he had subsequently held an interview 
with the elders of the Ephesian church at Miletus, in a.p. 58, and the language he 
then used was prophetic. “1 know,” he said, “that after my departing shall grievous 
wolves enter in among you, not sparing the flock; and of your own selves shall men 
arise speaking perverse things to draw away disciples after them.”® This had now 
come to pass. Instead of the Judaizers, who had been the Apostle’s antagonists in 
earlier years, the Gnostic heresy had gathered strength during his tedious imprison- 
ment, and had hike a noxious parasitical plant, fastened itself on Christianity, and was 
poisoning its vital principle. It had some time before taken root at Colosse, Laodicea 
and Philippi, as we have gathered from the letters to those churches written from 
Rome. It had also penetrated into Ephesus and Corinth, the capitals of Asia and 
Achaia, and another of its strongholds was Crete, whither the Apostle presently 
followed it. During the winter months Paul and Timothy and Titus, and his other 
coadjutors, were busily engaged in counteracting these dangerous doctrines, and 
though without information to guide us, we may safely conclude that the unceasing 
efforts of the Christian brotherhood were not unsuccessful. 

Paul now redeemed his promise of passing into Crete. Christianity appears to have 
been early disseminated in that island. Cretans are enumerated amongst those who 
witnessed the gift of tongues, and heard the preaching of Peter on the Day of Pente- 
cost, after the Ascension,® and some of them may have been converted, and carried 
the Gospel back with them to their native country. Crete abounded with Jews,‘ and, 
no apostle having regulated their faith, Judaism, and then Gnosticism, its offspring, 
had corrupted the word, and the Gospel had become so disfigured by strange phan- 
tasies, that its features could scarcely be recognized. The object of Paul was to 
eradicate the tares which had thus been sown in the Lord’s field, and to restore the 
Gospel to its original purity. Timothy was left in charge of the church at Ephesus 
during his absence,* and Paul, accompanied by Titus, and also by Tychicus and Artemas,’ 
sailed for Crete. Some time must have been spent in making the cireuit of the 
island, for the Gospel was preached in it city by city ;'° as at Gnossus and Gortyna, 
where in the second century were flourishing churches, to which Dionysius, Bishop 
of Corinth, addressed an epistle.” However, Macedonia and Achaia were calling 


5 See Fasti Sacri, p. 319, No. 1889. to Macedonia, that Timothy should continue there, 
ἘΠ τ τ τῷ προσμεῖναι. 1 Tim. i. 8. 

5 Acts xx. 99, 80. ἡ Tit. ii. 12. Paul would seareely have sent 
® Acts ii. 11. them afterwards to Crete, unless they were per- 
* Philo ad Caium, 5. 36; Acts ii. 11. sonally known to the churches there. 

δ ‘This may be inferred from Paul's direction, xara πόλιν. Tit. i. 5. 


when touching at Ephesus on his way from Crete 
VOL. 11. 2x 


338 [a.p. 64] ST. PAUL’S LAST CIRCUIT. [Cuap. VIII. 


loudly for his presence, and he made no long sojourn in any part, but, having scattered 
the seeds of a healthy Christianity through the length and breadth of the island, he 
left Titus there to complete the work by superintending the internal organiza- 
tion of the churches, and Paul himself, with Tychicus and Artemas, embarked for 
Ephesus on his way to Macedonia. 

Paul touched at Ephesus, where he had an interview with Timothy, and desired 
him to remain at his post until further instructions: heresy was still lurking in 
that church, and next to Paul himself, no abler champion could have been found than 
Timothy. This arrangement we learn from a subsequent Epistle: “As I besought 
thee to abide still at Ephesus, on my road into Macedonia, that thou mightest charge 
some not to teach any other doctrine, nor give heed to fables and endless genealogies, 
which minister questions, rather than godly edifying, which is in faith: so do.” 
Another reason may also have operated in leaving Timothy at Ephesus. He was at 
present in ill-health, and Paul, ever considerate for his friends, may have thought 
that a sojourn there for some time, though ina stirring scene, might be more beneficial 
to Timothy than the fatigue of incessant travelling. 

From Ephesus the Apostle, with Tychicus and Artemas, proceeded, by way of 
Troas and Neapolis, to Philippi.” 
heartfelt congratulations. The Philippians beheld their spiritual father after a sepa- 


Here must have been an exchange of the most 


ration of seven years, and now grown venerable by age; and he, on the other hand, 
had to acknowledge another liberal contribution which had been forwarded to him at 
Rome by the hands of Epaphroditus. 

Of all the churches planted by the Apostle, perhaps none was better regulated 
than that of the Philippians. It had long since acquired a settled form, and was 
governed by its priests and deacons. And this unusually prosperous state was attained 
under the auspices of Luke, who had been left there in the course of Paul’s second 
circuit, and waited there until Paul’s return to it, in his third cireuit. Yet even here 
existed some grounds for uneasiness. The flock of Christ was to be guarded against 
heretical teachers," and the private feuds which had been reprobated in the Epistle "Ὁ 
were to be reconciled. By the exercise of the apostolical authority, sound faith was 
maintained, and a church so distinguished for the amiable character of its members, 
was soon at unity with itself. These duties discharged, Paul visited Thessalonica 
and Bercea, and the other Macedonian communities, and then descended southward 
to Corinth. 

We have already had occasion to remark, that no church was more beloved than 


 Ruseb. H. E. iv. 23. given: ὡς ἂν amido τὰ περὶ ἐμὲ, ἐξαυτῆς, Philipp. 
Sib ae 1h Ὁ) 4. ii. 23; and Paul hoped that he should be able to 
18 This we may infer from his promise to visit come to them soon after, ταχέως. Ib. i. 24. 

them at no distant time after his release from 1: Philipp. 111. 2. 

imprisonment. Timothy was to start from Rome 15 Philipp. iv. 2. 


for Philippi the instant that the verdict was 


Cua. VIII] ST. PAUL’?S LAST CIRCUIT. [a.p. 64] 339 


the Corinthian, and none gave him greater solicitude. The acute intellect of the 
Greeks involved them in subtle sophistries, and a fertile imagination led to the 
absurdest chimeras and the wildest speculations. Shortly after the first introduction 
of Christianity they had wrangled one with another, “Iam of Paul, and I of Apollos, 
and I of Cephas, and I of Christ.” 

These unseemly divisions had been suppressed ; but in their stead the heresy of 
Gnosticism had lately overspread the church with its baneful shade. Many years 
before this, the Apostle had rebuked the error of some who denied the resurrection 
from the dead. These were the incipient Gnostics. They had since matured their 
system, and were now using their utmost efforts at Corinth to supplant the solid 
truths of Christianity and substitute their own baseless visions and philosophical 
castle-building. 

The leaders of the sect were Hymenaus and Alexander. Paul, on his arrival, 
came immediately into collision with them, and as they persisted in their error, and 
set his authority at defiance, he was compelled, however ayerse to extreme measures, 
to apply the apostolic rod. Hymeneus and Alexander were excommunicated, and 
ceased to be members of the Corinthian church. In a letter addressed to Timothy 
shortly afterwards from Corinth, Paul bids him persevere, in “ Holding faith, and a 
goed conscience, which some,” he continues, “ having put away concerning faith, have 
made shipwreck, of whom is Hymeneus and Alexander, whom I have delivered unto 
Satan, that they may learn not to blaspheme.”'® It might have been anticipated 
that this condemnation by the Corinthian church of the Gnostic Heresiarchs, would 
lead to contrition. Such had been the effect of the excommunication, some years 
before, of the incestuous brother. But Hymeneus, if not Alexander, obsti- 
nately maintained his error, for Paul, in a letter to Timothy more than a year 
afterwards from Rome, alludes again to the Gnostics in these terms: “ Shun profane 
and yain babblings, for they will increase unto more ungodliness, and their word will 
eat as doth a canker, of whom is Hymenxus and Philetus, who concerning the truth 
have erred, saying that the resurrection is past already, and overthrow the faith of 
some,” 7 

Paul having thus completed the circuit of all his churches, and exerted himself in 
each to rectify the disorders to which his unavoidable absence had opened a door, 
was now at liberty to carry the tidings of the Gospel into other climes. But heresy 
was so active amongst his churches, that he dared not venture to any great dis- 
tance. He proposed, therefore, to traverse the western coast, namely, Epirus and 
Illyricum and Dalmatia (into which he had not yet penetrated), and then bending 
his steps to the right, to return by way of Thessalonica, Philippi, and Troas to 
Ephesus. 

Before he started, it was necessary to communicate with Titus, whom he had left 


18 1 Tim. i. 20. 2 Tim. ii. 16-18. 


2) X52, 


ST. PAUL’S LAST CIRCUIT. [Cuap. VIII. 


340 [a.p. 64] 


in Crete, and with Timothy, who had been posted at Ephesus, to inform them of his 
plans, and give them suitable directions.* The present intentions of the Apostle 
were, to send either Artemas or Tychicus to Crete to relieve Titus, who, when a 
substitute arrived, was to rejoin Paul at Nicopolis in Epirus, where he proposed to 
winter.’ Timothy was to remain in charge of the Ephesian church until the Apostle 
reached it in person.” 

A favourable opportunity now presented itself of forwarding a letter to Titus, 
and it was this:—Apollos, as the reader may recollect, was a Jew of Alexandria, 
who, possessing originally a somewhat imperfect knowledge of the Gospel, had been 
further instructed in it by Aquila and Priscilla, on their meeting with him at 
He had afterwards passed over to Corinth, and preached there with the 
greatest success. He had then returned to Ephesus, where he was introduced to 
Paul, and became an attached follower. The Corinthians, charmed by his eloquence, 
had, in writing to Paul at Ephesus, expressed a wish that Apollos should honour 
them a second time with his presence, but it was not then convenient, and Paul had 
answered, “As touching our brother Apollos, I greatly desired him to come unto you 
with the brethren, but his will was not at all to come now, but he will come when he 
shall have convenient time.”*’ Apollos had afterwards found the opportunity and 
renewed his labours amongst the Corinthians, and was thus engaged at the period 
of Paul’s arrival. Apollos, after sojourning for some time at Corinth, was anxious to 
revisit Alexandria, his native city, and a Christian brother, by the name of Zenas or 


Ephesus. 


Zenodorus, was to be his companion. Crete lay directly on their route from Corimth 


18 The first Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle 
to Titus were unquestionably written about the 
same time, and most probably from the same 
place, and there can be little doubt that this 
place was Corinth. In writing to Timotby at 
Ephesus the Apostle refers to the verbal in- 
structions given to Timothy when he (Paul) was 
on his way to Macedonia. 1 Tim.i.3. This 
Epistle, therefore, was not written from Ephesus 
itself, nor-even from Macedonia, to which Paul 
had proceeded, but from some province to which 
the Apostle would naturally direct his steps 
after quitting Macedonia. Twice before he had 
passed through Macedonia to Corinth (Acts xvii. 
1; xix. 21), and we cannot suppose that, after 
voyaging from Ephesus to Macedonia, he could 
fail to revisit his beloved Corinth. He was cer- 
tainly not in Epirus at the date of the Epistle to 
Titus, for he bids Titus to come to him at Nico- 
polis of Epirus, where he proposed to winter. 
Tit. iii. 12. If not in Macedonia or Epirus, 
whither, after quitting Macedonia, and before 
going to Epirus, could Paul have journeyed but, 
as on former occasions, to Achaia, and if to 


Achaia, whither but to Corinth, the capital ? 
The circumstances also agree, for in the Epistle 
to Timothy, Paul tells him that he had delivered 
over Hymenzus and Alexander to Satan—i.e. had 
excommunicated them—as heretics. 1 Tim. 1. 90. 
Paul, therefore, was writing from some church 
which had been long established by him, and sub- 
mitted to his authority. Such was Corinth; and 
indeed the excommunication of Hymenzeus and 
Alexander is the very counterpart of the excom- 
munication at Corinth by the Apostle of the in- 
cestuous person some years before. 1 Cor. ν. 5. 
One of the heresies of Alexander also was the 
denial of the resurrection; aud we know, from 
the first Epistle to the Corinthians, that this 
canker had already fastened upon that church. 
Corinth, also, from its commercial importance 
and ready maritime communication with foreign 
parts, offered peculiar facilities for the transmis- 
sion of letters over sea, as of that to Timothy at 
Ephesus and of that to Titus in Crete. 

2) Abie sunk, Ie 

ΤΠ ὙΠ τῆς GBs aides 

41 1 Cor. xvi. 12. 


The spectator Is looking nor 


ALEXANDRIA IN EGYPT. 


th-west over the new Port, and the Pharos is seen at the enc 
the extreme right. 


1 of the tongu 


From Bartlett. 


of land on 


Diamond Rock 


Phari el-Nessar 


NEW PORT 


ΟΣ Σ᾽. 
SE 


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PLAN OF ALEXANDRIA. 


Catholic 
Ctmetery 


<(Bosetta Gato 


\ 


(βαρ. VILI.] EPISTLE TO TITUS. [a.p. 64] 341 


to Alexandria, and Paul availed himself of their services to transmit a letter to 
Titus. 

After saluting Titus as his son in the faith, the Apostle proceeds in the first 
part to give him directions as to the choice of Christian ministers,—that he should 
ordain none but such as were of unexceptionable lives, and regulated their own 
households without reproach, and were of orthodox opinions, and not infected by the 
Gnostic heresy. 

In the second part (ii. 1) he instructs him what duties he ought to inculcate 
upon the old and young of both sexes, and (ii. 9) upon slaves toward their masters, 
and (iii. 1) upon all as subjects of the Emperor and peaceful citizens. In a word 
(iii. 8), he exhorts Titus to cultivate practical religion, and not to be led aside by the 
silly and useless speculations of the Judaizers and Gnostics. 

He concludes (iii. 12) by directing him to join the Apostle at Nicopolis in Epirus, 
as soon as Tychicus or Artemas arrived in Crete, and to set forward Apollos and 
Zenas on their voyage to Alexandria, and subjoins a general salutation with his usual 


benediction. The Epistle was as follows :— 


[The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 
thus [ 7, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. } 


Cu. T. *PauL, A SERVANT oF Gop, AND AN AposTLE oF Jesus CHRIST, ACCORDING 
TO THE FAITH OF GoD’s ELECT, AND THE KNOWLEDGE” OF THE TRUTH WHICH 
2 15 AFTER GODLINESS, IN HOPE OF ETERNAL LIFE,” WHICH GoD, THAT CANNOT 
3 LIE, PROMISED FROM 7IMES ETERNAL, BUT HATH IN DUE SEASON MANIFESTED HIS 
WORD THROUGH PREACHING, WITH WHICH I HAVE BEEN INTRUSTED ACCORDING TO THE 
4 COMMANDMENT oF Gop our Saviour—to Trrus, MINE OWN cHiLD™* AFTER THE 
COMMON FAITH, GRACE, MERCY, PEACE, FRoM Gop THE Farner AND THE LorD 
Jesus Curist our Saviour. 
5 “For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest further set in 
order the things that are wanting, and ordain elders in every city, as I injoined 
6 thee: if any be wnimpeachable,”* the husband of one wife,” having faithful 


interpretation that the command was superfluous 
as Christianity never allowed two wives; but poly- 
gamy was a common practice amongst the Jews 


2 τὴν ἐπίγνωσιν. Used in the same sense, 


1 Tim. ii. 4. 
* The Apostle at once lays down the doctrine 


of godliness as the passport to eternal life, the 
antagonistic principle to the Gnostic heresy. 

3: τέκνῳ. In Eng. ver. “son;” 1.6, his own 
convert. 

35 The Apostle, therefore, had recently been 
in Crete. 

35 ἀνέγκλητος. In Eng. ver. “ blameless.” 

ὅτ This means either the husband who has 
only one wife at the same time, or who has mar- 
ried only once, and on the loss of his wife has 
not married again. It is objected to the former 


who abounded in Crete, and, as Christianity did 
not disturb existing relations, a Jew who had 
married two wives before his conversion may 
have been allowed to retain them, but it would 
not be prudent to place such a one in a post of 
honour, and hence the Apostle’s precept. How- 
ever, the preferable interpretation appears to be 
a man who has only been once married, for in 
the first Epistle to Timothy we have the like 
expression, μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἄνδρα, 1 Tim, iii. 2; and 
then a little afterwards, χήρα... ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς 


co 


[a.p. 64] EPISTLE TO TITUS. [Cuar. VIII. 


11 


12 


children, not accused of debauchery’ or unruly. For a bishop” must be wn- 
impeachable,” as the steward of God, not self-willed, not passionate, not a 
wine bébler, no striker, not given to filthy lucre, but a lover of hospitality, a 
lover of good men, sober, just, holy, temperate, holding fast the faithful word 
according to the doctrine,” that he may be able by sound teaching both to exhort 
and to convince the gainsayers. For there are many even unruly vain talkers 
and deceivers, specially they of the circumcision,*’ whose mouths must be 
stopped, who subvert whole houses, teaching things which they ought not, 
for filthy lucre’s sake. One of themselves, even a prophet ** of their own,™ 


said— 
‘The Cretans 


Are always liars,” eyil beasts,** slow bellies.** 


This witness is true. Wherefore rebuke them sharply, that they may be sound 
in the faith, not giving heed to Jewish fables,** and commandments of men ἢ 
who are perverted from the truth; for unto the pure all things are pure, but 
unto them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure, but even their 


16 mind and conscience is defiled. 


They profess that they know God,*° but in 


γυνή, 1 Tim. v. 9; and as in the latter case it is 
clear that a widow is meant who has been only 
once married, we may infer the like as to the 


man. See Wordsworth’s notes on 1 Tim. iii. 2, 
and ν. 9. 
*8 ἀσωτίας. In Eng. ver. “ riot.” 


*“ The Apostle had just before spoken of 
elders, and he now calls them bishops. Presby- 
ters, therefore, or priests, and bishops, were at 
this time equivalent expressions. 

bo In Eng. ver. “ blameless.” 

2 In Eng. ver. “as he hath 


ἀνέγκλητον. 
κατὰ τὴν διδαχὴν. 
been taught.” 

*® The Gnostics, therefore, who are here re- 
ferred to, were not all Jews, as some have sup- 
posed. 

88 The quotation is from Epimenides of Phees- 
tus, Plut. Solon. 12, or Cnossus in Crete, Diog. 
Laért. i. 109; Plin. vii. 49, vii. 53; who appears 
to have been regarded not only as a poet, but as 
a prophet also. Thus Cicero speaks of persons 
who “ concitatione quadam animi, aut soluto 
liberoque motu, futura presentiunt, ut Baris 
Beotius, ut Epimenides Cres.” Cie. de Divin. i. 
18. And Apuleius calls him “ Inclytum fatilo- 
quum et poetam.” Apul.Florid. Plato calls him 
ἀνὴρ θεῖος, de Leg. i.; and so Plutarch, ἐδόκει δέ 
τις εἶναι θεοφιλὴς καὶ σόφος περὶ τα θεῖα τὴν 
ἐνθουσιαστικὴν καὶ τελεστικὴν σοφίαν, 30]. 12; and 
so Maximus Tyrius describes him as δεινὸς τὰ 


θεῖα, Dissert. 22. Epimenides is said to have 
been a sleeper for 57 years in a cave, Plin. N. H. 
vii. 58; and to have lived 157 years. Plin. N. H. 
vii. 49. 

34 The Cretans paid no regard to foreign poets: 
ov σφόδρα χρώμεθα οἱ Κρῆτες τοῖς ξενικοῖς ποιή- 
μασιν. Plato de Leg. iii. sub initio. 

8° Hence Κρητίζειν was a proverbial expression, 
“to lie.” Thus Κρητίζειν, τὸ ψεύδεσθαι. . . 
ἐπειδὴ ψεῦσται καὶ ἀπατεωνές εἰσι, Suidas. Κρητί- 
ζειν, ἐπὶ τοῦ ψεύδεσθαι καὶ ἀπατᾶν. Hesych. The 
fallacy founded on this text is familiar, viz. All 
the Cretans are liars. Epimenides was a Cretan, 
therefore Epimenides was a liar. If Epimenides 
was a liar, the Cretans are true. Epimenides 
was a Cretan, and therefore true. If Epime- 
nides was true, the Cretans are liars. And 
so round and round in a circle, 

85 Whence the Greek proverb: 

Καππάδοκες, Κρῆτες, Nidexes, τρία κάππα κάκιστα. 

81 We meet with the latter expression in 
Juvenal : 


Montani quoque venter adest abdomice tardus, 
Lib. 1. Sat. 4, 407. 


88 The Gnostic imaginations. See ante, p. 239. 

89 The Rabbinical traditions, which were after- 
wards, about A.p. 200, embodied by Rabbi Judah 
Hakkadosh (the Holy) in the Mishna. 

40 And therefore called themselves Gnostics, 
or men of knowledge. 


Cuap. ΛΠ EPISTLE TO TITUS. 


[a.p. 64] 919 


works they deny him, being abominable, and disobedient, and unto every good 
work reprobate. 


Cu. ΤΙ. * But speak thou the things which become sound teaching—that the aged 
2,3 men be sober, grave, désereet, sound in faith, in charity,in patience. The aged 
᾽ 7d a τι εἶ Ρ 5 


women likewise, that they be in behaviour as becometh holiness, not slan- 
4 derous,"’ not enslaved to much wine, teachers of good things, that they may 
teach the young women to be sober, lovers of their husbands, lovers of their 
children, discreet, chaste, good housewives,” submitting themselves to their own 
husbands, that the word of God be not blasphemed. The younger men, like- 
wise exhort to be sober minded: in all things exhibiting * thyself ** a pattern 
of good works, uncorruptness in teaching, gravity,*° sound speech, that cannot 
be condemned, that he that is of the contrary part may be ashamed, having 
no eyil thing to say of ws.*® 
9 “ Exhort servants *’ to submit themselves unto their own masters, to be well 
10 pleasing to them in all things, not answering again, not purloining, but showing 
all good fidelity, that they may adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour in all 
11 things. For the grace of God hath appeared that bringeth salvation to all 
12 men, instructing us that, denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we should 
13 live soberly, and justly, and godly, in the present world, looking for that blessed 
hope, and the glorious appearing of owr great God and Saviour Jesus Christ,** 
14 who gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify 
15 unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works. These things speak, 
and exhort, and rebuke with all authority: let no man despise thee." 
“Put them in mind to submit themselves to principalities and powers, to 


mA ISD δι 


Cu. 1Π. 
2 obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work, to speak eyil of no man, not 

3 to be contentious, but gentle, showing all meekness unto all men. 
ourselves also were once foolish, disobedient, erring, serving divers lusts and 

4 pleasures, living in malice and envy, abominable,” hating one another. But, 

5 when the kindness and the love of God our Saviour toward man appeared, not 


For we 


41 διαβόλους. * All the recent writers read ἡμῶν, instead of 


42 


In Eng. ver. “ false accusers.” 
So Euripides. ὑμῶν. 

“τ δούλους, “slaves,” for at that time slavery 
was a civil institution, which Christianity with- 


Ξ Nis! Baw 
οἰκουροὺς ἀγαθὰς. 


Ἔνδον μένουσαν τὴν γυναῖκ᾽ εἶναι χρεὼν 
᾿Ἐσθλὴν, θύρασι δ' ἀξίαν τοῦ μηδενός. 


Meleager, Stobeus Ixxiv. 12. 
Ἢ παρεχόμενος. In Eng. ver. “ shewing ” 

* From the Apostle’s exhorting Titus to hold 
forth himself as a pattern to young men, it 
would seem that Titus, like Timothy, was a 
young man, and this we should also infer from 
verse 15, ‘‘ Let no man despise thee.” Compare 
1 Tim. iv. 12. 

* Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford all omit ἀφθαρσίαν, “ sincerity.” 


out any civil power could not disturb. 

* τοῦ μεγάλου Θεοῦ καὶ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ 
Χριστοῦ. The word μέγας is applied to Christ in 
a similar manner, Heb. xiii. 20: τὸν ποιμένα τῶν 
προβάτων τὸν μέγαν---τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν. The 
two passages throw ἃ light upon each other, and 
show that Christ was meant in both. 

* Titus, like Timothy, was still a young man. 

© στυγητοὶ. In Eng. ver. “ hateful.” 


944 


[a.p. 64] [Cuap. VIIT. 


EPISTLE TO TITUS. 


10 put aside, for they are unprofitable and yain. 


11 


15 


by works of righteousness which we did, but according to his mercy he saved 
us, by the washing of regeneration,*! and renewing of the Holy Ghost, which 
he shed on us abundantly through Jesus Christ our Sayiour, that being justi- 
fied by his grace, we miyjht be made heirs according to the hope of eternal 
life. and these things I will that thou affirm con- 
stantly, that they which have believed in God be careful to maintain good 
But foolish 
questions, and genealogies,* and contentions, and strivings about the Law,” 


Jt is a faithful saying,” 


Θ᾽ 


works. These are those good things** and profitable unto men. 
A man that is a heretic after 
the first and second admonition reject,°° knowing that such a one is subverted, 
and sinneth, being se/f condemned.*' 

“When I shall send Artemas°** unto thee, or Tychicus,* be diligent to 
come unto me to Nicopolis," for I have determined there to winter. Forward” 
Zenas the lawyer ™ and Apollos © on their journey diligently, that nothing be 
wanting unto them. And let ours® also learn to promote’ good works for 
necessary uses, that they be not unfruitful. All that are with me salute thee. 
Greet them that love us in the faith. Grace BE wirH you atu.” °° 


Shortly after dispatching this Epistle, and as soon as a channel of communication 
with Ephesus presented itself, the Apostle wrote also to Timothy. 


δι Viz. Baptism. 
8 πιστὸς ὁ λόγος. The word referred to is the 
doctrine of good works, which the Apostle advo- 
cates, as opposed to the views of the Gnostics. 
See ante, p. 249. 

53 τὰ καλὰ. 

54 The fanciful theories of the Gnostics. 
ante, p. 249: 

*° The mysticism of the Law, the confusion 
of gloss further confounded by tradition, 

δῦ 


See 


mapatrov, avoid. 

% He passes sentence against himself, im not 
recauting after a first and second admonition 
from the church. 

°8 Artemas is short for Artemidorus. It has 
been remarked that all the four trusted com- 
panions of Paul here referred to derive their 
names from the idols which Paul was struggling 
to eradicate, as Zenas from Ζεὺς, Artemas from 
᾿Αρτέμις (Diana), Apollos from Apollo, and Ty- 
chicus from Τύχη, Fortune. 

8 Tychicus was one of Paul’s most trusted 
messengers to the churches. He had carried the 
Epistles to the Colossians, Laodiceans (Ephe- 
sians), and Philemon, from the Apostle when a 
prisoner at Rome. Eph. vi. 21. 

8° Nicopolis in Epirus, founded by Augustus 
in honour of the bati!s of Actium. See Fasti 


Sacri, p. 76, No. 641. It was, in the Apostle’s 
time, a most flourishing town, but is now a mere 
ruin. See post, p. 359. 

δ᾽ πρόπεμψον. In Eng. ver. “ bring on their 
journey.” Apollos was a native of Alexandria, 
and he and Zenas were probably on their way 
thither, and touched at Crete, and were the 
bearers of the Epistle. 

82 Zenas is short for Zenodorus. As he is 
designated ὁ νομικὸς, he was or had been pro- 
bably a Jewish scribe. 

58. Apollos is the abbreviation of Apollodorus. 
Artemidorus, Zenodorus, and Apollodorus were 
all names in common use at this period amongst 
the Greeks. 

6 οἱ ἡμέτεροι. The true believers, as opposed 
to the heretical Gnostics. See i. 9, ii. 8. Philo 
uses the same expression: τοὺς δ᾽ ἡμετέρους διὰ 
τὰς ὑπερβολὰς ὧν ἔπαθον, οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἴποι τις ὕβριν ἢ 
αἰκίαν ἐνδεδέχθαι. In Flaccum, s. 9. 

© προΐστασθαι. In Eng. ver. “ maintain.” It 
may have the force of the Latin ‘ preestare,’ or 
it may signify to take the lead in or set an 
example of good works. 

€ The usual benediction in Paul’s own hand 
to authenticate the letter. See Vol. 1. p. 284. 
The word ‘Amen’ in the Eng. ver. is rejected 
by Griesbach, Scholtz, Tischendorf, and Alford. 


Cuar. VIU.] FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.p. 64] 345 


After the usual salutation, he (i. 3) bids him guard against the fanciful and false 
theories of the Gnostics—that the Law of Moses was not to be perverted by subtle 
refinements into the support of heretical opinions, but was to be studied for the 
regulation of our practical life, and informs him that he had excommunicated Hyme- 
neus and Alexander for their Gnostic blasphemies. He then (u. 1) gives directions 
for the due celebration of Divine Service, and next (iii, 1) instructs him as to the 
selection of Priests and Deacons. (In the Epistle to Titus he had spoken of Priests 
only, because the duties of Deacons were principally about the distribution of alms 
amongst the widows, and in Crete the church had not yet attained its just propor- 
tions, and Deacons had not been required, but in the Ephesian community the two 
orders of Priests and Deacons had been long established, and there was a public fund 
for the relief of the widows.) The Apostle then (iii. 16) inculeates certain articles of 
faith, and forewarns Timothy (iv. 1} against the increase of Heresy—that the Gnostics, 
as tares in the Christian field, would again overrun the church, advancing profane 
fables and inculcating bodily mortification, and he premonishes Timothy to stem the 
approaching torrent. (This prediction came to pass, and the charge to Timothy was 
obeyed, as we may infer from the Revelation, where the Spirit, by the mouth of St. 
John, thus addresses the Ephesian church: “1 know thy works, and thy labour, and 
thy patience, and how thou canst not bear them which are evil; and thou hast tried 
them which say they are apostles, and are not, and hast found them liars. But this 
thou hast, that thou hatest the deeds of the Nicolaitans, which I also hate.”* These 
Nicolaitans were a branch of the Gnostics, and made their appearance very shortly 
after the date of Paul’s Epistle to Timothy, and were distinguished from other 
Gnosties by the severity of their penances and bodily inflictions.) The Apostle next 
(v. 1) admonishes Timothy as to his demeanour towards the old and young of both 
sexes (giving directions more particularly (vy. 3) as to the qualifications of widows 
who sought relief from the public fund), and prescribes (v. 17) the conduct to be 
observed by Timothy towards such as were in the ministry. He then (v. 1) adverts 
to the duties of servants towards their masters, and (vi. 6) shows that righteousness 
is the only true riches, and that the wealthy were to employ their means as a sacred 
trust from God. He closes the Epistle (vi. 20) as he had commenced it, with a solemn 
warning against the Gnostic heresy, and bestows his benediction. 

We subjoin the Epistle itself, which, as written to a friend, and not being an 
official charge to a whole church, is less studied than the Apostle’s other writings, 
and does not easily admit an analysis. 


[The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 
thus [ 1, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. 


ὍΝ. Τ᾿ “Paul, AN APOSTLE oF Jesus Curist, BY THE COMMANDMENT OF Gop οὔκ 
2 Saviour, anp Lorp Jzsus CHRIST OUR HOPE, UNTO Timoray, my own camp ® 


& Rey. ii. 6. 88 τέκνον. In Eng. ver. “son,” that is, ἃ convert made by Paul himself. 
VOL. I. 2 Y 


346 


8, 9 


10 


[a.p. 64] FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. VII. 


IN THE FAITH, GRACE, MERCY, PEACE, FRoM Gop our FarHEer AND Curist JESUS 
our Lorp. 

“As I charged thee to abide still at Ephesus on my way® to Macedonia, 
that thou mightest bid some not to teach heterodozy,” nor to give heed to 
fables and endless genealogies,” which minister questions rather than godly 
edifying which is in faith—Now the end of the commandment is love out of 
a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned ; from which some 
having swerved, have turned aside unto vain jangling, desiring to be teachers 
of the Law,” understanding neither what they say, nor whereof they affirm. 
But we know that the Law is good if a man use it lawfully, knowing this, 
that the Law is not made for a righteous man, but for the lawless and inswb- 
ordinate, for the ungodly and for sinners, for unholy and profane, for mur- 
derers of fathers and murderers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, 
for such as defile themselves with men, for slave-dealers,’* for liars, for the 
perjured, and if there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doctrine, 
according to the glorious Gospel of the blessed God, with which I have been 
intrusted ; 15 and I give thanks to Christ Jesus our Lord, who enableth me, for 
that he counted me faithful, putting me into the ministry, who was before a 
blasphemer, and persecutor, and insolent :’° but I obtained mercy, because 1 
did it ignorantly in unbelief; and the grace of our Lord super-abownded™ 
with faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. J¢ is a faithful saying,” and 
worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save 
Howbeit for this cause I obtained mercy, that 
in me first Jesus Christ might show forth all long-suffering, for a pattern to 
Now unto the 
King eternal, immortal, invisible, the only** God, be honour and glory for 
ever and ever. Amen. This charge I commit unto thee, Timothy [my] child,” 
according to the foregoing prophecies about thee® that thou war in them a 


sinners, of whom I am chief. 


them which should hereafter believe on him to eternal life. 


same time. 


In Eng. ver. “ when I went.” 
ἑτεροδιδασκαλεῖν. 

71 See ante, p. 249. 

τὸ The Gnostics, therefore, at this time were 
chiefly of the Jewish race. 

18 ἀνδραποδισταῖς. In Eng. ver.“ menstealers.” 

τὰ ὃ ἐπιστεύθην ἐγὼ. In Eng. ver. “which was 
committed to my trust.” 

7 Acts vil. 58; viii. 1. 
n Eng. ver. “ was exceed- 


°° πορευόμενος. 
70 


τὸ ὑπερεπλεόνασεν. 
ing abundant.” 

τ πιστὸς ὁ λόγος. The same expression as in 
Titus iii. 8; and from this and other resem- 
blances it is evident that the two Epistles to 
Titus and Timothy were dispatched about the 


78 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford all reject the word σοφῷ, “ wise,” 
which appears in the Textus receptus. 

oe In Eng. ver. “ son.” 
τὰς προαγούσας ἐπὶ σὲ mpopyreias. In Eng. 
ver. “the prophecies which went before of thee.” 
The Apostle alludes to the prophecies about 
him, in the homilies delivered by the prophets 
or preachers of the church at the time of his 
ordination to the ministry. But others think 
that the preachings referred to are not those at 
his first ordination, but on the occasion of his 
being ordained to the bishopric of Ephesus. 


’ 
TEKVOV. 
80 


Cuar. VIII.) 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.v. 64] 347 


19 


“Io ὧι 


Oo ὦ 


10 
iil 
12 
13 
14 
15 


good warfare, holding faith and a good conscience, which some haying put 
away concerning faith have made shipwreck, of whom is Hymenzus*! and 
Alexander, whom I have delivered unto Satan that they may be taught 
not to blaspheme. 

“T charge, therefore, that first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, 
thanksgivings, be made for all men—for kings, and for all that are in autho- 
rity, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and sobriety ; 
for this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour, who willeth all 
men to be saved, and come unto the knowledge of the truth; for there is one 
God, and one mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, who 
gave himself a ransom for all, the testimony in due time, whereunto I have been 
ordained a preacher, and an apostle (I speak the truth in Christ, I lie ποι)" 
a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and verity. I will, therefore, that men pray 
im every place, lifting up holy hands, without wrath and doubting; in like 
manner, also, that women adorn themselves in orderly apparel, with modesty 
and sobriety, not with placted hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly array,®* but 
(which becometh women professing godliness) with good works. Let the 
woman learn in silence with all subjection; but I suffer not the woman to 
teach, nor to usurp authority over the man,*° but to be in silence ; for Adam 
was first formed, then Eve; and Adam was not deceived, but the woman being 
deceived was in the transgression ; but she shall be saved in child-bearing,’ 


if they continue in faith and charity and holiness with sobriety. 


Cu. IL. 


81 One of the Gnostic heretical teachers, and 
no doubt the same Hymenzeus who again incurs 
thé rebuke of the Apostle in 2 Tim. ii. 17. 

®2 Not the same person as the Alexander men- 
tioned in 2 Tim. iv. 14, who is distinguished as 
Alexander the coppersmith. 

88. ἐς Who under my auspices have been put 
out of the pale of the church.” Here, as in 
1 Cor. vy. 5, excommunication is expressed by 
delivery over to Satan, i.e. by exclusion from the 
spiritual comforts of Christ's kingdom on earth. 
As the Apostle was writing from Corinth, Hy- 
menus and Alexander were, or rather had been, 
members of that church. They were not of 
Ephesus, or Timothy, who was there, need not 
have been informed of the fact. 

*t This solemn asseveration relates to the 
words that follow, viz. that he was a teacher of 
the Gentiles; for this the Jews could not believe, 
and the Apostle’s declaration to that effect from 
the stairs of Fort Antonia made them rend their 
clothes and throw dust into the air. 


“Ttis a faithful saying, ‘If ἃ man longeth after the oftice of a bishop, he 


*° The Ephesians were remarkable for their 

love of finery. Athenzeus, xii. 29. 

Be ᾿Αγαθῆς γυναικός ἐστιν, ὦ Νικοκράτη, 

Μὴ κρεΐττον εἷναι τἀνδρὸς, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπήκοον. 

Τυνὴ δὲ νικῶσ᾽ ἄνδρα κακόν ἐστιν μέγα. 
Fragment of Philemon, ex 
Incertis Comeed, No, 33. 

ὅτ The curse upon the woman at the Fall was 
“Tn sorrow shalt thou bring forth children ” (ἐν 
λύπαις τέξῃ τέκνα, Gen. i. 16), and the Apostle 
now takes care to impress the Christian virtues 
the more forcibly by adding that the woman 
shall, if adorned with Christian purity, pass 
safely through child-bearing, and be saved ever- 
lastingly. According to others, and perhaps the 
better opinion, she shall be sayed through the 
child-bearing ; that is, through the child born 
of woman—the Messiah, the Saviour of the 
world. 

The word μείνωσιν must be referred to γυναῖκες, 
implied in the general term γυνὴ, as χήραι must 
be understood before μανθανέτωσαν (Υ. 3) as im- 
plied in τις χήρα in the same verse. 

2x2 


348 [a.p. 64] 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuar. VIII. 


2 desireth a good work.’ A bishop, then, must be irveproachable, the husband 
3 of one wife,** vigilant, sober, orderly,*° given to hospitality, apt to teach, no 
4 winebibber, no striker,*® but gentle, not a brawler, not covetous, one that super- 
intendeth well his own house, having his children in subjection with all gravity, 
5 (for if a man know not how to superintend his own house, how shall he take 
care of the church of God ?) not a noyice, lest being lifted up with pride he 
7 fall into the condemnation of the devil. Moreover, he must have a good 
report of them which are without, lest he fall into reproach and the snare of 
8 the devil. Likewise must the Deacons be grave, not double-tongued, not 
9 given to much wine, not greedy of filthy lucre, holding the mystery of the 
10 faith in a pure conscience; and let these also first be proved; then let them 
11 be deacons, being found blameless. Even so must their wives*’ be graye, not 
12 slanderers, sober, faithful in all things. Let the deacons be the husbands of 
13 one wife,® swperintending their children and their own houses well; for they 
that have served as deacons well purchase to themselves a good degree, and 
14 great boldness in the faith which is in Christ Jesus. These things write I 
15 unto thee, hoping to come unto thee shortly ;** but if I tarry long, that thou 
mayest know how thou oughtest to behave thyself in the house of God, which 
is the church of the living God, the pillar and ground of the truth. 
16 “And confessedly, great is the mystery of godliness: God® has been 
manifested in the flesh, has been justified in the Spirit,*® has been seen of 
angels,°” has been preached unto the Gentiles,** has been believed on in the 
world,°* has been received up in glory.'”° 
“ Now the Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times’’ some shall 


συ 


Ca. IV. 


% ἐδικαιώθη ἐν Πνεύματι. Was proved to be 


* See note ante, p. 341, note ὃ". 
Holy by the descent of the Holy Ghost upon 


ὅϑ κόσμιον. In Eng. ver. “ of good behaviour.” 


° The word αἰσχροκερδὴ (not given to filthy 
lucre), which appears in the Textus receptus, is 
rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, and Alford. 

1 Or “the women,” viz. the deaconesses. 

® See note ante, p. 341, note’. 

*% The Apostle, therefore, had recently been 
at Ephesus (see i. 3), and yet intended to return 
thither at no distant interval, an intention which, 
as we shall see, he was about to accomplish when 
he was arrested. 

%* Paul, therefore, was not intending to pro- 
ceed immediately to Ephesus, and indeed, as he 
had written to Titus, he proposed to pass the 
winter at Nicopolis. 

® Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and 
Alford consider ὃς. “ who,” instead of Θεὸς, 
“God,” to be the true reading. 


him at his baptism. Matt. iii. 16. 

* Angels celebrated his birth (Luke ii. 13), 
and ministered to him after the temptation 
(Matt. iv. 91), and supported him in his agony. 
Luke xxii. 48. 

* To the mind of a Jew there was no greater 
mystery than this communication of the Gospel 
to the Gentile world. The Jewish people had 
always regarded themselves as the chosen of 
God, to the exclusion of the rest of the world. 

°° The belief in Christ, or in other words the 
establishment of Christianity thoughout the 
world by the instrumentality of a few Galileans, 
has from the first been a standing miracle. 

10 Luke xxiv. 51; Mark xvi. 19. 

10 ey ὑστέροις καιροῖς, OY, as it may be rendered, 
“in times hereafter,’ 1.6. after the time when 
Paul was writing. 


πάρ. VIII.] 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.p. 64] 


349 


δι μὰ 


apostatize’* from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and teachings’ 
of devils through the hypocrisy of men speaking lies,’** having their conscience 
seared with a hot iron,'” forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain 
from meats,'"° which God created to be received with thanksgiving dy them 
which believe and know the truth; for every creature of God is good, and 
nothing to be refused, if it be received with thanksgiving, for it is sanctified 
by the word of God and prayer.’"” If thou put before the brethren these 
things, thou shalt be a good minister of Jesus Christ, nurtured in the words of 
faith and of the good instruction which thou hast followed along with ;\°° but 
profane and old wives’ fables decline,’ and exercise thyself unto godliness ; 
for bodily exercise!!® is of use for little, but godliness is of use for all things, 
having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come. Jt is a 
faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation."” For ¢o this end we both labour 
and suffer reproach, because we trust in the living God, who is the saviour of 
all men, specially of those that believe. These things command and teach. 
Let no man despise thy youth,’ but be thou an example of the believers, in 
word, in manner of life, in love, in faith, in purity. Till I come’ apply 
thyself’ to reading, to exhortation, to teaching.’ Neglect not the gift that 
is in thee, which was given thee by prophecy,’ with the laying on of the 


15 hands of the presbytery.’ Meditate upon these things ; be instant in them,’ 


12 ἀποστήσονται. In Eng. ver. “ depart.” 


108. διδασκαλίαις. In Eng. ver. “ doctrines.” 
Wt ey ὑποκρίσει evdodsyav. In Eng. ver. 
“ speaking lies in hypocrisy.” 

© Asa hot iron applied to the body destroys 
the finer sensibilities and renders the part cal- 
lous, so the sins of those men have hardened 
their conscience, and made it insensible to the 
purity of the Gospel. 

1% An allusion to the tenets of the Gnostics. 
See ante, p. 249. 

7 By the grace said before meat, and which 
was taken from Scripture, viz. Psalm xxiv. See 
1 Cor. x. 25-30. 

108 ἡ παρηκολούθηκας. 
unto thou hast attained.” 

10 An allusion to the fanciful views of the 
Judaizing Gnostics. See ante, p. 249. 

20 γυμνασία, “mortification” of the body as 
practised by the Gnostics. 

4 The doctrine of a holy life here, and another 
life hereafter, though opposed by the Gnostics, is 
the true faith. See Tit. iii. 8. 

™ Timothy had been adopted by Paul in 
A.D. 49 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 290, No. 1738), and 
he was then a young man—say twenty; and as 
the date of the Epistle was in a.D. 64 (see Fasti 


In Eng. ver. “ where- 


Sacri, p. 334, No. 1963), or fifteen years after, 
Timothy at that time would be thirty-five—a 
youthful age for one having the care over so 
important a church as that of Ephesus. 

US The words ἐν πνεύματι, “in spirit,” which 
appear in the Textus receptus, are rejected by 
Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and 
Alford. 

u4 The Apostle, therefore, intended to revisit 


Ephesus. See notes ante, p. 348. 
05 πρόσεχε. In Eng. ver. “ give attendance.” 


πὸ τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “doctrine.” 

M7 διὰ προφητείας. See ante, p. 346, note *°. 

us The Apostle alludes to the solemn ordina- 
tion of Timothy, accompanied by predictions of 
his faithfulness in the ministry. Instead of “by 
preaching with the laying on of hands of the 
presbytery,” the sense would be clearer if, by 
changing the form of the sentence, we read, “ by 
the laying on of hands of the presbytery, with 
preaching,” as the spiritual gifts must be re- 
ferred to the laying on of hands rather than to 
the preaching. On the subject of the ordination 
of Timothy, see ante, Vol. I. p. 169. 

U9 ἐν τούτοις ἴσθι, “ be wholly wrapped up in 
them ;” and answering to Horace’s ‘totus in illis.’ 
Sat. ix. 2. 


350 


16 


σι 


ΟΟ “ o> 


12 


[A.p. 64] FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. VITT. 


that thy progress may be manifest to all. Take heed unto thyself, and unto 
thy teaching ;\°° continue in them, for in doing this thou shalt both save 
thyself and them that hear thee. 

“Rebuke not an elder sharply, but exhort him as a father, the younger 
men as brethren, the elder women as mothers, the younger as sisters, with all 
purity. Honour widows that are widows indeed; but if any widow have 
children or issue,!*' let them!” learn first to be devout to their own household, 
and to make recompense to their forefathers ;\° for that is acceptable before 
God Now she that is a widow indeed, and desolate, trusteth in God, and con- 
tinueth in supplications and prayers night and day; but she that ἐδ wanton is 
dead while she liveth. And these things give in charge, that they may be 
irreproachable. But if any provide not for his own,’ and specially for those 
of his own house,! he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an un- 
believer.°® Let not a widow be taken into the number who 7s under three- 
score years,” having been the wife of one husband, well reported of for good 
works, if she hath brought up children, if she hath lodged strangers, if she 
hath washed the saints’ feet, if she hath relieved the afflicted, if she hath 
followed after every good work. But the younger widows decline ; for when 
they have begun to wax wanton against Christ, they will marry, having 
condemnation, because they have cast off their first faith.* And withal they 
learn to be idle, going about from house to house; and not only idle, but 
tattlers also and busybodies, speaking things which they ought not. I will 
therefore that the younger [widows] marry, bear children, guide the house, 
give no occasion to the adversary in the way of reproach; for some have 
already turned aside after Satan. If any man or woman that believeth have 
widows, let them relieve them, and let not the church be charged ; that it 
may relieve them that are widows indeed.’” 


120 τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “the doctrine.” 
121 ἔκγονα. In Eng. ver. “ nephews.” 

Viz. the widows. The children cannot be 
meant, for they might, and would probably, be 
infants. 

1:8 That is, by the education of their own chil- 
dren, to pay the debt owing to their progenitors 
for the education of themselves. Griesbach, 
Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, all 
reject the words that follow καλὸν καὶ, “ good and.” 

24 σῶν ἰδίων, his own relatives, whether under 
his roof or not. 

2 τῶν οἰκείων, the relatives residing under his 
own roof. 

“6 Tf any one having the means doth not pro- 
vide for his own relatives, but seeks to burden 
the church, he practically denies his faith, and 


122 


is worse than an infidel, for even infidels observe 
the dictates of natural duties. 

27 T.e. into the number of those receiving relief 
from the church. The limit of sixty years must be 
taken as the general and prima fucie rule only, 
as widows under that age might, in exceptional 
cases, be unable to maintain themselves, and so be 
objects of compassion. It will be recollected that 
the charge of partiality in the distribution of the 
alms of the church amongst the widows receiving 
relief at Jerusalem gave rise to the establishment 
of the order of deacons. Acts vi. 1. 

135 That is, because having been put upon the 
roll of widows, under an engagement to dis- 
charge the duties annexed to that office, they 
break their vow and enter again into active life. 

12 See the same sentiment, ante, v. 8. 


Cuar. VIII.) 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY, 


[a.v. 64] 351 


17 “Let the presbyters that rule well be counted worthy of double honour,’ 
18 especially they who labour in the word and in teaching. For the scripture 
saith, ‘Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn.’ (Deut. xxv. 


19 4.) 


And, ‘The labourer is worthy of his reward.’ (Luke x. 7.)'° 
20 a presbyter receive not an accusation, but wpon two or three witnesses. 
21 that sin rebuke before all, that the others also may fear. 


Against 
Them 
I charge thee 


before God and'** Jesus Christ, and the elect angels,* that thou observe 
22 these things without favour, doing nothing by partiality. Lay hands hastily 
on no man, neither be partaker of other men’s sins; keep thyself pure.! 
23 Drink no longer water, but use a little wine for thy stomach’s sake and thy 


24 frequent infirmities. 


Some men’s sins are notorious, dragging them on‘ 
25 to judgment; and some men they follow after.’ 


Likewise also the good 


works of some are foreshown ;\** and the works that are otherwise “° cannot 


be hid.'*" 
Cu. VI. 


“Let as many servants“ as are under the yoke count their own masters 


worthy of all honour, that the name of God and his doctrine be not blas- 
2 phemed. And they that have believing masters, let them not despise them, 
because they are brethren; but let them serve the more’ because they who 
claim their good offices* are faithful and beloved. These things teach and 


1 From the reference to Scripture in the next 
verse, it is manifest that by double honour is 
meant double remuneration. So Χήρας τίμα, τὰς 
ὄντως χήρας. 1 Tim. v. 3, where allusion is made 
to the support of widows. There can be no 
doubt that from the earliest times the clergy were, 
from the nature of the case, in the enjoyment of 
a stipendiary allowance from the public chest. 

WI βοῦν ἀλοῶντα ov φιμώσεις, cited apparently 
from memory, as the words in the LXX. are in 
a different order, viz. οὐ φιμώσεις βοῦν ἀλοῶντα. 

182 We have seen that Paul has repeatedly in 
the Epistles referred to St. Matthews Gospel 
(see Vol. I. p. 283), but here he cites St. Luke’s 
also, which had been published in or previously 
to A.D. 57. See ante, p. 25. 

188 Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford 
reject the word Κυρίου, “ Lord.” 

™ This attestation recalls the similar passage 
cited by Alford from Josephus: μαρτύρομαι δὲ 
ἐγὼ μὲν ὑμῶν τὰ ἅγια Kai τοὺς ἱεροὺς ἀγγέλους τοῦ 
Θεοῦ. Jos. Bell. ii. 16, 4. 

185 Look well to thine own conduct, and in 
particular lend not thyself to other men’s vices 
by ordination of improper persons. 

86 Timothy, therefore, was of weakly constitu- 
tion, or at least at this time was of delicate health, 
and is urged on that account to take wine. He 


had previously drunk water only, but is now 
ordered to take wine medicinally. 

1517 πρόδηλοί εἰσι, προάγουσαι, κατιλ. In Eng. ver. 
“are manifest beforehand, gomg before,” ἄο. 

88 Some try to disguise their sins, but are 
nevertheless at last detected. 

189 πρόδηλοι. In Eng. ver. “ manifest.” 

40 That is, those works that are not obvious 
at first sight, but are suppressed through mo- 
desty, shall be duly appreciated in the end. 

41 The two last verses follow upon the Apostle’s 
recommendation to Timothy to take wine for his 
health’s sake. It is confessedly difficult to con- 
nect them with the context either before or after. 
Perhaps these thoughts were thrown out with a 
view to remove any scruples that Timothy might 
have in taking wine, as if the Apostle had said, 
“ Be not afraid of the censorious world, for your 
character will protect you. Real vices, however 
disguised, will be found out, and real virtues, 
though presenting the semblance of sensual 
gratification, will be acknowledged at last, not- 
withstanding unjust aspersions.”’ 

42 Literally “slaves,” δοῦλοι. 

MS μᾶλλον δουλευέστωσαν. In Eng. ver. “rather 
do them service.” ' 

M4 οἱ τῆς εὐεργεσίας ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι, viz. the 
masters. In Eng ver. “ partakers of the benefit.” 


σι 


12 


21 


M9 χετύφωται. In Eng. ver. “is proud.” 


146 


FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuar. VIII. 


exhort. Ifany man teach what 7s heterodox, and consent not to wholesome 
words [which are| those of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the doctrine which is 
according to godliness, he is puffed up,’ knowing nothing, but doting about 
questions and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy, contention, railings, evil 
surmisings, perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds, and destitute of the 
truth, who regard godliness as gain :\*° from such stand aloof." 

“ But godliness with contentment is great gain; for we brought nothing 
into the world, and it is certain that we can carry nothing out; but having 
food and raiment let us be therewith content. But they that would be rich 
fall into temptation and a snare, and into many foolish and hurtful lusts, 
which drown men in destruction and perdition; for the root of all evils 
is the love of money, which some lusting after, have erred from the faith, 
and pierced themselves through with many sorrows. But thou, O man of 
God,'** flee these things, and follow after righteousness, godliness, faith, love, 
patience, meekness. Fight the good fight of faith, lay hold on eternal life, 
whereunto thou wert also called, and didst confess a good confession before 
many witnesses.’ I give thee charge in the sight of God, who quickeneth 
all things, and of Christ Jesus, who before Pontius Pilate witnessed a good 
confession (Matt. xxvii. 11),!°° that thou keep the commandment without spot, 
unrebukeable, until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in his own 
seasons the blessed and only Potentate shall shew, the King of kings, and 
Lord of lords, who only hath immortality, dwelling in light inaccessible, whom 
no man hath seen, nor can see (Hx. xxxii. 20), to whom be honour and power 
everlasting. Amen. Charge them that are rich in this world, that they be 
not high-minded, nor trust in uncertain riches, but in the living God, 
who giveth us richly all things to enjoy, that they do good, that they be rich 
in good works, that they be ready to distribute, willing to communicate, 
treasuring up for themselves a good foundation against the time to come, that 
they may lay hold on eternal life. 

«Ὁ Timothy, keep the trust committed to thee, turning away from profane 
and yain babblings, and oppositions of knowledge falsely so called,’ which 


2 Tim. iii. 17, and see ante, p. 346. 


νομιζόντων πορισμὸν εἶναι τὴν εὐσέβειαν, 1.6. 
make religion a cloak for mercenary purposes. 
In Eng. ver. “supposing that gain is godliness.” 

WW ἀφίστασο ἀπὸ τουτῶν. In Eng. ver. “from 
such withdraw thyself.” But in Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, and Alford, these words are omitted. 

us The Apostle addresses Timothy in particu- 
lar, but by giving him a designation common 
to all Christians he intends the precept to be 
general. 


“8 At his ordination to the ministry. See 


1 The Apostle may refer not only to Mat- 
thew’s gospel, which had certainly been pub- 
lished, but also perhaps to Luke xxiii. 3. The 
same testimony appears in Mark xy. 3, and John 
xviii. 33, but these gospels had not yet been 
published. 

Wl γνώσεως. In Eng. ver. “science.” The 
Apostle refers here to the Gnostics, or Men of 
Knowledge, so called by themselves, but running 
into the wildest vagaries. See ante, p. 249. 


Cuar. VIII] 81. PAUL AT NICOPOLIS. [a.v. 64] 353 


some professing have missed the mark concerning the faith. Grace Be ΝΊΤΗ 
THEE. °? 

Paul had now dispatched the pressing business that required his attention at 
Corinth, and towards the close of the year a.p. 64 was ready to commence his pro- 
posed visit to Epirus. But before starting in this direction he sent off Artemas to 
Crete to take the place of Titus, who had been summoned to rejoin the Apostle at 
Nicopolis in Epirus. 

The only reason, however, for supposing that Artemas, rather than Tychicus, 
was selected for the mission to Crete, is that we find Tychicus, after no long interval, 
still in the Apostle’s company at Rome. For a similar reason we may infer that 
Erastus, a Corinthian, and who had been Chamberlain of Corinth, now quitted his 
native city and .became the Apostle’s fellow traveller, for we meet with him the next 
year in the Apostle’s company at Ephesus. 

_ Paul, Tychicus, and Erastus, now went down to Lecheum, the western port 
of Corinth, and there took ship '** for Nicopolis, the capital of Epirus, where they 
proposed to pass the winter.’* 

This city had been built by Augustus, to commemorate his naval victory over 
Mark Antony (fig. 299) and Cleopatra (fig. 300) at Actium, on the 2nd of September, 


Fig. 299.—A characteristic portrait of Mark Antony. 


Fig. 300.—Portrait of (leopatra, with the legend 
From C. W. King's Antique Gems, : 


Βασιλισσα Κλεοπατρα ca νεωτερα (Queen Cleo- 
patra, the new goddess). From a coin in the British 
Museum, 


p.c. 31. It stood three miles to the north of the modern town of Previsa, on the 
isthmus of the little peninsula of Previsa, which forms the northern lip of the 
Ambracian Bay, now known as the Gulf of Arta.’*° 


There are still vast remains, 


¥? The usual benediction in the Apostle’s own 
hand to authenticate the letter. See Vol, I. p. 284. 
‘Che word Amen is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, 
Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 

S There was a city of this name founded by 
Augustus in Egypt, and there were four others 
of the name in Asia and five in Europe. ‘The 
one here referred to is unquestionably Nicopolis 
in Epirus. For the several cities of this name, 
see Smith’s Dict. Geogr. 

™ Titus iii. 12. Or perhaps Paul passed by 
land to Nicopolis. 

VOL. I. 


> The Isthmus, according to Strabo, was sixty 
stades, or seven and a half miles, across, Ἰσθμὸν 
ποιῶν ἐξήκοντα σταδίων, Strabo vil. 7 (p. 120, 
Tauchnitz); but according to Leake the broad- 
est part at present does not exceed three miles. 
Leake, N. Greece, Vol. 1. p. 196. The Greek geo- 
grapher, therefore, was not so well acquainted 
with this coast as with other parts. Nicopolis 
had two ports, one on the west, called Comarus, 
now Gomaro, and the other on the south-east of 
the city, on the way to the town of Previsa, now 
Port Vathy. 


οἱ λιμένες οἱ πρὺς τῇ Νικοπόλει... 


AZ, 


354 


[a.v. 64] ST. PAUL AT NICOPOLIS. 


[Cuap. VII. 


more attractive from the simple visit barely recorded of the Apostle Paul, than 
from the splendours of the Imperial triumph in the adjoining waters. ‘‘ Amid their 
interminable labyrinth,” observes a modern tourist, “of broken columns, ruins of 
temples, baths, theatres, towers, gateways, and aqueducts, a small building in the 
form of a Pagan temple is the most interesting, which tradition asserts was used 
by St. Paul as a house of prayer.”!°° And another traveller observes, “ Not even 
a village now occupies the site of a city which Augustus fondly hoped would be 


a lasting memorial of his exploits, and for whose aggrandisement he despoiled so 


many of the neighbouring towns. 


. . Nicopolis now only affords an asylum for a 


few shepherds, whose flocks graze among the ruins” (fig. 301, 302, 303). 1°" 
At Nicopolis Paul and his companions rested for the winter, and here, during 


Drona leas: 
Strabo speaks of the two ports, viz. Comarus 
without the bay, and the larger and better near 
the mouth of the bay at the distance from Nico- 
polis of 12 stades, which is the exact distance 
from Nicopolis to Port Vathy, which lies within 
the bay, διέχων τῆς Νικοπόλεως ὅσον δώδεκα στα- 
δίους. Strabo, vii. 7 (Ὁ. 120, Tauchnitz). Leake 
supposes Strabo to state erroneously that both 
the ports were without the bay, but Strabo does 
not say so. On the peninsula at the north is 
one solitary hill, called Mikhalitzi, the summit 
of which commands a view of the main sea on 
the west, and the gulf of Arta on the east, and 
of all the circumjacent country. On the crown 
of this mount Augustus, previously to the battle 
of Actium, pitched his tent, ἐπὶ μετεώρου, Dion, 
1. 12; and here, on the very site of the tent, 
was afterwards erected to Apollo a sanctuary 
open to the skies, in the centre of a space sur- 
rou.ded by a wall of nicely squared stones, and 
adorned with the beaks of ships captured from 
the enemy. τό τε χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ ἐσκήνησε, λίθοις 
τετραπέδοις ἐκρηπίδωσε καὶ τοῖς ἁλοῦσιν ἐμβόλοις 


τὸν λιμένα τὸν ἔξω τὸν Kopapor. 


ἐκόσμησε, ἔδος τι ἐν αὐτῷ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος ὑπαίθριον 
Dion, li. 1; Strabo, vii. 7 (p. 190, 
Tauchnitz); Suet. Octay. xviii. To the west of 
the hill Mikhalitzi was the aqueduct winding 
its way to the city on the south, and at the 
same time forming the western wall of Nico- 
polis. Leake’s N. Greece, i. 190. Immediately 
to the south of the hill Mikhalitzi are the great 
theatre (one of the best preserved now remain- 
ing) and the stadium, about 750 feet long and 75 
feet wide (ib. 191), and the gymnasium, all form- 
ing, with the sanctuary of Apollo at the top of 
the hill, a sacred park in the northern suburb 
of the city. 


ἰδρυσάμενος. 


τό τε κατασκευασθὲν τέμενος ἐν τῷ 


προαστείῳ, τὸ μὲν εἰς τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν πεντετη- 
ρικὸν ἐν ἄλσει ἔχοντι γυμνάσιόν τι καὶ στάδιον, τὸ 
δ᾽ ἐν τῷ ὑπερκειμένῳ τοῦ ἄλσους ἱερῷ λύφῳ τοῦ 
᾿Απόλλωνος. Strabo, vii. 7 (p. 121, Tauchnitz). 
And here were celebrated the famous quinquen- 
nial games called the Actia, which had before 
existed in honour of Apollo (ἤγετο δὲ καὶ πρότερον 
τὰ ΓἈκτια τῷ θεῷ, Strabo, ib.), but from this time 
were celebrated with the utmost magnificence, 
so that they rivalled the splendour of the Olympia 
in horse-races and gymnastic games and scenic 
representations. Dion, li. 1; Suet. Octay. 18; 
Strabo, vil. 7 (p. 121, Tauchnitz). Nicopolis, 
under the auspices of Augustus, became ex- 
tremely populous, and soon assumed the conse- 
quence of a first-rate city, Evavdpet καὶ λαμβάνει 
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπίδοσιν, Strabo, vii. 7 (p. 121, Tauch- 
nitz),and had the privilege of sending a member 
to the Amphictyonic council (Pausan. Phocie. 
x. 8,2), and was made a free city (Plin. N. H. iv. 
2) and a Roman colony (Tac. Ann. v. 10), and 
was considered the capital of southern Epirus 
and Acarnania. Leake’s N. Greece, i. 197. As 
the imperial fayour now shone upon it, even 
foreign princes contributed to its aggrandise- 
ment, and Herod the Great, amongst the rest, 
was a munificent benefactor. Jos. Ant. xvi. 5,3. 

Nicopolis flourished for many centuries, and 
when the Roman empire was Christianized, be- 
came a bishop's see, Nicephor, Constant. xiv. 39; 
but during the dark ages it gradually declined, 
and at last died a natural death. For the his- 
tory of its decline, see Leake’s N. Greece, i. 197. 

©8 Spencer’s Travels in European Turkey, 
11. 210. 

“T Journ. of Geogr. Soe. iii. 90. By Lieut. 
James Wolfe. 


Cuav. VIII.) ST. PAUL AT NICOPOLIS. [a.p. 65] 355 


their sojourn, they were joined, as preconcerted, by Titus from Crete, whose place in 
the island had been taken by Artemas. 

In the spring of a.p, 65, Paul, accompanied by Tychicus, Titus, and Erastus, his 
faithful followers, again opened a campaign of Christian warfare, and making their 
way northward evangelized all Epirus, which reached from the Ambracian Bay on the 


Fig. 301.— Ruins of Nicopolis. The spectator is looking north. From Stackelberg. 


south 155 to the Acroceraunian Promontory on the north,'® a tract which, for the 
purposes of government, was all included in the Province of Achaia.’ They now 
quitted the jurisdiction of the Proconsul of Achaia and entered Illyris on-Epirus, and 
having also made their way through that province they traversed Dalmatia, as we 
may collect from the few words in the Second Epistle to Timothy, “ Titus (is departed) 
unto Dalmatia,” !*' for Paul would scarcely have dispatched a messenger into a country 
which the Apostle had not himself visited, nor would Titus have been selected had he 


been a stranger to the Dalmatians. 
On the division of the provinces by Augustus between himself and the Senate (or 
people) in 8.0. 27, Illyricum was assigned to the Senate,‘ and the boundaries of it 


18 μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Αμβρακικοῦ Κόλπου. Strabo, vii.7 apud urbem Acha‘e Nicopolim, quo venerat per 
(p. 117, Tauchnitz). Illyricam oram viso fratre Druso in Dalmat a 
“9 Plin. N. H. iii. 26; and see Strabo, ubi agente. Tac. Ann. ii. 53. We have here men- 
supra. tion of the three provinces Achaia, Illyricum, 
0 ᾿Ελλὰς pera τῆς Ἠπείρου. Dion, liii. 12. and Dalmatia—all of them, but in an inverse 
ἑβδόμην δ᾽ ᾿Αχαίαν μέχρι Θετταλίας καὶ Αἰτωλῶν, order, visited by St. Paul at this time. 
καὶ ᾿Δκαρνάνων καί τινων Ηπειρωτικῶν ἐθνῶν ὅσα 161 9 Tim. iv. 10. 
τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ προσώριστο. Strabo, xvii. 3 (p. £02, 162 Dion, liii. 12. 
Tauchnitz). Eum honorem Germanicus iniit 


Obv. Head of Augustus with the legend Κτίσμα Ξεβαστου (Founded by Augustus).—ev. 


Monolithic Roe 


Appearance of 
Ancient Mole 


Stadium Theatre 
ῳ Ay, 


Ai 


A 


Basilako 


Woody Plain 


Fig. 302.—Plan of Nicopolis and its vicinity. 


Fig. 303.—Coin of Nicopolis. From the British Museum. 


legend Νικόπολις cepa (Nicopolis the sucred). 


Grounded on Admiralty chart. 


Figure of Victory with the 


Cuar. VIII.] 


51. PAUL IN DALMATIA. 


[a.p. 65] 397 


were! on the west along the coast from Pola at the head of the Venetian Gulf on the 
confines of Italy to the Acroceraunian Promontory on the borders of Epirus, and inland 


on the north the river 


Save, and on the south a line drawn from the Acroceraunian 


Promontory due east a little south of the Via Egnatia to Pylon, where began 
Macedonia,! and on the cast lay the adjacent provinces of Meesia and Macedonia, 
Mesia lying to the north of Macedonia, and extending from the Drinus or Drinna on 
the west to the Euxine on the east." But in 8.0. 111 the Dalmatians, an Dlyrian 
tribe to the north of the river Naro, broke out into open rebellion, and as the Senate 
was not allowed to maintain any military force in its provinces, Illyricum was divided, 
and the portion to the north of the N aro, 1.6, all from the Naro to Pola was made over 
to the emperor, and became an imperial province by the name of Dalmatia, while the 
portion of Tlyricum to the south of the Naro, 1.6. from the Naro to the Acroceraunian 
Promontory, with the inland district up to Macedonia, remained one of the Senate’s 


(or People’s) Provinces by the name of J. Uyris-on-Epirus.'** 


Thus at the time of the 


Apostle’s circuit Ilyris-on-Epirus was one of the Senate’s (or People’s) Provinces, and 
ruled by a Proconsul chosen by lot from the ex-consuls and ex-pretors, while Dalmatia 
was an Imperial Province governed by a Propretor named by the Emperor. The 
latter was held in subjection by a single legion,'* and a few years after this—and 
possibly at this time—the Propreetor of Dalmatia was Poppxus Sylvanus, famous for 


his great wealth.1® 


™ The boundaries of it as a province only are 
here meant, for in a large sense Ilyricum com- 
prised, according to Tacitus, Pannonia, Dalmatia, 
and Mesia. Primus Othoni fiduciam addidit ex 
Illyrico nuntius, jurasse in eum Dalmatixe ac 
Pannonize et ΜΙ βίο Legiones. Tac. Hist. i. 76. 

Pliny seems to use Illyricum in two senses, 
In the larger sense, it extended from the river 
Arsia (the boundary of Italy) on the north to 
Acroceraunia, the beginning of Epirus, on the 
south, Plin. N. H. iii. 29, and comprised Ist Li- 
burnia from the Arsia to Scordona, iii. 25, 26; 
then Dalmatia, from Scordona to Lissus, iii. 26; 
and then Ilyricum proper, from Lissus to Acro- 
ceraunia. Quie pars ad mare Adriaticum spectat 
appellatur Dalmatia et lyrieum supra dictum 
(meaning by the latter from Lissus to Acrocer- 
aunia), iii. 28. The province of Ilyricum proper 
Seems in Pliny’s time to have been incorporated 
with or made subordinate to the province of 
Macedonia, for he writes, a Lisso Macedoniw 
provincia, iii. 26, and Ptolemy also assigns the 
coast south of Epidamnus to Macedonia. Ptolem. 
ne ΤΩ 1. 

1 Strabo, vii. 7 (p. 117, Tauchnitz). 

“Tac. Ann. iv. 5. The eastern portion of 


Meesia was otherwise known as part of Thrace, 
and the western portion was otherwise known 
as part of Illyricum. Thus Josephus speaks 
of the Thracians as kept in subjection by 2000 
legionaries. Bell. ii. 16, 4 (p. 203, Tauchnitz). 
And he means here, not Thrace proper—viz. 
from the Agean Sea to Mount Hemus, now the 
Balkan—but the part between Hamus and the 
Danube. So again, he speaks of the Illyyians as 
lying along the Danube, and extending all the 
way from Thrace to Dalmatia, and as occupied 
by two legions (ib.); and he means the region 
otherwise known as part of Meesia, on the 
southern bank of the Danube, and running 
eastward from the junction of the rivers Saye 
and Drina. The Roman legions were stationed 
in these countries to guard the Danube from 
any irruption of the northern barbarians. 

166 See Fasti Sacri, p. 101, No. 788. 

17 ἡ Ἰλλυρὶς ἡ πρὸς τῇ Ἠπείρῳ. Strabo, xvii. 8 
(p. 502, Tauchnitz). 

US γῦν οὐχ ὑφ᾽ ἑνὶ τάγματι Ῥωμαίων ἡσυχίαν 
ἄγουσιν. Jos. Bell. ii. 16, 4 (p. 203, Tauchnitz). 

«9 Titus Ampius Flavianus Pannoniam, Pop- 
peus Sylvanus Dalmatiam tenebant, divites senes. 
Tac. Hist. ii. 86. 


358 fap. 65] ST. PAUL IN DALMATIA. [Cuar. VII 


When Paul bade adieu to Dalmatia, which way did he bend his steps? Upon this - 


question we are not left in doubt. Paul, on his way from Crete the year before, had 
touched at Ephesus, and leaving Timothy in charge of that church, had pursued his 
route to Macedonia.“ On arriving at Corinth, he had written to Titus, that 
he proposed to journey westward and winter at Nicopolis, and as Timothy might 
be expecting him at Ephesus, he at the same time wrote to him to continue his 
sojourn at Ephesus,’ and gave him instructions how to conduct himself during 
the Aposile’s absence. But it was Paul's intention, and repeated more than once, 
to return to Ephesus at no distant interval. ‘‘ These things write I unto thee, 
hoping ἕο come unio thee shorily; but if I tarry long that thou mayest know how 
thou oughtest to behave thyself in the house of God.”*** And again, “ Till I come, 
give attendance to reading, to exhortation, to teaching.”'** It was not Paul's habit 
to plant a church and then leave it to its fate. On the contrary, he was ever 
watchful over its welfare by writing letters, by sending faithful messengers, and as he 
found time by personal visits. During his long imprisonment the Gnostic heresy had 
laid a rank hold upon the Ephesian church, and Paul since his release had already 
been twice present amongst them; once before going to Crete, and again on his return 
from Crete, and now he was proposing to hasten thither a third time. His route 
would naturally le along the Via Egnatia, which traversed Macedonia from west to 
east, and passed through Thessalonica. Thither he came, and, apparently, Paul was 
here joined by Demas,’* a native of that city, and who afterwards accompanied 
the Apostle to Rome." From Thessalonica the Via Egnatia ran to Philippi, and 
here Luke (who much resided there and was afterwards with the Apostle at Rome) 
and Creseens may have swelled the number of Paul’s companions. From Philippi 
Paul proceeded to Neapolis, the sea-port, and thence sailed to Troas, where he took 
up his abode with a brother by the name of Carpus.’* 

From this point the fate of Paul begins to connect itself with the barbarous 
persecution, commenced against the Christians by the bloodthirsty Nero, and here 
we must interrupt the narrative of Paul’s progress to relate the circumstances 
attending this declaration of war by the Imperial Government against the Chureh—a 
most interesting chapter in Sacred History. 


peal γ᾽ Ἐν ™ This: of course, is mere conjecture. 
dt Mel Teg ys 2 = 2 Tim. iv. 10. ᾿ 
ἘΞ Tim. τῇ 14 τὸ 2 Tim. iv. 13. 


ἘΞ. Tim iv. 13. 


—— ~~ 


co 
or 
oO 


CHAPTER IX. 


The Persecution of the Christians by Nero—Peter writes two Epistlesp—His Martyrdom 
at Rome—Paul is arrested at Ephesus and sent to Rome. 


They say who know the life divine, 
And upward gaze with eagle eyne, 
That by each golden crown on high, 
Rich with celestial jewelry, 
Which for our Lord’s redeemed is set, 
There hangs a golden coronet 
All gemmed with pure and living light, 
Too dazzling for a sinner’s sight, 
Prepared for virgin souls and them 
Who seek the martyr’s diadem. 
Christian Year. 


On the night of 19th July, a.p. 64, while Paul was in Greece, a fire burst forth at 
Rome, in the Cireus Maximus, between the Palatine and Aventine Hills. It swept 
the valley and then ascended the Palatine, and soon became a general conflagration. 
It raged incessantly for six days and seven nights, and of the fourteen wards into 
which Rome was divided, three were razed to the ground, seven were partly destroyed, 
and only four wholly escaped. There had been no such calamity since the inunda- 
tion of the Gauls. It was commonly reported that Nero himself was the incendiary, 
that he might erect a gorgeous palace on the ruins of his country, and might lay out 
the city itself upon a scale of greater magnificence, to be called after his own name. 
It is certain that miscreants were seen extending instead of extinguishing the flames, 
but whether by authority as they pretended, or with a view to pillage, was never 
distinctly ascertained. The story was rife, that while Rome was in a blaze, Nero 
stood on Mecenas’s Tower and sang The Fall of Troy to his everlasting guitar.* 

For once the Emperor, steeled as he was against public opinion, appears to have 
smarted under the ignominy that attached to him, and as he could not hope to avert 
the odium from himself, till others could be found on whom the general indignation 
might vent itself, he propagated the calumny that the Christians were the criminals, 
and issued an edict that they should be arrested and brought to condign punishment. 

The sect was generally unpopular, from the severity of their manners and their 


? Tac. Ann. xv. 41; Suet. Nero, 38. 2 Dion, Ixii. 18; Tac. Ann. xv. 39. 


360 [A.p. 64] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. [Ciap. TX. 


supposed misanthropy in avoiding the dissolute festivities about them. They were 
also regarded as impious, for not joiming in the accustomed rites of an idolatrous 
superstition ; and unhappily many, as the Gnostics, sheltered themselves under the 
name of Christ, though they did not belong to his fold, and by the laxity of their 
lives brought undeserved scandal upon an innocent community. 

We have an account of the outrages against the Christians from the pen of the 
most accurate of the Roman historians, Tacitus, and as the particulars are replete 
with interest, we shall transcribe the passage entire. “ΤῸ put an end, therefore, to 
this report (that he had fired the city), he (Nero) laid the guilt, and inflicted the 
most cruel punishments, upon a sect of people who were held in abhorrence for 
their crimes, and called by the vulgar Christians. The founder of that name was 
Christ, who suffered death in the reign of Tiberius, under his Procurator Pontius 
Pilate. This pernicious superstition, thus checked for a while, broke out again and 
spread, not only over Judea, where the evil originated, but through Rome also, 
whither everything bad upon the earth finds its way, and is practised. Some who 
confessed their sect were first seized, and afterwards, by their information, a vast 
multitude were apprehended, who were convicted, not so much of the crime of burn- 
ing Rome, as of hatred to mankind. Their sufferings at their execution were aggra- 
vated by insult and mockery, for some were disguised in the skins of wild beasts, and 
worried to death by dogs, some were crucified, and others were wrapped in pitched 
shirts, and set on fire when the day closed, that they might serve as lights to illumi- 
nate the night. Nero lent his own gardens for these exhibitions, and exhibited at 
the same time a mock Circensian entertainment, being a spectator of the whole in the 
dress of a charioteer, sometimes mingling with the crowd on foot, and sometimes 
viewing the spectacle from his car. This conduct made the sufferers pitied, and 
though they were criminals and deserving the severest punishments, yet they were 
considered as sacrificed, not so much out of regard to the public good, as to gratify 
the cruelty of one man.”* 

The gardens of Nero above referred to were on the west side of the Tiber, near the 
site where afterwards was erected the cathedral of St. Peter. Here, a few years 
before, Nero, to gratify his taste for driving, and not yet venturing on an exhibition 
of himself in the public theatres, had erected a private circus, in which he might 
display his proficiency in the whip, before an assembly not consisting of the very 
lowest rabble of Rome. This was now the arena in which the Christians were tor- 
mented and butchered, and while the poor wretches were hanging on the cross, or 
burning at the stake, or were worried by wild beasts, the Emperor of Rome was 
flying about in his chariot, or was mingling amongst the spectators in the dress of a 
charioteer, 

These atrocities, called a Circensian entertainment, could scarcely have been 


5. Tac. Ann. xv. 44. 


παρ. IX.] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. [a.p. 64] 361 


enacted had Burrhus and Seneca been still at the head of affairs, but Burrhus had 
been removed by poison in a.p. 62,‘ and on his death Seneca had lost his power, and 
though allowed to live a few years longer, he retained no control over the Imperial 
counsels. The court favourite was Tigellinus, who, with Fenius Rufus (nominally his 
colleague, but in fact a shadow), was now Prefect of the Pretorium. It was Tigel- 
linus, the partner of Nero’s crimes, and the associate of his debaucheries, by whom 
these barbarities against the Christians were instigated. The Prince of Satirists, 
Juvenal, in evident allusion to the sufferings of the Christians, has branded the name 
of Tigellinus with infamy, in the well-known lnes—- 
Pone Tigellinum, teda Incebis in ila, 


Qua stantes ardent, qui fixo gutture fumant, 
Et latum media suleum diducis arena. 


Paint Tigellinus and your fate will be, 
To burn with brimstone at the martyr’s tree, 
While, as the flames consume the living brand, 
A crimson rill runs trickling o’er the sand. 
Juy. Sat. 1, v. 155. 

One vial of wrath had been poured out in the circus, but there were many woes 
to come. ‘Tacitus has confined his description to the proceedings in the capital, but 
Suetonius’s brief account is more comprehensive: “ The Christians, a race of men of 
a new and magical superstition, were brought to condign punishment ;”° and it is 
evident from the Epistle of St. Peter, written about this period, that the cruelties 
practised at Rome reached very soon to the provinces. 

When a despotic Prince willed the persecution of an innooent but obnoxious sect, 
an excuse was soon found for dragging them before the tribunal. Misanthropy, or 
a hatred of the human race (odiwm humani generis), had long been charged against 
them, from their refusal to join in the Pagan revels.’ Such an accusation, however, 
was too vague on which to ground a legal indictment. They laid themselves more 
open to the penalties of the law by not acknowledging the divinities worshipped by 
surrounding nations. 

The Roman code allowed every people the exercise of its own peculiar super- 
stition, but would permit no affront to the gods recognised by the State. It had 
been the advice of Mecenas to Augustus, to extinguish Atheism, that is any denial 
of the established religion,’ and when any serious inroad was made upon the Roman 
customs, the magistrate interfered. 

A yet more formidable engine of persecution against the unoffending Christians 
is still to be mentioned. The Emperors being masters of the lives and fortunes of 


* See Fasti Sacri, p. 826, No. 1919. τὰ πάτρια, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τιμᾶν ἀνάγκαζε" τοὺς δὲ 

5 Afflicti suppliciis Christiani genus hominum δὴ ξενίζοντάς τι περὶ αὐτὸ καὶ μίσει καὶ κόλαζε... . . 
superstitionis nove ac malefice. Suet. Ner. 16. Myr’ οὖν ἀθέω τινὶ, μήτε γόητι συγχωρήσῃς εἶναι. 

5. Tac. Ann. xv. 44. Dion, lii. 36. 

τ Τὸ μὲν θεῖον πάντη πάντως αὐτός τε σέβου κατὰ 

VOL, Π. BA 


362 [a.p. 64] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. (Cap. IX. 


their subjects, were in the habit of receiving, and many of them rigorously exacted, 
not only the most servile adulation, but even divine honours. 

Temples had been erected to Julius Cesar, and on his death he was enrolled 
amongst the celestial choir by the title of Julius the Hero.* 

Augustus was so called as being something more than man, for whatsoever 
savoured of divinity was said to be August.’ However, during his mild administra- 
tion this assumption of a sacred character occasioned no inconvenience, for though 
he did not always repel, he did not solicit, and still less did he enforce such profane 
adoration. 

Not so Tiberius, who in the latter years of his reign visited with the severest 
punishment any act of impiety (ἀσέβεια, impietas),” such as refusing to swear by the 
name of the Emperor, or violating the oath when taken, or neglecting to offer sacri- 
fice to him, or showing him any disrespect either by word or deed.'' Such as would 
not conform were called disaffected, and recusants. 

Caligula was still more insane, and was inexorable in requiring his subjects to 
consecrate temples, and sacrifice to him as a god.’ Had he lived a few years longer, 
he must have extirpated the Jews for their obstinate resistance to his will. It 
was fortunate for Christianity, that during the reign of Caligula the Church was 
still in its infant state, and had not yet attracted the attention of the Imperial court. 

Claudius succeeded; a man of many faults, perhaps, but of more good qualities, 
and who, though charged with stupidity, at least showed his sound sense in this 
—that he at once abolished the law of impiety,’* and forbade his subjects either 
to offer him sacrifice or pay him any other worship.* It was during the thirteen 
years of his reign, and in consequence of the unbounded protection enjoyed under 
it, that Christianity spread itself so rapidly through the provinces of the empire, 
and found a resting-place in the heart of the great capital itself. 

During the first few years that Nero wore the Imperial purple, his measures were 
moderate, and no one prognosticated the impending hurricane. Soon, however, the 
monster discovered himself in all his naked deformity. But though he took Caligula 
for his pattern, he was less solicitous to assert his attribute of divinity than to win 
applause by his guitar. He required the world to sacrifice not so much to himself 
as to his Celestial Voice.!® However, he cared not for human suffering, and when, to 
avert the ignominy of having set fire to Rome, he sought to moderate the popular 
indignation against himself by diverting it against others, he re-enacted in all 
their rigour the laws of Impiety which had been repealed by Claudius.”® 

Not only were obsolete enactments now revived in all their rigour, so as to lay 


® Suet. Jul. 88. 18 Dion, lx. 3. 


® Dion, 111]. 16. 14 Dion; kx. 5. 
” Tmpietas in principem. Tac, Ann, vi. 47. 15. Dion, lxii. 26. Philost. Vit. Apoll. iv. 39. 
1 Dion, lvii. 9 and 19; vii. 4. 16 Thy ἀτιμίαν τῶν καταψηφισθέντων ἐπὶ ταῖς 


2 Dion, lix. 4, 6, 16. λεγομέναις ἀσεβείαις ὑπὸ Νέρωνος, καὶ τῶν μετὰ 
, , you. μ 


363 


Caap, IX.] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. 


[a.p. 64] 


the innocent Christians at the mercy of every malicious prosecutor, but new edicts or 
proclamations were issued, by which the Christian faith was made a criminal offence 
throughout the limits of the Roman Empire.’ It is to these positive and penal 
enactments that St. Peter alludes when he exhorts the converts in Asia, “if any man 
suffer as a Christian let him not be ashamed, but let him glorify God on this behalf.” Ὁ 
And in similar language St. Paul, during his second captivity, alludes to his being 
imprisoned as a “ malefactor.”!* 

The disciples of Christ were now required under the heayiest penalties, even 
that of death, to call the Emperor Lord, to swear by his Name or his Genius, to 
offer sacrifices to the Emperor, as well as to the heathen gods, and finally to blas- 
pheme and abjure the name of Christ. 
compliance.’° 


The torture was also applied to enforce 


The constancy with which the early Christians endured these dreadful sufferings, 
was the admiration of the idolaters themselves, and true religion gained more prose- 
lytes by the patience of its martyrs, than it lost by the terror and intimidation of 
the inflictions. The epigrammatist Martial, who lived about this time, and might 
have been present at Nero’s inhuman exhibition in the Vatican, has exercised his wit 
upon these trials, and borne an honest testimony to the fortitude with which the 
Christians supported them :— 


& 20 


In matutini nuper spectatus arena 
Mucius imposuit qui sua membra focis 


ταῦτα ἀρξάντων, τῶν τε ζώντων, καὶ τῶν τεθνεώτων 
ὁμοίως (Vespasian) ἀπαλείφων, καὶ τὰς γραφὰς τὰς 
ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἐγκλήμασι καταλύων. Dion, xvi. 9. 
™ Hoe initio in Christianos seviri cceptum. 
Post etiam datis legibus religio vetabatur, 
palamque edictis propositis, Christianum esse 
non licebat. Sulpitius Severus, lib. ii. Primus 
Rome Christianos suppliciis et mortibus affecit 
(Nero), ac per omnes provincias pari persecutione 
excruciari imperayit, ipsumque nomen extirpare 
conatus, &e. Oros. vii. 7. And the inscription 
found in Spain assumes a general persecution 
in that province. Neroni Cl. Kais. Aug. Pont. 
Max. ob Provine. Latronib. et his qui novam 
gener. hum. superstition. inculeab, purgatam. 
Gruter, p. 238, No. 9. And Tacitus himself 
writes that not only the Christians who could 
be suspected of the fire were convicted, but 
Christians generally, on the ground of hatred 
of the human race. Deinde indicio eorum mul- 
titudo ingens, haud perinde in crimine incendii, 
quam odio generis humani. Tac. Ann. xv. 44. 
It would seem at first sight from the address of 
Melito, bishop of Smyrna (who flourished about 
the middle of the second century), to the Em- 


peror Antoninus Verus, that no edicts before 
that time were issued against the Christians. 
Τὸ yap οὐδὲ πώποτε γενόμενον, νῦν διώκεται τὸ τῶν 
θεοσεβῶν γένος καινοῖς ἐλαυνόμενον δόγμασι κατὰ 
τὴν ᾿Ασίαν' οἱ γὰρ ἀναυδεῖς συκοφάνται καὶ τῶν 
ἀλλοτρίων ἐρασταὶ, τὴν ἐκ τῶν διαταγμάτων ἔχοντες 
ἀφορμὴν, φανερῶς λῃστεύουσι, νύκτωρ καὶ μεθημέραν 
διαρπάζοντες τοὺς μηδὲν ἀδικοῦσας. Euseb. B. Η. 
iv. 30. But the novelty was not in the decrees, 
but in the abuse of them, by the plundering of 
goods, for Melito himself afterwards alludes to 
the persecution in the time of Nero. μόνοι πάντων 
ἀναπεισθέντες ὑπό τινων βασκάνων ἀνθρώπων τὸν 
καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐν διαβολῇ καταστῆσαι λόγον ἠθέλησαν 
Νέρων καὶ Δομετιανός"... . ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἄγνοιαν 
οἱ σοὶ εὐσεβεῖς πατέρες ἐπηνορθώσαντο. Ib. 

11 1 Peter iv. 16. 

18 ὡς κακοῦργος, 2 Tim ii. 9. 

* These stringent laws were not repealed 
until the reign of Vespasian. Dion, Ixvi. 9. 
Titus pursued the same mild measures, Dion, 
Ixvi. 19, but Domitian restored the laws of Im- 
piety, Dion, Ixvii. 14. 

» The arena of the circus is no doubt referred 
to, in which the cruelties were enacted. 


9.1 ὦ 


964 [a.p. 64] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. [Cuap. IX. 


Si patiens fortisque tibi durusque videtur, 
Abderitanze pectora plebis habes. 
Nam cum dicatur, tunica presente molesta, 
Ure manum, plus est dicere “ Non facio.” 
Lib. x. Ep. 25. 


When Mutius dared upon command 
To thrust into the fire his hand, 
With shouts the people rent the skies, 
To laud the noble sacrifice. 

᾿ The silly herd! far braver he, 
Who, standing at the martyr’s tree, 
Can yet defy the rabble’s cries, 
And say “I make no sacrifice.” 


The persecution consequent upon the fire at Rome probably commenced some 
time in the course of September, a.p. 64, about six weeks or two months from the 
conflagration itself. At the close of the year the edicts of the Emperor took effect 
in the provinces, and we have now to relate the manner in which the two. great 
Apostles, the one of the Jews, and the other of the Gentiles, were at length drawn 
within the vortex. 

Peter, on receipt of the intelligence of these inhuman burnings of the Christians 
at Rome, was in the remote east, at Babylon,”’ with Sylvanus and Mark for his 
companions.” Further tidings followed that the persecution was spreading beyond 
Rome to the provinces, and Peter, upon whom his master had thrice laid the injune- 
tion “ Feed my sheep,” felt a lively apprehension lest the scattered flocks of Pontus, 
Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia, where the Christians were now bitterly 
pursued by their enemies, might fall away from the faith ; and he addressed to them 
his First Epistle. That this was the object in view, and that the Neronian persecu- 
tion had commenced at Rome, and had either begun or was immediately expected 
in these provinces, appears from the facts disclosed in the Epistle itself. Thus the 
Apostle speaks of the “ fiery {118], a literal description of the martyrs’ sufferings 
by fire at Rome, and this trial was not of a usual character, but had come upon them 
all at once—“ Be not astounded.”* And the Christians were now treated as criminals,” 
and the crime lay not in any particular overt act, but in the mere profession of 
Christianity,** a state of things that never existed previously to the edicts 
of Nero. 

Why Peter should have written exclusively to the converts of Pontus, Galatia, 
Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia has been variously explained. One opinion is that 


* There was also a Babylon in Egypt, but it though plausible, is not tenable. 


is now generally admitted that Babylon the ΞΕ] Pet. γε 19. 18. 

Great is here meant, where the Jews abounded. τὸ τῇ ἐν ὑμῖν πυρώσει πρὸς πειρασμόν. iv. 12. 
See Fasti Sacri, p. 267, No. 1603. The opinion 4 μὴ ξενίζεσθε. iv. 12. 

has also been broached that Babylon here stands 35. κακοποιῶν. iv. 16; 11. 12. 

metaphorically for Rome, and that Peter at the *8 ὡς Χριστιανὸς. iy. 16; and see iv. 14. 


time was a prisoner in Rome; but the doctrine, 


Cuar. IX.] 365 


FIRST EPISTLE OF ST. PETER. 


[a.p. 64] 


Peter had himself preached in those countries, and that he was admonishing his own 
children in the faith. But this can searcely be, for throughout the Epistle there is 
not the faintest trace of his ever haying personally visited them. On the contrary, 
he speaks not of “us who have preached the Gospel to you,” but of “those who have 
preached the Gospel to you.’*? It is much more likely that he was induced to 
address the Epistle to them particularly because they had been evangelized, not by 
himself, but by missionaries acting with his sanction and authority,” for he is careful 
to tell them (and they are the closing words of the Epistle) that the faith in which 
they stood was the true faith.” Sylvanus and Mark were now with Peter and we 
know that both of them had laboured in Asia Minor, and might have been instru- 
mental as the agents of Peter in making the converts to whom the Epistle was 
addressed.*” Another, and not unlikely explanation is, that Peter selected these coun- 
tries in particular as those where the Jews most abounded, for there can be no doubt 
that Jews were extremely numerous in all the provinces named. But if so, why, it 
may be asked, did not the Apostle of the circumcision apply himself to the Christians 
also of Judea and Syria and Cilicia? As for Judea, it was under the charge of its 
own bishop, James, the brother of our Lord; and as for Syria and Cilicia, they were 
both under the Patriarchate of the church of Antioch. The decrees of the Jeru- 
salem Council it will be remembered were sent to the brethren of Antioch and 
Syria and Cilicia, as all comprised under the same jurisdiction.** In Pontus, Galatia, 
Cappadocia, and Bithynia, the churches were not equally advanced in organization, 
and it is observable that Peter designates them as pilgrims dispersed through these 
countries.*2, Why the Apostle should not have included the converts of Greece in his 
letter may be explained not only on the ground that these were chiefly Gentile 
churches, with little of the Jewish element, but also by the fact that at the date of the 
Epistle Paul himself was in that part, and they would be under his personal charge. 

The opening address of the Epistle of Peter is as follows: “ Peter, an Apostle 
of Jesus Christ, to the pilgrims scattered* throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, 
Asia and Bithynia.”* 
enough. The Apostle first enumerates the provinces on the east which were nearest 


The order in which the countries are named is obvious 


to him, and then passes on to the west. By the word “ pilgrims ” must be understood 


27 Mark, see Coloss. iv. 10. 


st Acts xv, 23. 


τῶν εὐαγγελισαμένων ὑμᾶς. 1 Peter i. 12. 


* Τῇ the Textus receptus of 2 Peter iii. 2 (and 
the second Epistle is addressed to the same per- 
sons as the first; see 2 Pet. iii. 1) is the passage 
μνησθῆναι ... τῆς τῶν ἀποστόλων ἡμῶν ἐντόλης, “ to 
remember the injunction of our apostles,” or 
missionaries; and if this reading be correct it 
affords evidence that Peter had not converted 
them by himself but by his envoys. 

9.1 Peter νυ. 12. 

® As to Sylvanus, see Acts xv. 40, and as to 


32 


παρεπιδήμοις διασπορᾶς. 1 Pet. i. 1. 

% It would almost seem from this that the 
Christian churches as organized communities 
had not yet been formed, or where formed had 
been broken up by the persecution. and some 
consider this the reason why Peter addressed 
them. 

‘Pete 1. 


366 [A.p. 64] FIRST EPISTLE OF ST, PETER, [Cuap. IX. 


not the Jews of the dispersion only, but the Christians of Asia Minor, whether Jews 
or Gentiles, and they are designated “ pilgrims,” as sojourning for a time upon 
earth, but whose country was in heaven.*® The disciples to whom he wrote were, in 
fact, in great measure Gentiles, and he so describes them in the Epistle. “Ye, in 
time past were not a people, but are now the people of God, which had not obtained 
mercy, but now have obtained mercy.”*’ And again, “ Ye were as sheep going astray, 
but are now returned unto the Shepherd and Bishop of your souls.”%? And again, 
speaking of Sarah as obedient unto Abraham, he continues, “Of whom ye have been 
made the children, if ye do well, and be not afraid with any amazement.” And in 
another verse, ‘‘ For the time past of our life may suffice us to have wrought the will 
of the Gentiles,”** 

We may also observe that the second Epistle is written to the same correspondents 
as the first, and the prefatory salutation is, ‘Simon Peter, a servant and an apostle 
of Jesus Christ, to them that have obtained like precious faith with us through the 
righteousness of God and our Saviour Jesus Christ,” *’ where the Gentiles are plainly 
referred to as having been admitted by the Gospel to the same privileges with Peter 
and his countrymen. 

Were we to adduce every allusion to the prevailing persecution, we should extract 
the greater part of the Hpistle, as the aim of the writer breathes-in almost every 
line. He bids them rejoice, ‘‘ Though now for a season, if need be, ye are in heaviness 
through manifold temptations ; that the trial of your faith, being much more precious 
than of gold that perisheth, though it be tried with fire, might be found unto praise 
and honour and glory at the appearing of Jesus Christ.” *° And again, “ Having your 
conversation honest among the Gentiles, that whereas they speak against you as evil- 
doers, they may by your good works, which they shall behold, glorify God in the day 
of visitation ;”*' where by the day of visitation (ἡμέρᾳ ἐπισκοπῆς) is to be understood 
the inquisition before the civil magistrate. And again, “ Who is he that will harm you 
if ye be followers of that which is good? but, and if ye suffer for righteousness’ sake, 
happy are ye.” “ For it is better if the will of God be so, that ye suffer for well 
doing than for evil doing.” ** “ Forasmuch, then, as Christ hath suffered for us in the 
flesh, arm yourselves likewise with the same mind.” ** But nothing can be more pointed 
than the following passage: “Beloved, think it not strange ** concerning the fiery 


8° The Apostle uses παρεπιδήμους in this sense $8" Pet. τς 10: ay Retail: 
in ii. 11, and speaks of the days of our pilgrim- $7 7 Pet. 11, 25. #2 7 Pet. iii. 13, 14. 
age (τὸν τῆς παροικίας ὑμῶν χρόνον) in i. 17; and S81) Pet: iv. 3. 48 1 Pet. iii. 17. 
see iv. 2. Παροικία, a temporary sojourn, is op- 89 ΟΌΒΘΙΣ 1. 1 Pet. γ 1- 
posed to κατοικία, a permanent domicile. Thus Ὁ ΕΘ Osun 
παροικεῖ μὲν ὁ σοφὸς ὡς ἐν ξένῃ σώματι αἰσθητῷ, 45. Be not amazed, μὴ ξενίζεσθες. The trial, 


κατοικεῖ δὲ ws ἐν πατρίδι vonrais ἀρεταῖς. Philo therefore, to which the Christians were subject 

de confus. ling. s. 17, and see other passages was not as some suppose any ordinary one, but 

cited in J. B. Lightfoot’s Clemens Romanus, — the “ fiery trial” from the persecution of Nero. 
ΕΣ 

p. 91], 


Cuap. IX.] FIRST EPISTLE OF ST. PETER. [a.p. 64] 367 


trial** which is to try you, as though some strange thing happened unto you; but 
rejoice, inasmuch as ye are partakers of Christ's sufferings, that, when his glory shall 
be revealed, ye may be glad also with exceeding joy. If ye be reproached for the 
name of Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit of glory and of God resteth upon you: on 
their part he is evil spoken of, but on your part he is glorified: but let none of you 
suffer as a murderer, or as a thief, or as an evil-doer, or as a busybody in other men’s 
matters ; yet if any man suffer as a Christian,” let him not be ashamed, but let him 
glorify God on this behalf.” ** 

The first letter was sent by the hands of Sylvanus, while Mark still remained in 
attendance upon the Apostle, which will account for the fact that Mark sends a salu- 
tation in the letter,’ but Sylvanus does not. Babylon, whence the Epistle of Peter 
was dispatched, was beyond the limits of the Roman Empire, and was comprised in 
Parthia. Peter therefore would himself during his sojourn there be secure against 
the edicts of Nero, But the Apostle from his impetuous temper could not shrink 
from the post of danger, and the voice of antiquity is unanimous that Peter suffered 
martyrdom at Rome. Under what circumstances he passed from the remote east to 
Rome, must be left to conjecture. He may have returned from Babylon at the 
natural conclusion of his circuit thither, or hearing that the cause of Christianity 
was in peril in the west, he may have hastened to some Roman province to strengthen 
the brethren by his personal presence, and then have been arrested. As the ringleader 
of the obnoxious Christians, though not like Paul a Roman citizen, he would naturally 
be forwarded as a prisoner to Rome, where the alleged crime of havi ing set fire to the 
city had been committed. Or he may voluntarily have hurried from Babylon to Rome, 
the fountain-head of the persecution, and where it was raging. 

It may have been in his progress from Babylon that Peter wrote his second 
Epistle to the same churches to whom he had addressed the first.°° There are no 
salutations in the second Epistle, either from any community or any individuals. 
and it would seem therefore that Peter at the time was not resident in any great 
city, and that his former companions, Sylvanus and Mark, had both left him. We 
know indeed that Sylvanus had carried the former letter, and accordingly it contained 
no salutation from him, but only from Mark, and as the second Epistle contains no 
salutation from Mark, we may conclude that Mark himself was the bearer of the second 
letter. It is remarkable that the latter Epistle makes but indistinct allusions to the 
persecution. He tells them only that ‘The Lord knoweth how to deliver the godly out 
of their trial,” δ᾽ and exhorts them not to “ Fall away from their steadfastness.” But 


© πυρώσει πρὸς πειρασμόν. Allusion may here 4 1 Pet. iv. 12-16. 
be made to the burnings of the Christians, as Ὁ 1 Pet. y. 15: 
related by Tacitus. See ante, p. 360. * 2 Pet. iii. 1. 

“ Tt was therefore a crime to bear the name δι ἐκ πειραομοῦ. 2 Pet. ii. 9. 
of Christ, but this was not the case until the @ 2 Pet. id. 17. 


edicts of Nero after the fire at Rome. 


[a.p. 64] SECOND EPISTLE OF ST. PETER. [Cuap. 1X. 


this silence may haye arisen from his having so fully handled the subject in his former 
Epistle. He seems, however, to have hada foreboding that his own end was approach- 
ing, and that he was soon to fulfil the prophecy of his Lord. The solemn injunction, 
“Feed my sheep,” was still ringing in the Apostle’s ears—‘‘ When thou shalt be old 
thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, and another shall gird thee and bear thee (οἴσει), 
whither thou wouldest not;”** for he writes. “I think it meet, as long as I am in 
this tabernacle, to stir you up by putting you in remembrance, knowing that shortly 
I must put off this my tabernacle, even as our Lord Jesus Christ hath showed me.”** 

We cannot pass over the affectionate terms in which Peter, in this Epistle, speaks 
of his fellow-labourer in the same vineyard, the Apostle of the Gentiles. ‘“‘ Account,” 
he says, “that the long-suffering of our. Lord is salvation, even as our beloved brother 
Paul also according to the wisdom given unto him hath written unto you.”® It is 
evident from this passage that Paul was still living, and that if ever there had existed 
an unfriendly feeling betwixt them, they had long since embraced as. brothers. 

Shortly after the dispatch of the second Epistle Peter arrived at Rome, and, 
according to the general tradition, was crucified there in the Vatican, the scene of 
the other martyrdoms, with his head downwards. It is commonly reported by the 
later fathers that the Apostle besought this mode of execution, as not being worthy 
to suffer in the same posture with his Divine Master, but the practice of crucifying 
with the head downwards was not uncommon amongst the Romans, and was a mark 
of ignominy, and on that account no doubt adopted on this occasion. It is said that 
the two great Apostles, Peter and Paul, were together at Rome, and if so, the mar- 
tyrdom of Peter must be placed some time during Paul’s second imprisonment, which 
was from the latter part of a.p. 65 to the middle of 4.p. 66.°° 


& 


John xxi. 18. 

2 Pet..i. 12-14. 

2 Pet. iii. 15. 

See Fasti Sacri, p. 886, No. 1980. Little is 
known of the latter part of the life of Peter. In 
A.D. 44 he was imprisoned by Agrippa I. at 
Jerusalem, and miraculously delivered, Acts xii. 
3, when it is said he went to “another place,” 
eis ἕτερον τόπον, Acts xil. 17. But four years 
after this, viz. in A D. 48,and therefore long after 
the death of Agrippa I., he was again at Jeru- 
salem, and was present at a council there in that 
year. Acts xy. 7; Fasti Sacri, p. 288, No. 1799. 
And again, in 4.D. 58, with Paul and Barnabas, 
when the leading Apostles, James the Bishop of 
Jerusalem, and Peter and John entered into the 
compact with Paul and Barnabas that the two 
latter should be recognized as the Apostles of the 
Gentiles, while Peter and John addressed them- 
selves to the Jews. Galat. 11. 9; Fasti Saeri, 
p. 800, No. 1795. In a.p. 57, when Paul wrote 


oO »» 


& 


the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Fasti Sacri, 
p- 308, No. 1836), Peter had still no fixed resi- 
dence, but was engaged in making circuits. 
“Have we not power to lead about a believing 
woman as well as the other Aposties, and as the 
brethren of the Lord and Cephas 2?” 1 Cor. ix. 5; 
and some urge from the passage, “‘ Every one of 
you saith, Iam of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I 
of Cephas, and I of Christ’ (1 Cor. i. 12), that 
Peter had then recently visited Corinth, but the 
existence of a Jewish party at Corinth, who 
claimed to be the followers of Peter, does not 
prove this, nor is it likely that Peter himself had 
been present. It might as well be argued that 
Christ himself had been there as there was also 
a party “of Christ” at Corinth. When Paul 
asks, “ Who, then, is Paul, and who is Apollos, 
but ministers by whom he believed ?” 1 Cor. iii. 
5; and when again Paul writes, “I have planted 
and Apollos watered,” 1 Cor. iii. 6, it is clearly 
implied from the omi sion of Peter’s name that 


-Cuap. 1Χ.] ST. PAUL ARRESTED AT TROAS. [a.p. 65] 369 


We now return to the Apostle of the Gentiles. When we last parted from him 
he had just arrived at Troas, about the middle of a.p. 65. The Neronian persecution 
had gradually extended itself in concentric circles from Rome into the provinces, 
and at Troas it overtook the Apostle. It is certain that he was sent to Rome a 
prisoner a second time from some part of Asia Minor, and the only question is, 
whether his arrest was at Ephesus itself, from which he sailed, or in some other city. 
The evidence of Ignatius, who flourished in the latter half of the first century, is 
not unimportant upon this point. Ignatius, himself a martyr, was conveyed in 
bonds from Antioch of Syria, of which he was bishop, by way of Ephesus to Rome ; 
and in writing to the Ephesians he thus assimilates himself to the Apostle Paul: 


Paul and Apollos only had published the Gospel 
at Corinth. In a.p. 58 Peter certainly was not 
at Rome, or he would have been alluded to 
amongst the extraordinary number of salutations 
at the close of the Epistle to the Romans written 
in that year from Corinth. Fasti Sacri, p. 313, 
No. 1854. Nor was he at Rome in a.p. 61-63, 
for during that period Paul was a prisoner there 
and sent numerous salutations from the Chris- 
tians of Rome in the Epistles to the Colossians 
and Philemon and Philippians, but in none of 
them makes any allusion to Peter. From the 
compact at Jerusalem in a.p. 53 that Paul 
should address himself to the Gentiles, and 
Peter to the Jews, we should infer that while 
Paul proposed to visit the extreme west, viz. 
Spain (fom. xy. 28), Peter proposed to pursue 
his ministry towards the extreme east, viz. Baby- 
lon, where the Jews abounded; and accordingly 
at the date of the First Epistle of Peter, which 
we should place after the outbreak of the Chris- 
tian persecution under Nero, ap. 64, we find 
him at Babylon (1 Pet. ν. 18), and both Sylvanus 
and Mark were then with him. 1 Pet. y. 12, 13. 
Sylvanus, who had joined Paul on his second 
circuit, and had accompanied him up to Jerusa- 
lem at the time of the compact, probably attached 
himself to Peter when the meeting at Jerusalem 
broke up. Mark, who had gone with Paul and 
Barnabas on their first circuit as far as Perga 
(Acts xiii. 13), and was the companion of Bar- 
nabas on his second cireuit (Acts xy. 39), had 
afterwards been reconciled to Paul, and was 
with him at Rome during the first imprison- 
ment, A.D. 61-63 (Coloss. iv. 10, Philem. v. 24), 
but was intending to proceed to Asia Minor, and 
to visit Colossee (Coloss. iv. 10), apparently en 
route to join Peter at Babylon, where we find 
Mark at the dute of Peter’s first Epistle. It is 
possible that Mark may have exercised his minis- 


VOL, Il. 


try, by the way, in “ Pontus, Galatia, Cappa- 
docia, Asia, and Bithynia,” until the persecution 
reached those provinces, and may then have 
carried the tidings to Peter at Babylon, and 
caused the dispatch of Peter's first Epistle to 
those couutries. 

That Peter suffered martyrdom at Rome is 
attested by a number of witnesses: Clem. Rom. 
ce. 5; Lactantius de Mortib. Persecut. ο. 2; Dio- 
nysius of Corinth, Euseb. ii. 25; Irenseus adv. 
Heres. iii. 1; Tertullian Scorpiac. 15; Origen 
ap. Euseb. iii. 1; Caius Presbyter Euseb. ii. 25; 
Euseb. himself, ib.; and Demonst. Evang. lib. iii. 
ὁ. 5. But under what circumstances, or at what 
precise time he came to Rome, is merely matter 
of surmise. He certainly did not plant the 
church at Rome, and was never bishop of it, 
and apparently he never resided there, or ever 
made a circuit im that direction, but, on the 
contrary, was employed in the East. Like Paul, 
he may have been sent thither as a prisoner, and 
put to death shortly afterwards. 

According to the Predicatio Pauli, ascribed 
to the second century, Peter and Paul met at 
Rome. Liber qui inscribitur Pauli Preedicatio, 
in quo libro . . . invenies post tanta tempora 
Petrum et Paulum, post conlationem evangelii 
in Hierusalem et mutuam altereationem et rerum 
agendarum dispositionem, postremo in urbe, quasi 
tune primum invicem sibi esse cognitos. Cypriat 
ed. Rigattius, p. 139, cited by Wieseler, Chronol. 
Apost. 569. 1f this be so, the meeting could not 
have been before the latter half of A.p. 65, when 
Paul was again a prisoner at Rome. The pro- 
bable date of the martyrdom of Peter is at the 
close of A.p. 65. See Fasti Sacri, 336, No. 1980. 
All evidence is against the assumption that 
he had resided at Rome for any length of time 
previously. See the question discussed (inter 
alios) by Wieseler, Chronol. Apost. p. 552. 

3B 


370 [a.p. 65] ST. PAUL SENT TO EPHESUS. [Cuar. IX. 


“Ye are the thoroughfare (πάροδος) of those that are slain for God’s sake, the co- 
religionists of Paul the holy, the martyr, the blessed, in whose footsteps may it be 
my lot to be found.”*’ Here Ignatius speaks of Ephesus as the city through which 
the martyrs were forwarded to Rome; and as he refers to Paul and himself as 
examples, the inference is that Paul had been arrested somewhere in Asia, and had 
passed through Ephesus on his way to the Imperial city. 

We are led to assume that Paul was put under arrest while he was at Troas, 
as. on this supposition, and not otherwise, can be satisfactorily explained the fact that 
Paul was obliged to leave at Troas with Carpus (at whose house he had lodged) his 
cloak, and books, and parchments. The warmth of the weather might induce him to 
throw aside his cloak, but how, except under some urgent pressure, could he have 
parted with such necessary accompaniments for his missionary labours as the books 
and parchments? the former of which, as we understand them, were the Law and the 
Prophets, some in Hebrew and some in the Septuagint (for the Apostle quotes both 
versions), and the parchments or manuscripts were copies of the Gospels of Matthew 
and Luke (for Mark and John had not yet written), intended for distribution amongst 
the converts, and also the transcripts of his own Epistles written to the various 
churches, and their letters to himself. How could Paul have parted with all these, 
except under the most dire necessity, more particularly when he was bound for 
Ephesus (as announced in his letter to Timothy),°* where he expected to encounter 
the Gnostics and other heretics, against whom he had so earnestly warned Timothy a 
few months before? But if the Apostle, on his way to Ephesus, was intercepted by 
violence and put under arrest, the whole is intelligible, as under such circumstances 
he would naturally confide his most precious books and manuscripts to the care of 
some faithful disciple, like Carpus, until they should again be wanted, or could be 
received by the Apostle without endangering their safety. 

The particulars of Paul’s apprehension are conjectural; but we should imagine 
that the prime movers in the accusation against him were his old adversaries, who 
pursued him through life, the Jews, for he afterwards wrote to Timothy: “I am 
appointed a preacher and an apostle and a teacher of the Gentiles, for the which cause I 
also suffer these things”, ®® as much as to say, the Jews cannot endure that the Gentiles 
should be placed on an equality with themselves, and hence the rancour that has 
followed me throughout, and now hath conimitted me once more to prison. The 
charge brought against him was simply the profession of Christianity, for since the 
edicts of Nero arising out of the fire of Rome this of itself was made a criminal act ; 
not that the Christians out of Rome could have had any complicity in the alleged 
incendiarism, but they were accused, from their unsocial habits, of an enmity against 
the whole human race, and therefore as haying the will, though not the power, to 


ὅτ πάροδός ἐστε τῶν εἰς Θεὸν ἀναιρουμένων, Παύ- Ignat. Ep. ad Ephes. 12. 
Rov συμμύσται τοῦ ἡγιασμένου, TOU μεμαρτυρημένου, 8 ] Tim. iii. 14; iv. 13. 
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Cuar. IX.] ST. PAUL IMPRISONED AT EPHESUS. [a.p. 65] 371 


perpetrate a similar atrocity. Hence the Apostle speaks of himself as now wearing 
his chain as “a malefactor.” Ὁ 

Paul was arrested at Troas, but he was not to be tried at Troas. The residence of 
the Proconsul was at Ephesus, and there was the seat of judicature. To Ephesus, 
therefore, Paul was sent in bonds, accompanied by such companions as happened to 
be with him, and who at this time were Titus, Tychicus, Erastus, Demas, Luke, and 
Crescens."! 

That Paul was incarcerated at Ephesus we may collect from scattered hints in the 
last Epistle that he ever wrote, the second Epistle to Timothy, and more particularly 
from his allusion to the services there of the good Onesiphorus. “In how many ἢ 
things he ministered unto me at Ephesus thou knowest very well.”*’ But, further, 
there is an ancient tradition to this effect, which is the more entitled to respect as 
not prompted by any recorded fact of Paul’s imprisonment at Ephesus (for it is 
nowhere expressly mentioned), but must be traced to some other source, and to what 
other source than the truth? To this day is pointed out, on the site of the city, 
at the south-west, on Mount Prion, a tower in which the Apostle is said to have 
been incarcerated. ‘ 

The Proconsul of Asia, at this time, was a man of singular probity, one of the 
purest characters of the age, Barea Soranus. His popularity in the province formed 
a striking contrast to the universal execration of the Emperor himself. While Nero 
was plunging into the most detestable debaucheries, Soranus was gaining golden 
opinions by the execution of public works of utility. He was now engaged in 
clearing the port of Ephesus, which, by the accretion of soil accumulated by the 
Cayster and the mountain streams, had become almost useless to navigation. Instead 
of peculation and extortion, the usual concomitants of the Proconsulate, Soranus had 
shown a tender regard for vested rights, and viewed with pain the depredations com- 
mitted by the orders of his master. Acratus, the Emperor’s freedman, had been 
lately sent into Asia to ransack even the temples of the gods for the finest statues 
and paintings, to adorn the magnificent palace which Nero was now constructing at 
Rome, and at Pergamus an affray had occurred between the imperial commissioner and 
the citizens, but Soranus, instead of avenging the insult, had made allowances for 
the provocation, and suffered the offenders to escape with impunity.” 

It was not likely that such a Prefect would countenance or encourage the 
persecution against the unoffending Christians. However, he was bound to administer 


60 


κακοπαθῶ μέχρι δεσμῶν, ὡς κακοῦργος. 2 Tim. when they arrived there is matter of conjecture ; 

me WE but the text assumes that they were Paul's com- 
ὃ Erastus accompanied Paul on his voyage as panions from Troas, and accompanied him to 

far as Corinth (2 Tim. iv. 20), and Titus, Ty- Rome. 

chicus, Demas, Luke, and Crescens, were all with 2 Tim: 1. 19: 

the Apostle at Rome at the conclusion of his 8 Tac. Ann. xvi. 23. 

voyage. 2 Tim. iv. 10,11, 12,20. But how or 


372 [A.D. 65] ST. PAUL SENT TO ROME. [Cuap, IX. 


the law as it stood, and when in pursuance of the Emperor’s edicts, an information 
was regularly laid before him, he could not avoid compliance with the Imperial orders. 

The indictment against Paul was brought to a hearing before the Proconsul. His 
accusers were the Jews, and their chief organ was Alexander the coppersmith, the 
same Alexander who ten years before, at the riot of Demetrius and the silversmiths, 
had stood forward as their spokesman to exculpate his own nation and heap oppro- 
brium on his antagonist,"* and who afterwards prosecuted the impeachment of the 
Apostle at Rome. The charge of Christianity (which by the edicts of Nero was made 
a crime) could not be denied, and Paul was condemned or about to be so, when either 
Paul, who as a Roman citizen was entitled to appeal from the tribunal of the Pro- 
consul to Cesar, again asserted his privilege, or Soranus, unwilling to imbrue his 
own hands in the blood of an innocent man, instead of delivering judgment himself, 
adopted the course afterwards pursued by Pliny on a similar occasion in Bithynia," 
and of his own accord remitted a case, where the life of a Roman citizen was 
implicated, to the hearing of the Emperor. Whatever were the circumstances, Paul 
was again ordered to the great western capital, and as Soranus’s period of office 
expired about the same period, they may both have sailed in the same vessel to 
perish by the same fate in the following summer.” 

Timothy, when Paul the preceding year had crossed over to Crete, had been 
stationed at Ephesus; and on Paul’s return from Crete to Ephesus, on his way to 
Macedonia, had again been left in charge of that church, and now, on Paul’s 
embarkation for Rome, Timothy, as standing highest in the Apostle’s esteem, received 
the Apostle’s instructions to supply his place in watching over so important a 
community as that of the capital of Proconsular Asia. They now embraced each 
other for the last time. They never met again in this world, and Timothy, with a 
sad foreboding that such would be the case, wept bitterly. The parting was a 
mournful one, and lived in the memories of both. Paul in his last Epistle thus 
alludes to the scene :—“I thank God, whom I save from my forefathers, that without 
ceasing I have remembrance of thee in my prayers night and day, greatly desiring to see 
thee, being mindful of thy tears that I may be filled with joy.” 

Paul had many companions on his voyage to Rome, as Titus, Tychicus, Erastus, 
Demas, Luke, Crescens, and Trophimus the Ephesian." 

At what precise period of the year Paul, as a prisoner, set sail, can only be 
surmised. He had passed the winter of a.p. 64-65 at Nicopolis, in Epirus, and 
would therefore leave it about March. If, as we suppose, he evangelized Dalmatia in 


δ. Acts xix. 89. tianity. See Fasti Sacri, p. 839, No. 1990. 

55. Ὁ Tim. iv. 14. CeO Πη τῆς 1. ΘΕ: 

66 Plin. Epist. x 97. °° Trophimus was left behind sick at Miletus, 
] 1 


7 Soranus was put to death for his virtues by 2 Tim. iy. 20. As to the others, see note ante, 
Nero in a.p. 66 (Tac. Ann. xvi. 23), and it isnot note “1, 
improbable that he was even a convert to Chris- 


Cuap. IX.] ST. PAUL SENT TO ROME. [a.p. 65] 373 


the spring, and then spent some time amongst the churches of Macedonia as at 
Thessalonica and Philippi, he would not reach Troas until about Midsummer. At 
Troas he was put under arrest, and then must have followed the usual delays 
of the law, first at Troas itself and again at Ephesus, and at the latter place his 
imprisonment must have been of some duration, for the services of Onesiphorus in 
the course of it were of sufficient importance to call for the Apostle’s grateful 
acknowledgments.” We should say then that Paul commenced his voyage a little 
before the winter of a.p. 65-66, and this is confirmed by the route taken, for he did 
not, as before, make the whole passage by sea, but crossed the Isthmus of Corinth, 
the usual track to Rome, at a season when the circumnavigation of the Morea would, 
from the broken weather, be attended with risk. 

Paul on his way from Ephesus to Rome passed through or touched at Miletus, a 
port lying at the distance of thirty-six miles from Ephesus toward the south. 
Hither, the port of Ephesus being under repair,” the mercantile traffic was for 
a season transferred to Miletus, and Paul journeyed thither by land before embarking, 
or else, the ship by which he was a passenger, having sailed from Ephesus, put in at 
Miletus for some purposes of trade before crossing the Hgean. At Miletus Trophimus 
fell ill, and proceeded no further. “Trophimus,” Paul afterwards writes to Timothy, 
“T left behind me at Miletus sick.”*? The vessel pursued its course from Miletus 
to Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth, where the passengers disembarked and 
journeyed by land to Corinth. Here Erastus, who was a native of that city, and 
had been chamberlain of it,” parted from the Apostle, and proceeded no further. 
“ Erastus,” writes Paul, “abode at Corinth.”" As the mention of Erastus’s stopping 
at Corinth is not accompanied with any mark of disapprobation, we may conclude 
that it was with the full sanction of the Apostle himself. His presence in the 
Corinthian church might be of more service to the cause of Christianity than his 
companionship of the Apostle on the voyage to Rome. 

From Corinth Paul and his company took the road to Lecheum, the western 
port and therefore passed through the western gate of Corinth (conspicuous for the 
two gilt chariots of Phebus and Phaeton, with which it was surmounted), and 
traversed the narrow strip enclosed between the two long walls which connected the 
capital with the port.° At Lecheum™ they again took ship and steered for Aulon, 
the port of Illyria, screened by the Acroceraunian mountains,” and the- common 


woe πητηὶ 1: 18: τ The port of Lecheum is now choked up, 
τι Tac. Ann. xvi. 23. It is a significant cir- and has become a mere lagoon. 
cumstance, confirmatory of the decline of Ephe- τ When I passed the Acroceraunia some years 
sus as a port, that in A.p. 58 Paul sailed by ago they presented a singular appearance, being 
Ephesus and put in at Miletus. wrapped in clouds resembling huge fleeces of 
@ 2 Tim. iv. 20. wool and perfectly motionless, while in the sky 
73 Nom. xvi. 23. itself not a cloud was to be seen, but only a 
τε 2 Tim. iy. 20. glaring sun. 


τὸ Pausan. Corinth. ii. 3. 


374 [a.p. 65] ST. PAUL SENT TO ROME. [Cuap, IX. 


resting-place on the way to Italy. From Aulon they would cross to Brundisium, 
and thence follow the Via Appia (fig. 304) until they reached the Porta Capena of 


Vig. 304.— Remains of two columns murking the commencement of the fumous Appian Way leading from the port 
of Brundisium to Rome. 


Rome. The portals of Rome, from the late attempt on the life of the Emperor,” 
were carefully guarded ; but the centurion and his company who had charge of 


” προσῆσαν οὖν ταῖς πύλαις, οἱ δὲ ἐφεστῶτες οὐδὲν ἠρώτων. Philost. iv. 39. 


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: 


CHAPTER X. 


Paul's First Trial—He writes the Second Epistle to Timothy—His Second Trial, and 
Martyrdom. 


No more to tread the desert’s burning sand, 
Or climb the pass where mountain snows congeal! 
No more to brave the robber’s ruftian band, 
Or plough the stormy seas with treacherous keel! 
No more the ignominious lash to feel, 
Or drag the galling chain!—Now dawns the day 
That sets to long-tried faith the welcome seal, 
And lightened of its weary load of clay, 
The spirit rests with Him who “ wipes all tears away.” 
Anon. 


Pav once again, and as a captive, was within the mighty capital. But what a 
change was everywhere visible! Around was a scene of devastation, the effects of 
the late calamitous fire, and from the midst of the ruins was rising the stately palace 
of Nero, called the Golden, an ominous meteor amid the surrounding gloom.’ In the 
front stood or was in course of erection a colossal statue of Nero, 120 feet high, 
and before it a splendid portico, with a treble row of columns, extending a mile in 
length. In the interior of the Palace were collected the most beautiful statues 
and paintings, rifled from the Temples of the Gods in Europe, Asia, and Africa, and 
even from the shrine of Apollo at Delphi which had been violated without remorse, to 
gratify the Emperor’s vanity.2_ Round about the Palace, where before a dense popu- 
lation had been crowded into narrow alleys, were now in the heart of the city, a 
spacious park, and lake and woods, in short, a rural landscape.’ 

Paul, as a prisoner who had exercised the right of appeal to the Emperor in 
person at Rome, was delivered over to the Imperial body-guard.* The cohort 
on duty, i.e. the band of the Pretorians in actual attendance, was quartered within 


1 The palace, as the fire occurred only two 3 Suet. Nero, 31. Plin. N. H. xxxiii. 16; 
years before, was no doubt at this time ina very xxxvi. 2,4,5. The palace was taken down by 
unfinished state. Vespasian, and on the site of the lake was 


2 Pausan. Phocic. x. 19,1; Plin. N. H. xxxvi. erected the Colosseum, so called from the colos- 
4,11. Itis believed that the Venus de Medicis, sal statue of Nero which stood near the spot. 
the Apollo Belvedere, and the Laocoon were all Martial. de Spectac. Epig. ii. 
the spoils of Nero, as they were found in one or * See ante, p. 236. 
other of his palaces. 


ST. PAUL AT ROME. 


376 [a.p. 65] [CHap. X. 


the precincts of the Palace, and to their barrack captives, as they arrived from the 
Paul, on his first imprisonment, had been 
But since then the Imperial 


provinces, were wont to be conveyed. 
taken to the Pretorian barrack on the Palatine hill. 
residence, hallowed by the occupation of Augustus and his successors, had been burnt 
to the ground in the general conflagration, and Nero’s gorgeous structure, the 
Golden Palace, occupied the Coelian and Esquiline hills.? Thither Paul was conducted, 
and now formally transferred to the Prefects of the Pretorium. 

The excellent Burrhus (the Prefect of the Preetortum at Paul’s first imprison- 
ment), had expired four years before,® and Tigellinus and Fenius Rufus were his 
successors. Rufus had since lost his life as a conspirator against the Emperor, 
and Nymphidius Sabinus had been substituted in his place," but he was a mere 
shadow, and Tigellinus was recognised as the sole Prefect.* He was unhappily the 
profligate abettor and coadjutor of all Nero’s dissipation and reckless atrocities, and 
the bitter enemy and persecutor of the Christians. Paul before had been left com- 
paratively at liberty, and had been permitted, coupled to a soldier, to dwell in his 
own apartments, but now he was ordered into close confinement. During his first 
imprisonment his house was open to all comers, but now it was with difficulty that 
his prison could be discovered, and the Apostle speaks in grateful terms of Onesi- 
phorus, who when at Rome, “sought him out very diligently, and found him.”® 
Paul was thus not absolutely debarred from intercourse, if friends had the moral 
courage to search out his retreat ; and we may well suppose that his immediate com- 
panions, and also many of the Roman church, as Eubulus, and Pudens, and Claudia, 
and Linus (afterwards bishop of Rome), all mentioned in the second Epistle to 
Timothy, were assiduous in administering to his comfort.'® 

The winter was the legal vacation at Rome," and some months would, therefore, 
elapse before Paul’s case could be heard; and during this dreary interval, the 
Apostle, though absent in the body, was still present in mind amongst his beloved 
churches, watching the pulsation of each community, and administering balsams to 
He could not visit them himself, but as he had brought 
with him many trusty followers, as if for the very purpose of providing for such 


their spiritual grievances. 


contingencies, he now dispatched them with the necessary credentials and instrue- 
tions to the various churches which more especially required support. Titus was 


ὃ Nero, even before the great fire, had carr.ed 
his palace from the Palatine hill across the Via 
Sacra to the Esquiline and called it the Domus 
Transitoria. This was destroyed by the fire, 
and rebuilt and extended by the name of the 
Domus Aurea. Domum a Palatio Esquilias 
usque fecit, quam primo Transitoriam, mox in- 
cendio absumptam restitutamque Aureum no- 
minavit. Suet. Nero, 31. 

δ Fasti Sacri, p. 826, No. 1919. 


7 Fasti Sacri, p. 5990, Nos. 1967, 1968. 

ἢ ΨΤιγελλῖνος γὰρ, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸ ξίφος ἦν τοῦ Νέρωνος. 
Philost. Vit. Apoll. iv. 42. 

5 ΠΤ τη ἢ 10: 

10. (Quibusdam custodiz traditis non modo stu- 
dendi solatium ademptum, sed etiam sermonis 
et colloquii usus. Suet. Tib. 61. This is men- 
tioned as an instance of the ernelty of Tiberius. 

1 Suet. Galb. 14; Claud. 23; Aug. 82. 


Cuar, X.] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.v. 66] 377 


sent by him to Dalmatia, a country which the year before he had assisted Paul in 
evangelizing, and Crescens, who probably was no stranger to the Galatians, but had 
accompanied the Apostle’s last visit amongst them, was commissioned to Galatia. 
Tychicus, who was himself an Ephesian, was dispatched to Ephesus,’” and the object, 
which is not stated, was perhaps to take the place of Timothy, who was summoned 
to the Apostle at Rome. The lukewarm Demas, instead of being stimulated to 
exertion by the approach of danger, basely drew back, and abandoning the ship 
now amongst breakers, provided for his personal safety by returning to his native 
city. ‘“Demas,” writes the Apostle, “hath forsaken me, having loved this present 
world, and is departed into Thessalonica—Crescens to Galatia—Titus unto Dal- 
matia.” 8 

Paul now had parted with all his ordinary companions, except Luke.'* A cheerful 
ray, however, gleamed across his prison by the arrival of Onesiphorus. This warm- 
hearted disciple having occasion to follow the Apostle from Ephesus to Rome, had taken 
extraordinary pains to discover his retreat, and having with difficulty met with him 
(for no one could avow himself a Christian without peril), was assiduous in rendering 
assistance. Paul gratefully acknowledges his kindness in the following passage to 
Timothy: “The Lord give mercy unto the house of Onesiphorus, for he oft refreshed 
me, and was not ashamed of my chains; but when he was in Rome, he sought me out 
very diligently, and found me (the Lord grant unto him that he may find mercy of the 
Lord in That day!).”'* The sojourn of Onesiphorus at Rome was short, and Paul 
was once more left to his own meditations, and the services of the faithful Luke. 

The spring of a.p. 66 had begun, and the day of trial was now at hand. We 
would fain gratify the reader’s curiosity by a full narrative, but we have no guide 
but a few incidental allusions in the Apostle’s last Epistle. From the expression, 
“1 was delivered out of the mouth of the lion,” it has been supposed that Nero him- 
self presided. It is the very metaphor which, some years before, had been applied 
to Tiberius, when the intelligence of the tyrant’s demise was communicated to the 
elder Agrippa, ‘“ The Zion is dead.”'® It would also be difficult, on any other assump- 
* tion, to find the literal fulfilment of the prophetic announcement made to Paul by 
Ananias at the time of his conversion, “that Paul should bear the Lord’s name 
before the Gentiles and kings,’ '’ for the only kings that could be referred to are 
Agrippa and Nero. 

It may, perhaps, be thought strange that an Emperor should undergo the fatigues 
of a judicial office, but such from the first had been the Roman constitution. The 


2 2 Tim. iv. 12. ever, Paul may have alluded to the deliverance 
18°29) Tim: iv: 10). of Daniel from the lions, or to his own deliver- 
4 2 Tim. iv. 11. ance from the Jions in the amphitheatre, a com- 


16 2 Tim. i. 16-18. We may conclude from mon punishment of Christians, or he may be 
this passage that Paul was kepta prisoner forno merely citing Psalm xxi. 22, where the same 
little time before his trial. words occur, 

16 Τέθνηκεν ὁ λέων. Jos. Ant. xviii. 6,10. How- ” Acts ix. 15. 

VOL. I. 90 


378 [a.p. 66] [Cuar. X. 


TRIALS BY THE EMPERORS. 


Emperor for the time being was the chief magistrate, and though he might, and 
often did, appoint a deputy, he was frequently during the law terms seen presiding 
In person. 

Julius Cesar was indefatigable, and dealt out a stern impartial justice.” 

Augustus was also assiduous, but ever leaning to the side of mercy.’® From th 
advice of Mecenas to him, and which in substance was followed, we may collect 
what, in his time, were the limits of the Emperor’s jurisdiction. He heard appeals 
from the chief magistrates at Rome, and from the Prefects of Provinces. whether 
Proconsuls or Propretors. Original causes also were brought before him, where they 
involved the life or character of a senator or person of rank. It was also Macenas’s 
advice that when the Emperor sat, he should be assisted by a jury of the most dis- 
tinguished senators or knights, with some consulars or pretorians, viz those who 
had passed the chair of the consulship or pretorship,”” and accordingly Augustus 
selected a kind of privy council to assist him in his judicial functions,” consisting of 
the two consuls, a queestor, a pretor, an edile and fifeeen senators,” who held the 
office for six months.% The tribunal when Augustus sat in person was in the 
palace,™ in the temple of Apollo. 

Tiberius, the successor of Augustus, not only presided himself,” but also aided 
the senate and the judges in the discharge of their duties,’ and in important cases 
was attended by a jury of assessors.” 

Caligula did the same,”* but he had no relish for the judicial office, and narrowed 
the circle of the Imperial functions by hearing domestic appeals from the Senate 
only,”? and declaring that the decisions of the magistrates of Rome should be final, 


without any appeal *° 


The practice of Claudius was just the reverse, for he was never so well pleased as 
when he occupied the tribunal, most commonly in the forum, but occasionally else- 
where.*! He assumed the jurisdiction of hearing original causes, as had been done by 
Augustus, and allowed freely appeals to himself both from the Senate, and the 


magistrates at home, and the Prefects abroad.*? He was also assisted by a jury or 


council.** 


The youthful and dissolute Nero, with whom we are more immediately concerned, 


8 Jus laboriosissime ac seyerissime dixit. Suet. 
Jul. 48 

Suet. Octav. 33,72, 97; Tib. 8; Dion, 1111. 21; 
lv. 275; lvii. 7. 

20 Dion, 111. 33. 

*t Dion, 1111, 21; Suet. Octav. 35; and see 
Zonaras, x. 33. 

2 Dion, liii. 21; li. 33. 

*S Dion, 1111. 21; Suet. Octav. 35. 

24 Dion, lv. 27. 

SA MURR ΑἸΤΙ ΠῚ at ΤΣ able, ὩΣ 


36 Tac, Ann. i. 75; Suet. ΤΊ. 33. 

27 Suet. Tib. 55; Dion, Ivii. 7. 

38. ἐδίκαζε καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ μετὰ πάσης τῆς γερουσίας. 
Dion, lix. 18. 

59. Dion, lix. 18. 

% Suet. Calig. 16. 

31 Dion, Ix. 4. 

82 Dion, Ix. 4, 25, 83; Suet. Claud. 12, 14, 15, 
33; Seneca’s ᾿Αποκολοκ. 

58. Dione 151. 11}: 


Cuap. X.] FIRST TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [a.p. 66] 379 


though he may generally have exercised his jurisdiction through a deputy, yet 
frequently heard causes in person. At the very outset of his reign he gave out 
that he would observe the régime of Augustus,** and he informed the Senate, in a 
speech written for him by Seneca, that he would resign in their favour the jurisdic- 
tion over Italy, and the Senatorian, as opposed to the Imperial, provinces,® but this 
was an artifice to gain popularity, and the purpose having been answered, his promise 
was forgotten.*° Subsequently he divested himself of some part of his appellate 
jurisdiction, by directing appeals in civil causes (a judicibus) to be carried to the 
senate,*’ and such appeals, in respect of fees and costs, were put on the same footing 
as appeals to the Emperor.** Nero, however, still heard appeals in criminal cases, 
such as that of Paul, more particularly if the accusation contained a count of 
treason. 

It had been customary before his time, when several indictments relating to the 
same matter were brought by different accusers against the same person, or the issues 
were otherwise connected, that all the counts should be heard together, but as this 
rendered the trial somewhat complicated, and often of a tedious length, Nero adopted 
the course of taking each indictment separately. 

There were more charges than one against Paul, and they seem to have been 
disposed of at different periods. The accusation first heard was that of Alexander 
the coppersmith. 

The circumstances of the trial are not recorded, but if Nero presided, we can 
picture to ourselves, what in all probability was the scene. Nero at this time was in 
his twenty-ninth year. His face, which had been handsome, and of which the 
features were regular, was disfigured by blotches, the effects of intemperance. He 
was of good stature, but his slender legs were now disproportioned to the corpulence 
of his person.*” Though fantastically dressed at other times, yet on the occasion of 
a solemn trial like the present, he would wear the Imperial purple. He was preceded 
by twelve lictors, with the fasces, and was attended by a numerous German guard. 

Nero took his seat on the tribunal ; and on the subsellia, or lower benches, at his 
side, were ranged the judices, or jurors, the magnates of Rome, of Consular or Prae- 
torian dignity. Each juror was provided with three tablets, one of which was 
marked with the letter A, Absolvo, or Not guilty. another with the letter C, Con- 
demno, or Guilty, and the third with the letters N. L. Non liquet, or Adjournment 
for further investigation (fig. 305). 

Paul was now brought into a crowded court, where was assembled a motley group, 


* Ex prescripto Augusti imperaturum se. 38 Tac. Amn. xiv. 28. 

Suet. Nero, 10. 89. Τῇ cognoscendo morem eum tenuit, ut, con- 
35. Tac. Ann. xiii. 4. tinuis actionibus omissis singillatim queeque per 
35. Tac, Ann. xiii. 33. vices ageret. Suet. Nero, 15. 
* Ut omnes appellationes a judicibus ad se- * Suet. Nero, 51. 


natum fierent. Suet. Nero, 17. 


9σ 2 


FIRST TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [Cuap. X. 


380 [a.p. 66] 


composed of various nations. Besides the Emperor and the jurors, and the German 
Imperial guard, there were amongst the audience Greeks and Jews from Ephesus, 
with a promiscuous multitude gathered from the four corners of the earth. 


Morell, 


Fig. 305.—Coin of Q. Cassius. 


Obv. Head of Liberty with the legend Libert. Q. Cassius.—Rev. Temple with the curule chair of judgment in the interior, 


and on the right the voting paper with the letters A. C. (Absolvo, Conden.no), and on the left the ballot box into which the 


votes were thrown. 


Alexander the coppersmith. who had come with his witnesses to prosecute the 
indictment, and who had bestowed the greatest pains in preparing the case, was now 
a most vindictive prosecutor, while Paul, on the other hand, was, in his utmost need, 
deserted“! He had no advocate to argue his cause, and he was not supported by 
those whose presence was indispensable. Witnesses at that time were not com- 
pellable to give evidence, and the flames of the Cireus had struck such a terror 
into all who favoured Christianity, that they had not the courage to identify them- 
selves with one who they thought could not escape himself, and might drag down 
his friends with him. The charge of Christianity involved disloyalty to the Emperor, 
and none dared to stand by the accused at the risk of incurring the displeasure of 
the court. It was a common practice at that day, in every indictment to introduce 
a count of Majestas, or Disloyalty, to secure the absence of the defendant’s adherents.” 

It might have been expected that Paul’s friends of Asia who had witnessed the 
innocency of his life, would have come forward in a body to offer their testimony in 
favour of the accused, but they were panic-stricken by the prevailing persecution, and 
shrank from identifying themselves with one whose cause might endanger their own 
“This thou knowest,” he writes to Timothy, “that all they which are in 


3344 


safety. 
Asia have turned their backs upon me,** of whom are Phygellus and Hermogenes, 
two Asiatics, whose advocacy and support it would seem that Paul had in yain 
solicited.*® 


‘| The case of Paul reminds us of that of the ὄντες οὐκ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπεξῆλθον διὰ φόβον, 


Proconsul of Asia, C. Silanus, who was accused 
of treason by the Ephesians before Tiberius: 
Facundissimis totius Asiz seque ad acensandum 
delectis respondebat solus, et orandi nescius pro- 
prio in metu, qui exercitam quoque debilitat 
eloquentiam. Tac. Ann. iii. 67. Philo, at the 
hearing of his embassy before Caligula, was de- 
serted in the same way. Οἱ τέως συμπράττειν 
ἡμῖν δοκοῦντες ἀπειρήκεσαν. Καλουμένων γοῦν, ἔνδον 


ἀκριβῶς ἐπιστάμενοι τὸν ἵμερον ᾧ κέχρητο πρὸς τὸ 
νομίζεσθαι Θεός. Philo, Leg. ad Caium, 1048, 
s. 46. 

# Addito majestatis crimine, quod tum om- 
nium accusationum complementum erat. Tac. 
Ann. iii. 38. 

1 ἀπεστράφησάν pe. 2 Tim. i. 15. 
“42 Tim. i. 15. 

45 2 Tim. iv. 16. 


[a.v. 66] 381 


Cnap, X.] FIRST TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. 


Paul, however, needed not assistance, he had courage and presence of mind, and 
we may rest assured that he pleaded in his usual manly strain, boldly confronting 
his adversaries, and repelling every crimination. It may not be uninteresting to read 
in the Apostle’s own words the following few particulars of the trial :— Alexander 
the coppersmith,” he writes to Timothy, “laid many evil things to my charge, (The 
Lord reward him according to his works), of whom be thou ware also, for he greatly 
withstood our words. At my first answer no man stood with me, but all men forsook 
me (I pray God that it may not be laid to their charge) ; notwithstanding the Lord 
stood with me, and strengthened me, that by me the preaching might be fulfilled, 
and that all the Gentiles might hear.” 

At the close of the pleadings the judge and jurors were wont to confer together, 
and then each juror wrote his own note on the tablet, and delivered it to the judge, 
who pronounced sentence. The verdict was supposed to be in accordance with the 
opinion of the majority, but Nero paid no attention to this, when caprice or interest 
prompted a different result.‘7 In clear cases, however, even Nero was compelled by 
shame to pay some deference to the weight of evidence,“ and on the present occasion 
Paul defended himself go successfully that even the monster Nero, if he presided, 
or whoever sat as judge, was obliged to declare his acquittal. “1 was delivered,” 
writes the Apostle, “from the mouth of the lion.’ Thus far, perhaps, the trial 
had not involved the principal charge, and both the accused and the accuser knew 
well enough that upon the next count there would be a certain conviction.” Such, 
at least, was the belief of Paul himself, for after the words “I was delivered from 
the mouth of the lion,” he adds, “and the Lord shall deliver me ”—(not from the 
mouth of the lion a second time, but)— from every evil work, and will preserve me ” 
—(not in this world, but)—“ unto his heavenly kingdom.”*! 

Paul was now remanded to prison to await a further trial. 

The interval between the first and second hearing was brief, and while Paul was 
expecting his fate, his only anxiety was to provide for the security of the churches 
committed to his charge. When he was no more, who with the same parental care 
would admonish with gentleness, correct with calmness, heal their divisions, warn 
them against heresy, keep them steadfast against persecution? Of all his faithful 
followers (and they were many) no one stood higher in his regard than Timothy, the 


"6 Ὁ. Tim.iv.17. The latter words refer to the jecture, that the verdict was “ Non liquet,” and 


vast crowds collected to hear the trial. 

* Quoties autem ad consultandum secederet, 
neque in commune quidquam neque propalam 
deliberabat, sed et conscriptas ab unoquoque 
sententias tacitus ac secreto legens, quod ipsi 
libuisset. perinde atque pluribus idem videretur 
pronuntiabat. Suet. Nero, 15. 

* Tac. Ann. xiii. 33. 

*® 2 Tim. iv. 17. It is, of course, open to con- 


that the trial was adjourned. 

°° This may be illustrated by the trial of Ga- 
binius, who was acquitted on the first count and 
condemned on the others. Gabinius absolutus 
est ... Est omnino tam gravi fama hoe judi- 
cium, ut videatur reliquis judiciis periturus, et 
maxime de pecuniis repetundis. Cie. Ep. Quint. 
Frat. iii. 4; Dion, xxxix. 63. 

ot 2 Tim. iv. 17. 


382 


[a.p. 66] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. 


[Cuap. X. 


ingenuous, sincere, and ardent Timothy. He was now at Ephesus, 


°° superintending 


the church committed to his care, and Tychicus, a trusted follower, and who was 


* The following three objections may be made 
to this view :— 

1. In the Second Epistle to Timothy, Paul 
writes to Timothy: “‘Tychicus have I sent to 
Ephesus.” 2 Tim. iv. 12. But Timothy, if he 
was at Ephesus, would know the fact. 

2. How, again, it may be said, could Paul have 
apprised Timothy that “Trophimus have 1 left 
at Miletus sick”? 2 Tim. iv. 20; for Miletus 
was but a short distance from Ephesus, and 
Timothy must have heard of it. 

3. The Apostle writes to Timothy: “Thou 
knowest that all they which are in Asia be turned 
away from me, of whom are Phygellus and Her- 
mogenes.” 2 Tim. i. 15. But if Timothy was at 
Ephesus, he must have known it, so that the 
Apostle’s remark is a truism. 

1. To the first objection it may be answered 
that, though Timothy had been left at Ephesus, 
and that city was his headquarters, he was not 
expected to remain all the time within the walls 
of Ephesus, but as bishop, or quasi-bishop, of 
Asia, would visit the neighbouring churches, as 
Colosse, Laodicea, Hierapolis, &e., and the letter 
would follow him wherever he happened to be. 
Besides, the latter would travel by a rapid post, 
while Tychicus would pass by land or sea to 
Ephesus in the ordinary way, and might not 
arrive at Ephesus so soon as the letter. 

2. The second objection scarcely requires an 
answer, for, as Miletus was thirty-six miles from 
Ephesus, the Apostle could not assume that in- 
telligence of Trophimus’s illness at Miletus had 
already reached ‘Timothy, even if he was at 
Ephesus itself, and was not (as was very likely 
the case) in the neighbourhood only. If Tro- 
phimus had recovered and returned to Ephesus, 
‘Vimothy would know it; but Trophimus might, 
on his recovery, have gone on to Rome, or he 
might not haye recovered at all. 

3. As to the objection growing out of the 
words “ Thou knowest that all they which are 
in Asia be turned away from me,” it is by no 
means clear what is the meaning. I should in- 
terpret them as referring to the Asiatics who had 
deserted the Apostle on his trial at ome. οἱ ἀπὸ 
τῆς Ασίας does not imply that the persons at the 
time of writing are from or out of Asia, and οἱ 
ev τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ (2 Tim. i. 15) does not imply that at 
the time of writing they were in Asia. How- 
eyer, if these turncoats were witnesses expected 


by the Apostle at Rome in support of his cause 
but who had disappointed him, they would still 
be in Asia. The Apostle cannot intend that all 
the churches of Asia had apostatized, but evi- 
dently alludes to some abandonment of himself 
personally. If this abandonment by the men of 
Asia were at Rome, the expression “ thou know- 
est,” &e., would be natural enough, for if Timothy 
were in Ephesus, the capital of Asia, the conduct 
of the men of Asia at Rcme would naturally, 
though not certainly, reach him. But if the 
abandonment took place in Asia, the Apostle 
might still call Timothy’s attention to the fact 
in proof of the Apostle’s desolate state. Besides 
Timothy, if at Ephesus, might not be apprised 
of what the Apostle tells him, viz. that all in 
Asia had deserted him—i.e. not only those at 
Ephesus, but elsewhere in Asia—and in particu- 
lar that Phygellus and Hermogenes, who do not 
appear to have been connected with Ephesus, 
were of the number. 

That Timothy at the date of the Epistle was 
expected to be at Ephesus, or somewhere in the 
vicinity, may be evinced by various considera- 
tions arising out of the Epistle itself. Thus, he 
is requested to salute Priscilla and Aquila, who 
carried on their trade at Ephesus (Acts xviii. 26), 
and the household of Onesiphorus, who had 
ministered to Paul at Ephesus (2 Tim. i. 18): 
and he is warned to beware of Alexander (ὃν καὶ 
σὺ φυλάσσου, 2 Tim. iv. 15), and Alexander was 
apparently the Alexander of Acts xix. 383, who 
was of Ephesus, and had gone to Rome to be a 
witness against Paul; and Timothy was com- 
manded to bring with him Paul's cloak and 
books and parchments, which had been left at 
Troas (2 Tim. iv. 13); and if Timothy started 
from Ephesus for Rome by the quickest route, as 
he was desired, he would pass through Troas to 
Philippi, whence he would pass through Mace- 
donia by the Via Egnatia. 

There is also the strongest ἃ priori probability 
that Timothy, if not with Paul, would be found 
at Ephesus, for he had been charged to take care 
of the church there during the Apostle’s absence 
in Crete, and was commanded, when Paul touched 
at Ephesus on his way from Crete to Macedonia, 
to remain there until Paul's return (1 Tim. i. ὃ, 
iii. 14, iv. 18); and Paul had since returned, 
though a prisoner, to Ephesus, and had parted 
from Timothy there with tears. 2 Tim. i. 4. 


Cuap. X.] [a.p. 66] 383 


Timothy, who by a verbal message carried by Tychicus had been requested to hasten 
to Rome. Tychicus had not long started on this commission when Paul was brought 
to trial, and as he now saw his end approaching, and was anxious above measure to 
deliver his last injunctions to Timothy personally, he followed up the mission of 
Tychicus by the last letter that he ever indited (viz. the Second Epistle to Timothy) 
urgently pressing him to come with Mark,**—to come quichly,°°—to come before 
winter,*° and at the same time, as Paul might never live to see Timothy again, he 
conveys to him his last solemn, and, it may be said, his dying injunctions. 

The date of the Second Epistle to Timothy may be collected within certain 
limits as follows: Paul bids Timothy to come to Rome before winter,” and, accord- 
ing to the ancients, winter began on the 9th November; and as a journey from 
Ephesus to Rome would oceupy about six weeks, Timothy, to reach Rome by the 
9th November, would have to set out at least as early as the 28th September. But a 
letter to arrive at Ephesus on the 28th September must have been written from Rome 


at least before the 17th August. 
than the 17th August. 


The Epistle, then, could not have been written later 
On the other hand, from Paul’s injunction that Timothy 


If Timothy was not at Ephesus, where was 
he? Not in Pontus, for though Paul, in his last 
letter to Timothy sends a salutation to Aquila 
and Priscilla (2 Tim. iy. 19), the former of whom 
was a native of Pontus (Acts xviii. 2), yet Paul 
could not have commissioned Timothy to any 
church not planted by himself, and we have no 
trace of Paul having ever visited that province, 
Besides, in the same Epistle Paul sends a saluta- 
tion also to the house of Onesiphorus (2 Tim. iv. 
19), and there is nothing to connect Onesiphorus 
with Pontus. Again, was Timothy in Galatia? 
We must answer no, for Paul in the Second 
Epistle to Timothy informs him that “ Crescens 
had gone to Galatia,’ 2 Tim. iv. 10; and if 
Timothy was in Galatia himself, why communi- 
cate what could be no news to him? Was 
Timothy at Troas,a church which had often wit- 
nessed Paul’s apostolic labours? It may lend 
some countenance to this view that the Apostle 
requests him to bring with him the cloak, books, 
and parchments which had been left there with 
Carpus. 2 Tim. iv. 13. But Troas lay in the 
beaten track from Asia to Rome, so that ‘limothy, 
if at Ephesus, would at all events pass through 
it. And again, the salutations are sent by Paul, 
not to Carpus, but to Aquila and Priscilla and 
the house of Onesiphorus, none of whom appear 
eyer to have resided at Troas, or even, so far as 
is known, to haye sojourned there for the shortest 
interval. 


If Timothy was not at Ephesus, or expected 
to be so, he was most likely at Colosse, for 
Paul in the preceding letter to Timothy tells 
him to “take Mark and bring him with him” 
(2 Tim. iv. 11); and when Mark was last heard 
of he was intending a journey to Colosse, for 
Paul, in writing from Rome during his first 
imprisonment to the Colossians, had sent the 
salutation of “ Mark, cousin of Barnabas,” with 
the addition, “ touching whom ye received com- 
mandments, if he come unto you, receive him.” 
Coloss. iv. 10. The Gnostic heresies which had 
sprung up during the Apostles long imprison- 
ment, first at Caesarea and then at Rome, might 
have required the presence of some authorita- 
tive person like Timothy to preserve the ortho- 
doxy of the church; and if Timothy was at 
Colossee, his road to Rome would necessarily lie 
through Ephesus, so that he could deliver the 
salutation to Aquila and Priscilla and the house 
of Onesiphorus by the way; and the Apostle’s 
direction that Timothy should bring with him 
the cloak and books and parechments which had 
been left at Troas is not inconsistent, for if 
Timothy took the land route through Macedonia, 
he would sail from Ephesus to ‘l'roas on his way 
to Macedonia. 

BS) 2 Dims αν; 1.2: 

aval ἐπ νέην, Wl 

53 2 Tim. iv. 9. 7 


56 Σ᾽ Tim. iy. 22. 
2 Tim. iv. 20. 


384 [a.p. 66] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. X. 


should come before winter, we may conclude that the Epistle was written not in 
winter, but some time after the commencement of spring, and winter was deemed 
at an end on the 9th February, and the date of the Epistle was therefore some time 
after the 9th February, a.p. 66, and before the 17th August, a.v. 66. But further, 
we shall see that traditionally (and there is nothing to make us doubt it) the martyr- 
dom of Paul occurred on the 29th June. We may assume, therefore, that the Second 
Kpistle to Timothy was dispatched some time between the 9th February, and the 
2%th June, a.p. 66. The whole tone of the Second Epistle to Timothy convinces the 
reader that Paul, at the time, was on the eve of the final trial, and was sending 
his last commands to Timothy just before the fatal day when Paul expected (and 
as we know with reason) that he should be condemned and executed. We should 
therefore place the date of the Epistle about the month of June, a.v. 66. 

The topics dwelt upon in the Epistle are such as the circumstances naturally 
suggested. Paul foresaw his end to be near, and in the opening salutation varies 
from the usual form, by referring to his hope in the world to come. He culls himself 
an Apostle “according to the promise of life which is in Christ Jesus.” He then 
alludes (1. 3) to his own tender yearnings towards his favourite disciple, and that 
night and day he mentioned him in his prayers, and longed to see him, and he im- 
plores him by the faith for which he was distinguished, by the faith which he inhe- 
rited from his mother Eunice, and his grandmother Lois, to hold fast the Gospel in 
its integrity as received from himself, and not only so, but to provide for the future 
by the ordination of others to succeed :—The things that thou hast heard of me 
among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to 
teach others also.”°* He warns him (ii. 14) against the contamination of the 
Gnostic Heresy, and bids him discountenance, by all the means in his power, the idle 
phantoms and foolish fables of those visionaries. He puts him on his guard (iii. 1) 
against the scoffers of religion, who were already rife, and in Timothy’s latter days 
would present a more formidable array against sound religion. He then (iv. 1) 
alludes to his own approaching death, and adjures Timothy in the most solemn and 
affectionate manner to fulfil the holy ministry which he had undertaken. “I charge 
thee therefore before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall judge the quick and 
the dead at his appearing and his kingdom—preach the word, be instant in seuson, out 
of season, reproye, rebuke, exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine. Be thou sober 
in all things, endure afflictions, do the work ef an evangelist, make full proof of thy 
nuinistry. For Τ am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. 
I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith: hence- 
forth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous 
judge, shall award me at that day, and not to me only, but unto all them also that 
love his appearing.” ** He then informs Timothy (iv. 9) of what had happened to 


8. AA whiny, rh 2 59 2 Tim. iv. 1, 2, 5-8. 


Cuap. X.] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.p. 66] 385 


himself since their last sad interview—that Trophimus had been left at Miletus, 
Erastus had remained at Corinth, Titus, Tychicus, and Crescens had been sent on 
different missions, Demas had deserted him, and that the only brother now with him 
was Luke, and he therefore beseeches Timothy to join him directly, and bring Mark 
with him. So anxious, indeed, was the Apostle to see before his death, if possible, 
his favourite son in the faith, that he thrice repeats the injunction to hasten to 
Rome: “ Do thy diligence to come unto me quickly ; and again, “Take Mark and 
bring him with thee,” and presently, as if Timothy might not understand what was 
meant by coming quickly, he reiterates the command more definitely, ‘Do thy dili- 
gence to come before winter.” The Apostle subjoins some salutations, and then wrote, 
with his own hand, the last words that he ever penned, “ Grack BE wirH you.” The 


letter was as follows :— ; 


[The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, 
thus [ 1, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek.] 

Cu. I. “Paun, AN ApostLE oF JESUS CHRIST, BY THE WILL OF GOD, ACCORDING 

2 ΤῸ THE PROMISE OF LIFE WHICH Is IN Curist Jesus, ΤῸ ΤΊΜΟΤΗΥ, MY DEARLY- 

BELOVED child,®° Gracr, MERCY, PEACE, FROM Gop THE Farner anv Curis? 
Jesus our Lorn. 

3 “T thank God, whom I serve from my forefathers with pure conscience,"! 

that without ceasing I make mention of thee in my prayers night and day, 

4 greatly desiring to see thee, remembering thy tears, that I may be filled with 

5 joy, having remembrance of * the unfeigned faith that isin thee, which dwelt 

first in thy grandmother Lois, and thy mother Eunice,” and I am persuaded 

6 that in thee also. For which cause I put thee in remembrance that thou stir 

7 up the gift of God, which is in thee by the putting on of my hands. For 

God hath not given us the spirit of cowardice,° but of power, and of love, and 

8 of soberness.” Be not thou, therefore, ashamed of the testimony of our Lord, 

nor of me his prisoner; but be thou a fellow-sufferer for the Gospel accord- 

9 ing to the power of God, who hath saved us, and called us with a holy calling, 

not according to our works, but according to his own purpose and grace, 

10 which was given us in Christ Jesus before the world began, but hath now been 

made manifest by the appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ, who hath 

abolished death, and hath brought life and immortality to light through the 


Ὁ τέκνῳ. In Eng. ver. “son.” His son in the *¢ Timothy, therefore, was one of a family 
faith, that is, his convert. with the principal members of which Paul was 
* This undesiguedly confirms the account of familiarly acquainted. 
Paul's opening address to the Sanhedrim, when © Le. by ordination to the ministry, which 
he claimed to have lived with a good conscience. [6 received at Paul’s hands. 
Acts xxiii. 1. 8° δειλίας. In Eng. ver. “ fear.” 
2 μεμνημένος. In Eng. ver. “ being mindful of.” ὅτ σωφρονισμοῦ. In Eng. ver. “asound mind.” 
δ ὑπόμνησιν λαμβάνων. In Eng. ver. “ when I ὅ8 We may infer from this that the general per- 
call to remembrance.” secution was still raging against the Christians. 


VOL. Π. ἘΝ 


386 [a.p. 66] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. 


[CHap. X. 


11 Gospel: whereunto I am appointed a preacher, and an apostle, and a teacher 
12 of the Gentiles, for the which cause I also suffer these things; but I am not 
ashamed, for I know whom I have believed, and am persuaded that he is able 
13 to keep that which I have committed unto him against That Day. Hold fast 
the form of sound words, which thou hast heard of me, in faith and love which 
14 is in Christ Jesus: that good trust which was committed unto thee keep by the 


Holy Ghost which dwelleth in us. 


15 “ This thou knowest, that all they which are in Asia have turned away from 
16 me, of whom are Phygellus and Hermogenes.” The Lord give merey unto the 


house of Onesiphorus, for he often refreshed me, and was not ashamed of 


17 my chain, but when he was at Rome, he sought me out very diligently, and 
18 found me; (The Lord grant unto him that he may find mercy of the Lord in 
That Day!) and in how many things he ministered unto me at Ephesus, thou 


knowest very well.” 


“Thou, therefore, my child, be strong in the grace that is in Christ Jesus, 


2 and the things which thou heardest of me before many witnesses,” the same 
3 commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also. Thou, 


4 therefore, be a fellow sufferer ™ as a good soldier of Jesus Christ. 


No one that 


warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of life, that he may please him who 
5 hath enlisted™ him, and if a man also wrestle,” he is not crowned, except he 
6 wrestle lawfully ; the husbandman that laboureth must be first partaker of the 


fruits.” (Consider what I say ; 7 and the Lord give thee understanding in all 


8 things.) Remember Jesus Christ, who rose from the dead, of the seed of David, 


No) 


according to my Gospel; wherein I suffer trouble, as a malefactor,” even 


10 unto bonds (but the word of God is not bound) ; therefore, I endure all things 
for the elect’s sakes, that they also may obtain the salvation which is in Christ 
11 Jesus with eternal glory. It is a faithful saying: for if we be dead with him, 


** A common expression in the New Testa- 
ment for the Day of Judgment. See Vol. I. p. 287. 

τὸ These appear to have deserted the Apostle 
from the fire of persecution. Instead of appear- 
ing before the tribunal to give testimony in his 
fayour, they had turned their backs upon him. 
Hymenzus and Philetus, and the Gnostic apo- 
states, were distinct, and are mentioned presently 
at 11. 17. 

7 Paul, therefore, had been some time a pri- 
soner at Ephesus, and Timothy had been in 
attendance upon him during the same period, or 
he would not have known the services of Onesi- 
phorus. 

τὸ Viz. the conclave of priests, deacons, and 
laity, in whose presence Paul had conferred 
ordination upon Timothy. 

® Viz. with the Apostle, συγκακοπάθησον. In 


Eng. ver. “ suffer hardness.” 

™ τῷ στρατολογήσαντι. In Eng. ver. “him 
who hath chosen him to be a soldier.” 

τὸ ἀθλῇ. In Eng. ver. “ strive for masteries.” 

τὸ The husbandman, by whose labour the fruit 
is obtained, has the first claim to partake of it. 
Others would render it, the husbandman cannot 
partake of the fruit without first labouring for it. 

τ That is, understand and weigh well these 
metaphors or figures which I have just used, 
drawn respectively from the soldier, the wrestler, 
and the husbandman. 

τὸ That Jesus of the seed of David was Christ, 
and rose from the dead, was denied by the 
Gnostics. “Hold fast, therefore,” writes the 
Apostle, “ to my Gospel.” 

7 By the edicts of Nero, the profession of 
Christianity was made a criminal act. 


Cuap. X.] 


12 
15 


14 
15 


16 
17! 
18 


19 


20 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.p. 66] 387 


we shall also live with him ; if we suffer, we shall also reign with him; if we 
deny him, he also will deny us (Matt. x. 33);*° if we have not faith, yet he 
abideth faithful, he cannot deny himself. 

“ Of these things put them in remembrance, charging them before the Lord 
not to strive about words to no profit, to the subverting of the hearers.’ Study 
to shew thyself approved unto God, a workman that needeth not to be ashamed, 
rightly dealing owt? the word of truth; but put aside profane and vain 
babblings, for they will grow unto more ungodliness, and their word will spread 
as doth a gangrene, of whom is Hymeneus 53 and Philetus,®* who concerning 
the truth have erred, saying that the resurrection * is past already, and over- 
throw the faith of some; nevertheless the strong foundation of God standeth, 
having this seal, ‘The Lord knoweth them that are his’ (Num. xvi. 5),‘° and 
‘Let every one that nameth the name of the Lord® depart from iniquity.’ 
(Num. xvi. 26.)** But in a great house there are not only vessels of gold and 
of silver, but also of wood and of earth, and some to honour, and some to dis- 
honour. If a man, therefore, purge himself from these, he shall be a vessel 
unto honour, sanctified, and meet for the master’s use, and prepared unto 
every good work. But flee youthful lusts,** and follow righteousness, faith, 
love, peace with them that call on the Lord out of a pure heart; but foolish 
and unlearned questions avoid, knowing that they do gender strifes;°° and 
the servant of the Lord must not strive, but be gentle unto all, apt to teach, 
patient, in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves, if God per- 
adventure will give them repentance wnto the knowledge of the truth,’ and 
that they may recover themselves out of the snare of the devil, who were taken 


alive by him® at his will.** 


© Here also, as elsewhere (see Vol. 1. p. 288) 
the Apostle refers to the Gospel of St. Matthew. 

Ἢ The Apostle here refers to the Gnostic 
phantasies. See ante, p. 249. 

δ ὀρθοτομοῦντα. A metaphor taken either 
from cutting a thing into equal proportions, or 
from making a straight road, or striking a 
straight furrow. 

83 One of the Gnostic heretics, and no doubt 
the same Hymeneus as is mentioned in that 
character in 1 Tim. i. 20. 

* Another Gnostic, but of whom nothing is 
known. 

* The Gnosties held that the only resurrection 
was that from a state of nature to the intellee- 
tual paradise of pure Gnosticism. The resurrec- 
tion therefore of Christ himself was expunged 
from their articles of faith. 

% ἔγνω Κύριος τοὺς ὄντας αὐτοῦ. In the LXX. 
the words are ἔγνω 6 Θεὸς τοὺς ὄντας αὐτοῦ. 


τ Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford all read Κυρίου “Lord,” instead of 
Χριστοῦ “ Christ.” 

δ The Apostle gives the sense, but not the 
exact words of the LXX., where the passage is 
ἀποσχίσθητε ἀπὸ τῶν σκηνῶν τῶν ἀνθρώπων τῶν 
σκληρῶν τούτων, καὶ μὴ ἅπτεσθε ἀπὸ πάντων ὧν 
ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, μὴ συναπόλησθε ἐν πάσῃ τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ 
αὐτῶν. καὶ ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ τῆς σκηνῆς Κορὲ κύκλῳ. 

*° Timothy was still a young man. 

99 The Apostle is still dwelling upon the idle 
and chimerical disputations of the Gnostics. 
See ante, p. 249. 

% Te. the knowledge of Christian truth as 
opposed to the so-called “ knowledge” of the 
Guosties. 

2 ἐζωγρημένοι. 
captive.” 

38 The will of the devil. 


In Eng. ver. “who are taken 


3D 2 


[a.p. 66] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. X. 


~] (Ὁ 


ΠΗ 


Cu. ΤΥ. 


1 διάβολοι. 


“ But know this, that in the last days difficult times shall come; for men 
shall be lovers of their own selves, lovers of money, boasters, proud, blas- 
phemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, without natural affection, 
trucebreakers, caluimniators,°* incontinent, fierce, unfriendly to the good, 
traitors, headlong, puffed up, lovers of pleasure more than lovers of God, 
having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof, and from such 
turn away ; for of these are they which creep into houses, and lead captive silly 
women laden with sins, led away with divers lusts, ever learning, and néver 
able to come to the knowledge of the truth. But as Jannes and Jambres *° 
withstood Moses, so do these also withstand the truth, men of corrupt minds, 
reprobate concerning the faith. Howbeit they shall proceed no further, for 
their folly shall be manifest unto all men, as theirs also was. But thou hast 
followed along with my doctrine, manner of life, purpose, faith, long suffering, 
love, patience, persecutions, sufferings, such as came unto me at Antioch,*® at 
Iconium,” at Lystra,** what persecutions I endured, but out of them all the 
Lord delivered me, yea, and all that will live godly in Jesus Christ shall suffer 
persecution. But evil men and ¢mpostors shall wax worse and worse, deceiving 
and being deceived. But continue thou in the things which thou hast learned, 
and hast been dntrusted with,*® knowing of whom’ thou hast learned them, 
and that from a child thou hast known the Holy Scriptures, which are able to 
make thee wise unto salvation through faith which is in Christ Jesus. All 
scripture is by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, 
for correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God may be 
perfect, thoroughly furnished unto every good work. | 

“T charge thee,’ before God and’ Jesus Christ, who shall judge the 


In Eng. ver. “ false accusers.” Euseb. Prep. Evang. ix. 8. ἐκτίθεται καὶ (Nume- 


* These names are not mentioned in the books 
of Moses, but there was a current tradition that 
they were the magicians who withstood Moses 
in Egypt. τὰ μέντοι τούτων ὀνόματα, οὐκ ἐκ τῆς 
θείας γραφῆς μεμάθηκεν ὁ θεῖος ἀπόστολος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ 
τῆς ἀγράφου τῶν Ἰουδαίων διδασκαλίας. Theodoret. 
ad locum. (See Winer, Bibl. Real. ‘ Jambres.’) 
For the names appear in the Jewish writings 
the Targum and the Talmud, and not only so, 
but they found their way into pagan composi- 
tions ; for they are mentioned by Numenius the 
philosopher. Ἰαννῆς καὶ Ἰαμβρῆς, Αἰγύπτιοι 
ἱερογραμματεῖς, ἄνδρες οὐδενὸς ἤττους μαγεῦσαι 
κριθέντες εἶναι. .. Μουσαίῳ γοῦν τῷ Ἰουδαίων 
ἐξηγησαμένῳ . . . οἱ παραστῆναι ἀξιωθέντες ὑπὸ 
τοῦ πλήθους τούτων Αἰγυπτίων, οὗτοι ἦσαν τῶν τε 
συμφορῶν, ἃς ὁ Μουσαῖος ἐπῆγε τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ, τὰς 
νεανικωτάτας αὐτῶν ἐπιλύεσθαι ὥφθησαν δυνατοί. 


nius) τὴν περὶ Μωσέως καὶ Ἰαννοῦ καὶ ᾿Ιαμβροῦ 
ἱστορίαν. Origen cont. Celsum, lib. iv. ὁ. 51. 
And also by Pliny: Est et alia magices factio a 
Mose et Jamne et Jotape Judis pendens. 
N. H. xxx.2. But the passage is corrupt, and 
the reading somewhat doubtful. See Wetstein. 

38 Acts xiii. 50. 

7 Acts xiv. 5. 

© Acts xiv. 19. 

39. ἐπιστώθης. In Eng. ver. “hast been as- 
sured.” 

10 The received text has τίνος in the singular 
number, but Lachmann reads τίνων in the plural. 

101 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischen- 
dorf, and Alford all omit the word οὖν “ there- 
fore.” 

1 ‘The critics last named reject also the word 
Κυρίου “ Lord.” 


Cuap. X.] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Α.Ὁ. 66] 389 


2 quick and the dead at! his appearing 


3 


οΟ “ὁ dD oP 


and his kingdom, preach the word, be 
instant in season, out of season, reprove, rebuke, exhort with all long-suffering 
and teaching ; for the time will come when they will not endure the sound 
doctrine, but after their own lusts, they, having itching ears, will heap to 
themselves teachers, and turn away their ears from the truth, and turn aside 
unto fables; but be thou sober! in all things, endure afflictions, do the work 
of an evangelist, fulfil! thy ministry ; for I am now ready to be offered,!°° 
and the time of my departure is at hand." 1 have fought the good fight, I 
have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up 
for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall 
award me at That day,’ and not to me only, but unto all them also that have 


loved his appearing. 
9, 10 


“Do thy diligence to come unto me quickly ;° for Demas hath forsaken me, 


having loved the present world, and hath gone to Thessalonica ''—Crescens to 


11 Galatia,“? Titus to Dalmatia. 


Only Luke is with me. 


Take Mark,!® and 


12 bring him with thee, for he is very useful” to me for the ministry. But 


"8 kara. But Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, 
Tischendorf, and Alford read καὶ for κατὰ, 1.6. 
2 
“and by his appearing,” &e, 


™ γῆφε. In Eng. ver. © watch thou.” 
105 πληροφόρησον. In Eng. ver. “make full 
proof of.” 


© σπένδομαι, literally, “I am being poured 
out.” 

“7 At the date of the letter, therefore, 
was expecting his condemnation. 

ὋΣ More literally, “I have wrestled the good 
wrestling,” τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν καλὸν ἠγωνίσμαι. 

τ The Day of Judgment. See Vol. I. p. 287. 

πὸ ταχέως. In Eng. ver. “shortly.” Paul had 
probably sent word before by Tychicus, and he 
now urges all haste. 

™ Demas was a native of Thessalonica The 
violence of the persecution under Nero had been 
too much for him, and he sank under it, and 
abandoned Paul to his fate. At the time of 
Paul's first imprisonment Demas was still faith- 
ful, and with Paul at Rome. Coloss. iv. 14; 
Philem. y. 24. The Second Epistle to Timothy, 
therefore, when Demas was a renegade, must 
have been written subsequently to Paul's first 
imprisonment. Burton notices a tradition pre- 
served by late writers that Demas “ became 
priest of a heathen temple at Thessalonica, but 
it is improbable.” 

u® As the mention of Crescens is not accom- 
panied, asin the case of Demas, with any remark 


Paul 


to his prejudice, we may suppose that Paul had 
sent him to Galatia to support the churches 
there under their present trial. Some interpret 
Γαλατίαν to mean Gaul. If so, Paul must have 
evangelized Gaul on his way from Italy to Spain, 
but which is most unlikely. 

uS Titus the year before had been summoned 
from Crete to join the Apostle at Nicopolis in 
Epirus, Tit. iii, 12; and in the spring of the 
present year, a.p. 68, he had accompanied Paul 
on his cireuit through Dalmatia, and was there- 
fore the most proper person to be despatched 
from Rome to Dalmatia to comfort the nascent 
churches there under the pressure of the perse- 
cution. 

™ Peter therefore was not now at Rome, or 
Paul must haye noticed him. In fact, Peter had 
suffered martyrdom at Rome the year before. 
See Fasti Sacri, p. 336, No. 1980. 

"6 Mark, on the death of Peter in a.p. 65, was 
at liberty to lend his services to Paul, and as 
the latter had now only Luke with him, he bids 
Timothy, who was in Asia, to take Mark “and 
bring him with him as very useful to him for 
the ministry.” 2 Tim. iy. 11. Mark had been 
the bearer of the Second Epistle of Peter to the 
brethren of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, and 
Bithynia, see ante, p. 367, and was still some- 
where in those parts, and most likely at Ephesus, 
the capital of Asia. 

4S εὔχρηστος. In Eng. ver.“ profitable.” 


390 [a.p. 66] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. 


[Cuar. X. 


13 Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus."7 The cloak’* that I left at Troas with 
Carpus,"’ when thou comest, bring with thee, and the Bibles," but especially 
14 the parchments.”! Alexander the coppersmith’” lacd many evil things to my 


“7 Trophimus was certainly an Ephesian, 
Acts xvi. 29, and as Tychicus and Trophimus 
are joined together, and described as of Asia, 
᾿Ασιανοὶ δὲ Τυχικὸς καὶ Tpddipos, Acts xx. 4, we 
may conclude that Tychicus was also an Ephe- 
sian, which was the reason why he was selected 
for this particular mission. 

48 φαιλόνην in the Textus receptus. But ac- 
cording to Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, and Alford the true reading should be 
φελόνην. Chrysostom, in his comment upon the 
word, writes, φελόνην. ἐνταῦθα τὸ ἱμάτιον λέγει, 
τινὲς δέ φασι τὸ γλωσσόκομον ἔνθα τὰ βιβλία ἔκειτο. 
As between these two meanings, the ἱμάτιον or 
garment is to be preferred, for if it were a 
γλωσσόκομον, or case for τὰ βιβλία, Paul could 
not, after mentioning the φελόνην, have bidden 
Timothy to bring with him τὰ βιβλία also. 
2 Tim. iv. 18. 

Hesychius defines the word thus: φαιλόνης, ἢ 
ληπτάριον μεμβράϊνον, ἢ γλωσσόκομον. But what 
is ληπτάριον Ὁ Some would read ληδάριον, which 
is found in Pollux as a kind of vest, Jul. Poll. 
vii. 18, but coupled with μεμβράϊνον, it can only 
denote a skin or roll of parchment, and indeed 
some would substitute εἱλητάριον “ a roll,” for 
λητάριον. There is no occasion, however, to find 
a different reading, for Anmrapiov is evidently 
derived from λαμβάνω, and means a ‘ receptacle” 
for parchments, and accordingly the other mean- 
ing offered by Hesychius is γλωσσόκομον, a case 
or box. 

Suidas defines φαιλώνης and also φαινόλης 
Thus, “ φαιλώνης εἱλητὸν τομάριον μεμβράϊνον (ἃ 
small roll of parchment) ἢ γλωσσόκομον (a case), 
ἢ χιτώνιον (a small tunic) ;” and again *‘ φαινόλης. 
χιτωνίσκος (asmall tunic), of δὲ παλαιοὶ ἐφεστρίδα 
(the sagum or peenula of the Roman soldier), 
καὶ κλίνεται eis ov (is declined in ov for the geni- 
tive) καὶ χιτὼν ἱερατικός (a priestly tunic or 
surplice).” 

Thus far we have four meanings given of the 
word φαιλόνης or φελόνης, viz. 1, a cloak; 2, a 
case for holding books; 3, a skin or roll of 
parchment; 4, apriestly garment or surplice. 

But other interpretations have been suggested, 
viz. 0, some take it to mean the Old Testament, 
the Book or Bible, and they derive φελόνης from 
φελλός, Which is equivalent in Greek to “liber,” 


“bark,” or “book,” in Latin; and 6, others 
would render it the Roman toga, the badge of a 
Roman citizen, and follow it up by taking the 
μεμβράνας, or parchments, to mean the diploma 
of Paul’s Roman citizenship. 

There is great uncertainty as to the true in- 
terpretation, but the simplest solution is to take 
φαιλόνην or φελόνην to represent the Roman 
peenula, or cloak, for protection against the in- 
clemency of the weather, as is evident from 
many passages. Horat. Epist. xi. 18; Juv. Sat. 
v. 79. As Paul was constantly passing in all 
seasons from one couniry to another, such an 
article of clothing must have been quite indis- 
pensable, and would be particularly useful at 
this time when winter was approaching. 

uo A trusted disciple, and commonly supposed 
to be the person with whom the Apostle at 
Troas had lodged. 

120 βιβλία. The book of the ancients was a 
series of sheets or skins fastened together length- 
wise, so as to form one long piece attached at 
each end to aroller, and thus easy to be wound off 
from one roller and wound on to the other. The 
reader could thus, by unrolling and re-rolling, find 
any part of the book which he wanted. The Bibles 
or books in question were perhaps the Jewish 
Scriptures, 1.6. the books of the Old Testament 
called τὰ βιβλία by Josephus cont. Apion. lib. i. 
ὁ. 8, and carried about by the Apostle partly for 
his own personal use and partly for distribution 
amongst his converts. The Apostle in his Epistles 
makes constant reference to the Old Testament, 
and argues with his correspondents from the Old 
Testament; and this he could not do unless he 
placed copies of it in their hands, and they were 
familiar with it. The books may also have com- 
prised the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. 

“ As the parchments are opposed to the 
books, they were not mounted on rollers, but 
were loose or detached sheets or skins, and were 
perhaps the letters of the churches to the 
Apostle, and his letters to them. 

12 Called the coppersmith, to distinguish him 
from the Alexander mentioned as a Gnostic 
teacher. 1 Tim. i. 20. Alexander the copper- 
smith was‘a:Jew of Ephesus who at the riot of 
Demetrius the silversmith some years before 
(A.D. 57) had attempted to excuse his own coun- 


Hap. X.] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY, 


[a.p. 66] 301 


15 charge ;'°° (The Lord reward him according to his works!’**) of whom be 


16 thou ware also, for he greatly withstood our words,’ 


At my first defence'*® 


no man stood wp for me, but all men forsook me ;'** (May τέ not be laid to 
17 their charge!) but the Lord stood by me, and strengthened me; that by me 
the preaching might be fulfilled, and that all the Gentiles might hear ;'** 
18 and I was ‘delivered out of the mouth of the lion’ (Ps, xxi. 22),'° and the 
Lord shall deliver me from eyery evil work, and will preserve me unto his 


19 heavenly kingdom, to whom be glory for ever and ever. 


Amen. Salute 


20 Priscilla and Aquila, and the household of Onesiphorus.* Erastus abode at 


21 Corinth ;} 55 but Trophimus I left at Miletus sick.’* 


before winter.!°° 


Do thy diligence to come 


Eubulus greeteth thee, and Pudens, and Linus,’ and 


trymen and impeach Paul in the theatre. Acts 
xix. 33. He may now have been dispatched by 
the Jews of Ephesus as their organ at Rome to 
justify themselves and heap odium upon Paul 
and his fellow-Christians. 

15. The received translation is “ did me much 
evil;” but this does not express the sense. 
ἐνεδείξατο is a legal term, and signifies ‘ in- 
dicted” or “impeached” me of many heinous 
offences. 

An emphasis must be laid on the words the 
Lord, so that the meaning is, “ The Lord (and 
not I) deal with him according to his works.” 
The Apostle could not be uttering an impreca- 
tion, for almost in the same breath he adds, with 
reference to those who had deserted him, “ May 
it not be laid to their charge.” τ. 17. 

2 Timothy, therefore, was at or near Ephesus, 
for Alexander was of Ephesus. 

τ In Eng. ver. “answer.” At the 
hearing of the case on the first count. Amongst 
the Romans, as amongst ourselves, the indict- 
ment consisted of several counts, which were 
heard seriatim. On the present occasion, at the 
conclusion of the first count the trial was ad- 
journed. 

7 “The witnesses whom I could not compel 
to attend, but who should have given me their 
testimony, deserted me.” 

28 πληροφορηθῆ. In Eng. ver. “be fully 
known.” 

® Who attended in vast numbers at the trial. 

180 The Emperor Nero, before whom Paul was 
tried, may here be referred to; as the Emperor of 
Rome, who had the power of life and death over 
the whole empire, was often thus styled. See 
ante, p. 377. 

131 Tt has been suggested, and is not impro- 


ἀπολογίᾳ. 


bable, that the Apostle when he wrote this had 
the Lord’s Prayer in his thoughts, for in the 
compass of a few lines we have “deliverance 
from evil” and “the heavenly kingdom,” and 
the doxology. If this be so, we have the Apostles’ 
acceptation of the expression in the Lord’s 
Prayer ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ, for the Apostle renders 
it, not “from the evil one,” viz. the devil, but 
“from every evil work.” We haye here ἃ con- 
firmation—though none was needed—that the 
Lord’s Prayer was in constant use among the 
earliest Christians, including St. Paul. He may 
also be thought to have referred to it elsewhere. 
See Rom. viii. 15. 

12 Priscilla and Aquila may have been at 
Ephesus, where we know they had once been 
resident (Acts xviii. 26); and Onesiphorus had 
also been at least a sojourner at Ephesus. 2 Tim. 
i. 18. Timothy, therefore, was himself at or near 
Ephesus. 

188. He was a native of Corinth, and had been 
chamberlain of the city (Rom. xvi. 23), and 
had been left there by Paul on his way to 
Rome. 

16 Trophimus was an Ephesian (Acts xxi. 29), 
and had intended to accompany Paul to Rome, 
and went with him as far as Miletus, where he 
was taken ill and left on shore. The Eng. ver. 
has, most unaccountably, “ Miletum” for Miletus. 
The word Miletum nowhere occurs in sacred or 
profane history. 

186 Winter, according to the ancients, began 
on the 9th of November, and the letter, there- 
fore, was written in the second quarter of the 
year. See ante, p. 383. 

186 The first bishop of Rome. Euseb. Ecc. H. 
iii. 21, 


892 [a.p. 66] 


SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. 


[Cuap. X. 


22 Claudia,! and all the brethren.!** The Lord Jesus Christ be with thy spirit. 


GRACE BE WITH you.”!°? 


7 Who was Claudia who is here connected 
with Pudens and Linus? Was she the daughter 
of Cogidunus, king of the Regni, now Surrey 
and Sussex? or was she the daughter of Carac- 
tacus, the renowned British chieftain ? 

I. In the former edition the author advo- 
cated the hypothesis that Claudia was the 
daughter of Cogidunus. He has since read the 
exhaustive essay of Archdeacon Williams on the 
same subject, and is now enabled to lay before 
the reader a much more complete exposition of 
the argument. We must first explain more par- 
ticularly what was the relation of Cogidunus to 
the Romans. 

The subjugation of Britain was in the reign of 
Claudius, under the auspices of Aulus Plautius, 
in A.D. 42, about a century after the invasion 
of Julius Cesar. The arms of Julius, however, 
though unsuccessful, made a lasting impression 
upon the southern states, and when Plautius 
crossed, the southerns saw the impossibility of 
resistance, and at once succumbed. Such, at 
least, was the policy pursued by Cogidunus, ithe 
leading chieftain in the south, who from this 
period to the close of his life (an interval of 
about thirty years) remained the steady ad- 
herent of the Roman cause. The name of 
Cogidunus is sometimes written Cogidubnus, or 
Cogidumnus, just as we have on coins, Dunorix, 
Dubnorix, and Dumnorix (Williams, p. viii.); 
and it has been suggested, and perhaps cor- 
rectly, that Cogidunus was so called as the head 
of the state of Cogidunum, in the same way as, 
in the time of the first Cesar, Cassivellaunus 
was so designated as the head of the Cassivel- 
Jauni. We still speak of The Macgregor or The 
Campbell, ἄο., as the representative of the clan. 
What, then, was Cogidunum? It was Chiches- 
ter, the capital of Sussex, and even the modern 
name can be traced without violence to the Celtic 
original. Of all the elements that enter into 
the composition of Celtic names, none is so fre- 
quent as that of ‘dun,’ a fortified camp or strong~ 
hold. ‘Cog’ in Celtic is ‘hollow’ (as a valley), 
so that ‘ cog-dun’ is ‘ the fortress in the hollow; 


®8 As the Apostle sends a greeting from all 
the brethren at Rome, it is clear that though he 
had been deserted by some who should have 
supported him at his trial, the church had not 
apostatized. 


and Chichester ‘‘is situate in a pleasant vale on 
the little river Levant.” Capper’s Dict. During 
the Roman dominion the Celtic ‘dun’ gave way 
to the Latin ‘ castra,’ the equivalent expression, 
and thus ‘cog-dun’ became ‘ cog-castra.’ But 
‘cog’ “assumes in colloquial language the form 
of ‘coi’ or ‘ceu,’ pronounced ‘ki.’” Williams, 
p. 20. And then, as the Saxons soften the hard 
k or ὁ into ch, ‘ ki-castra’ became Chichester. 

In Α.Ρ. 44 the Emperor Claudius himself 
passed over into Britain to wear the laurels 
which Plautius had won, and Cogidunus, as 
subservient to the Roman interests, was gra- 
ciously received and taken under the Emperor’s 
especial protection. It was, perhaps, on this 
occasion that Cogidunus was appointed Legate 
of Claudius in Britain, and in honour of his 
patron added the names of Tiberius Claudius 
to Cogidunus. It is certain, from the monument 
which will be mentioned presently, that the 
Roman designation of the British chief was 
Tiberius Claudius Cogidunus, and this “ was in 
accordance with the received custom by which 
those who for the first time were made Romans 
used, like emancipated slaves, to adopt the 
‘nomen’ and ‘preenomen’ of those persons by 
whose kindness or aid they had become citizens, 
but they still retained their own ancient ‘nomen’ 
as a‘cognomen.’” Williams, p. 24, note. We may 
also remark that, if Cogidunus had a daughter 
born to him, her name would, as a matter of 
course, be called Claudia, for during the first 
century after Christ the daughter of a Roman 
was always called by the name of the gens, or 
family. Thus, “‘a female of the gens Julia would 
necessarily be a Julia, and if there were two 
daughters, the elder would be Julia Major and 
the younger Julia Minor, and if the female off- 
shoots were more numerous, they would be called 
Prima, Secundilla, Tertia or Vertulla, &e.” Wil- 
liams, p. 25, note. A daughter, therefore, of 
Tiberius Claudius Cogidunus would be known 
as Claudia. 

It is the remark of ‘Tacitus that the Romans 
made even kings the instruments of slavery 


18 The usual benediction in Paul's own hand 
to authenticate the letter. See Vol. 1. p.284. The 
word “ Amen” in the received text is rejected 
by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
and Alford. 


Cuapr. X.] 


SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL, 


[a.p. 66] 393 


The letter was dispatched by a trusty messenger to Timothy, but the faithful 
disciple, whatever his haste, could not reach Rome while the Apostle yet lived. The 


to the Empire; and as Cogidunus was sub- 
servient to the Roman interests, his services 
would be, and were, rewarded by an accession 
to his limited dominions. From being the ruler 
of, perhaps, a single town (Chichester) and the 
parts immediately adjacent, he was invested with 
the government of the neighbouring states, viz. 
Sussex and Surrey, and possibly a still wider 
circuit. Quaedam civitates Cogiduno regi donate 
(is ad nostram usque memoriam fidissimus man- 
sit) vetere ac jam pridem recepta populi Romani 
consuetudine, ut haberet instrumenta servitutis 
et reges. ‘ac. Agric. c. 14. It is worthy of note 
that Ptolemy the geographer, who flourished 
A.D. 120, calls the people of Sussex and Surrey 
the Regni, and later itineraries speak of Chi- 
chester itself as Regnum; and it can scarcely be 
doubted that these names of Regni and Regnum 
were current amongst the Romans, from the little 
kingdom, or Regnum, which they now conferred 
on Cogidunus. At least, these appellatives are 
not found in Czsar or Strabo, and appear for the 
first time shortly after the establishment of Cogi- 
dunus as the sovereign of these very parts. 

It was usual, as in the case of Herod the Great, 
for the princes dependent on Rome, to send their 
children to the imperial city, ostensibly for edu- 
cation, but really as pledges for the good faith of 
the parents; and when Aulus Plautius, in A.p. 
47, was recalled from the command of Britain, it 
is likely that Cogidunus committed some mem- 
bers of his family to the care of Plautius for 
transmission to Rome. Amongst them may have 
been a daughter Claudia, not too young to be 
separated from a mother, and not too advanced 
to supersede the necessity of education—say, of 
about the age of six It is impossible, except 
within very wide limits, to determine the years 
of a child by the years of a parent, but at least 
we can show that the age of six would be com- 
patible with the age of Cogidunus so far as we 
can collect it by inferences. Tacitus states that 
Cogidunus continued the faithful ally of the 
Romans down to his own time. ‘Tac. Agric. 6. 14. 
(See the whole passage cited above.) Cogidunus 
lived to an old age—say seventy—and he sur- 
vived until Tacitus had arrived at the years of 
diseretion—say twenty. But Tacitus was born 
about A.D. 55 (see Fasti Romani, a.p. 61), and 
would be twenty about a.p. 75. Cogidunus, 
therefore, would be about seventy in a.p. 75, and 


' VOL. I. 


consequently about 42 in a.p. 47, when Plautius 
was recalled. 

Tf Claudia was transferred to Rome, the charge 
of her would almost necessarily be confided to 
Pomponia Greecina, the wife of Aulus Plautius, 
the late Prefect of Britain, by whose favour 
her father had attained his present aggran- 
dizement. There was also some other tie be- 
tween Ciaudia and Pomponia, for while the 
damsel had the name of Claudia from the gens 
of the Clandii, amongst whom Cogidunus had 
been adopted, she bore also, as we learn from 
Martial, the cognomen of Rufina; and Rufus, or 
Rufina for a female, was a common cognomen of 
the gens Pomponia. It is likely, therefore, that 
Claudia had assumed the cognomen of Rufina 
out of compliment to some member of the Pom- 
ponian family. One Pomponius Rufus at this 
time held a high rank in the Roman army, and 
is supposed to be the person to whom Martial’s 
epigram on Pudens and Claudia was addressed. 
Williams, p. 37. 

Pomponia Grecina, the wife of Aulus Plau- 
tius, is described by Tacitus as insignis foemina 
(Tae. Ann. xiil. 82)—“a remarkable personage.” 
The name of Grecina, which was unknown in 
the Roman nomenclature, may have been con- 
ferred upon her from personal qualities, such as 
her love of Greek philosophy and Greek litera- 
ture generally, for she was undoubtedly a woman 
of strong intellect and an inquiring turn of mind. 
On the appearance of Christianity, her attention 
was immediately attracted to it, and eventually 
she became a convert. In Α.}. 57 her profession 
of the new religion became publicly known, and 
she was accused of apostasy from the religion of 
the state. Superstitionis extern rea. Tac. Ann. 
xiii. 82. Her adoption of the new creed may be 
placed in a.p. 41, for Tacitus remarks that from 
the death of Julia, the daughter of Drusus, 
A.D. 41 (Dion, Ix. 8), to the end of her days, forty 
years after, she withdrew from the gaieties of 
the world, and assumed a thoughtful and even 
mournful deportment: non cultu nisi lugubri, 
non animo nisi meesto egit (Tac. Ann. xiii. 32)— 
language in which a heathen would naturally 
describe a person whose faculties were fixed, 
not on mundane affairs, but on eternity. Such 
was Pomponia Greecina; and if, as is likely, the 
British princess, Claudia, was consigned to her 
care and placed under her auspices, it is easy to 


3) Ἢ 


304 [a.p. 66] 


SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. 


[CHar. X. 


interval between the first and second hearing was not long, and Paul once again, and 


for the last time, met his accusers, face to 


face, before the tribunal. 


sce that Claudia in the course of time would 
renounce the gross idolatries of her barbarous 
ancestors, and rejoice in the light of a rational 
religion. Thus far we have only shown the pro- 
bability that a daughter of Cogidunus would be 
named Clandia, and would be found at Rome 
under the care of Pomponia Greecina, who had 
embraced Christianity. We now proceed to some 
account of Pudens, who is coupled by Paul in 
the salutation with Claudia. 

The name of Pudens was properly Aulus 
Pudens, as we learn from Martial, who inscribes 
one of his epigrams ad Aulum Pudentem (vi. 58). 
He was the son of Pudentinus, and was an 
opulent Roman, as we may infer from the means 
which he possessed of indulging, at his outset in 
life, in all the licentiousness of the age. See 
Mart. i. 33, v. 48. Pudens very soon attained 
his company, or, in Roman language, became a 
centurion. 

Hos tibi, Phoebe, vovet totos a vertice crines, 
Enculpus, domini centurionis (Pudentis) amor. 
Mart. i. 32. 

The name of Aulus Pudens leads us to think 
that he may have been connected in some way 
with Aulus Plautius. At all events, Pudens 
served in Britain, and most likely joined the 
expedition of Aulus Plautius to Britain in a.p. 
43. Here he seems to have been quartered at 
Regnum, the capital of Cogidunus. It was the 
custom of the Romans that where a legion was 
once stationed, there it remained until wanted 
elsewhere for service in the field. Pudens, there- 
fore, would be a constant resident at Regnum, 


and would be on easy terms with Cogidunus, 
and seems even to have acquired the possession 
of property there, either by the gift of the king 
or by purchase. 

Cogidunus was to Britain what Herod the 
Great was to Judea. Both saw the impossi- 
bility of permanent resistance to the Roman 
arms, and both accordingly ranged themselves 
at the earliest moment on the side of the in- 
vaders. Both also had discernment enough to 
appreciate the value of Roman civilisation, and 
exerted their influence to introduce Roman cul- 
ture. It was in this spirit that Cogidunus gave 
his countenance to the settlement at Regnum, 
the capital of his sovereignty, of a company of 
Italian artisans. From the monument of which 
a facsimile will be found below we learn that a 
collegium, or association of fabri or mechanics, 
was incorporated at Regnum. Their first mea- 
sure was to erect a temple for public worship, 
and it was appropriately dedicated to Neptune 
and Minerva—to the former as the tutelary god 
by whose favour they had crossed the seas, and 
to the latter as the goddess of industrial arts, 
and therefore their patron saint. Pudens was 
liberal enough at his own cost to provide a site 
for the Temple, and the whole proceeding had 
the full sanction of Cogidunus. The monument 
to which we allude was a tablet exhumed at 
Chichester in 1723. It was found about 4 feet 
underground, at the corner of St. Martin’s Lane 
on the north side, where it comes into North 
Street. The stone was of Sussex marble, and 
bore the following inscription :— 


) SALW IE IDO- 


TDW BN URI 


ΝΡ 


a 


FAB 


δ (δ᾽ 


(Q) 


Fig. 306. —Facsimile of a Stone fownd at Chichester. 


From a photograph by J. H. Parker. 


Cuap. X.] 


SECOND TRIAL OF ST, PAUL. 


[a.p. 66] 395 


We want information who presided at the trial. Shortly after Paul’s first defence 
Nero left Rome for Bai,“ and remained there until the arrival of Tiridates, King 


The stone is imperfect, but the wanting parts 
can be easily supplied, and then the inscription 
will run thus :— 


[Njeptuno et Minervee 
Templum 

{Prjo Salute domus divine 

(Ex] auctoritate ΤΊ}. Claudii 
(Cojgidubni Regis Legati Augusti in Britannia 

(Collejgium Fabrorum et qui in eo 
[A Saeris sunt] de suo dedicaverunt, donante 
aream 
{Pud]ente Pudentini filio. 


To Neptune and Minerva 
This Temple 
For the safety of the Imperial Family, 
By the authority of King Tib. Claudius 
Cogidubnus, 
Legate of Augustus in Britain, 
Was dedicated by the Company of Artisans 
And their Officers, at their own expense, 
Pudens, son of Pudentinus, giving the site. 


The above inscription furnishes no clue to the 
date, but fortunately another tablet, which has 
since been discovered, affords the key. It was 
found at the corner of St. Martin’s Lane, in East 
Street, and very near the spot where the first was 
met with. Both slabs are of the same Sussex 
marble, and in both the letters are precisely of 
the same cut and size, so that they were evi- 
dently contemporaneous. The second inscrip- 
tion runs thus :— 

Neroni 

Claudio, Divi Claudii 

Aug. F. Germanici Cesaris 
Nepoti, Tib. Czesar. 
Aug. Pronepoti, Divi Aug. 
Abnepoti. Czsari Aug. Germ. 
. ἦν. Imp. v. Co. iv. 
Vot. S.C. M. 
Williams, p. 23, note. 


We have here the important fact that at the 
date of the dedication Nero was consul for the 


fourth time, and imperator for the fifth time. 
Now, Nero was consul for the fourth time in 
A.D. 60; but it was the Roman custom to con- 
tinue the title of the last consulship of an 
Emperor until he was consul again, and as Nero 
Was never consul again, but slew himself in 
A.D. 68, he would be designated as Consul IV. 
for every year from 4.D. 60 to A.p. 68. Thus far, 
therefore, we only know that the date of the 
inscription was some time between the Ist of 
January, 4.0. 60, and the 9th of January, a.p. 68, 
the date of Nero's death. But the fact men- 
tioned, that he was also imperator for the fifth 
time, is much more precise in its character. 
Nero was imperator for the third time in a.p. 59, 
and was imperator for the eleventh time in a.v. 67. 
See 6 Eckhel, p. 282. Nothing is known of the 
occasions on which he was saluted imperator 
for the intervening times from the third to the 
eleventh, but the honour seems to have been 
annual, or nearly so, and we may presume, there- 
fore, that he was imperator for the fourth time in 
a.p. 60. This, then, was the year in which the 
tablets were dedicated. 

This collegium fabrorum, the first incorporated 
company established in Britain, like many other 
speculations, came to an untimely end, for the 
very next year, 4.p. 61, broke out the general 
insurrection under Boadicea, when the gentle 
voice of the arts would be drowned amidst the 
din of arms.* Pudens at this time must have 
been still a heathen, as otherwise he could not 
have promoted the erection of a temple to Nep- 
tune and Minerva. By the foresight and energy 
of Paullinus Suetonius, the Prefect of Britain at 
this period, the army of the British patriots was 


* It has been conjectured by some that Claudia was not, as we 
have supposed, sent to Rome in some earlier year for her educa- 
tion, or as a hostage, but was now dispatched thither on the out- 
break of the insurrection for greater security, and that she was 
now (A.D. 61) of a tender age; and it may be thought to favour 
this idea that in a.p. 65 she was not, as we shall see, married to 
Pudens, though as a British Princess, and possessing personal 
chamns, she would probably marry on attaining a suitable age. 


40 Fasti Sacri, p. 338, No. 1986. The exact 
date of Nero’s departure does not appear, but 
as nearly as can be conjectured it was early in 
the second quarter, for Antistius Sosianus (who 
had been banished), writes to Nero, and is 
brought to Rome. Tac. Ann. xvi. 14. And 


Astorius, who was in Liguria, is sent for to 
Rome, xvi. 15, and there both put themselves to 
death before the trial. Then follow other deaths 
paucos intra dies, xvi. 17, and then Tacitus 
writes: Forte illis diebus Campaniam petiverat 
Cesar. xvi. 19. 

SUR 2 


396 [a.p. 66] 


SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. 


[Cuar. X. 


of Armenia,™! and he was then engaged in entertaining Tiridates at Rome with 
shows and processions, and the most splendid pageants." When this folly was con- 


defeated with tremendous loss, and the insur- 
rection was finally suppressed. At the close of 
a.p. 61, or early in a.p, 62, Suetonius returned to 
kKome to reap the reward of his victories in ἃ 
triumph or oyation. 

We shall see, from Martial, that Pudens mar- 
ried a certain Claudia, and the conjecture is that 
this Claudia was the daughter of Cogidunus. 
Can we, then, show that Pudens and a daughter 
of Cogidunus would probably be found in each 
other’s society ? 

Pudens had served in Britain, but did he con- 
tinue there, or was he recalled to Rome? We 
are told by Martial that his services were such 
as to call for some acknowledgment, and that he 
was raised to the dignity of a knight, and as 
such, was summoned to the discharge of eques- 
trian duties at Rome. 

Sospite me sospes Latias reveheris ad urbes, 
Et referes pili premia clarus eques. 
Mart. vi. 58. 
And as to the necessity of a knight’s presence at 
Roine, see Dion, lix. 9. Onthe arrival of Pudens 
at Rome new and extraordinary influences 
would be exerted over him. If not before ac- 
quainted with Pomponia Greecina, the wife of 
the late Prefect of Britain, he would now bring 
a letter of introduction with him from King 
Cogidunus, and at her house he would become 
acquainted with all the leading members of the 
Christian community. Not only so, but the 
return of Pudens to Rome, about A.p. 61, would 
be during the presence in the same city of the 
great Apostle of the Gentiles, Paul, on his ap- 
peal from the tribunal of Festus to the Roman 
Emperor. Pomponia and Claudia, as Christians, 
would make Pudens acquainted with the case of 
the suffering martyr, and as Paul was allowed 
by the liberality of the Prefects of the Preeto- 
rium to receive all comers, we can picture to 
ourselves how Pudens would attend at Paul’s 
lodgings to hear his powerful discourses, and 
would there meet with Timothy, who was in 
attendance upon Paul. Timothy was unquestion- 
ably present with Paul during some part of his 


be on familiar terms with the Christians of Rome, 
and therefore with Pomponia and Claudia, and 
through them with Pudens. Under such con- 
curring circumstances, Pudens might very 
naturally become a Christian? That he was 
such we should infer from the epithet applied to 
him by Martial, who calls him the saintly 
Pudens (‘sancto,’ xi. 54), which indicates some 
religious profession out of the ordinary course. 
In a.p. 63 Paul was liberated, and returned to 
his churches in the East. But in a.p. 65 he 
was again a prisoner at Rome, and it was during 
this his second captivity that Paul wrote his 
Second Epistle to Timothy, and sent in it salu- 
tations from Pudens and Claudia, with whom 
Timothy had been on a footing of intimacy two 
or three years before. 

In the very same year, 4.D. 65, came the poet 
Martial to Rome, as we learn from hints given 
by himself. He tells us that he passed in all 
thirty-five years in Rome (post septima lustra 
reverso, xii. 81), and Fynes Clinton has shown 
(Fasti Rom. a.p. 99-100) that Martial quitted 
Rome in A.p. 100, and he therefore first came thi- 
ther in A.D. 65. When Martial had been thirty- 
four years at Rome (A.D. 99) (Martial, x. 103, 
104), his age was fifty-seven, and he was therefore 
twenty-three In Α.Ὁ. 65. As a rising genius he 
would be admitted into the highest circles, and 
would be introduced to Pomponia Greecina, who 
was celebrated for her literary attainments. 

At the house of Pomponia he would meet with 
Pudens, and the British Princess Claudia, and 
also with Pomponius Rufus, the relative of 
Pomponia, and, like himself, an officer in the 
Romanarmy. Martial never became a Christian, 
but from the influences of the Christian society, 
with which he was thus brought into contact, he 
refrained from the invectives which were so 
common against the new religion, and, on the 
contrary, exhibits in his writings a marked 
respect for it by expressing his high admiration 
of the constancy with which the saints endured 
the tortures to which they were put during the 
Neronian persecution. 

Eyentually Pudens, who had triumphed over 


captivity (Philipp. i. 1; Coloss. i. 1), and would 


4! Fasti Sacri, p. 388, No. 1987. διὰ Πικεντῶν 
(Liridates) ἐς Νέαν πόλιν πρὸς αὐτὸν (Neronem) 


ἀφίκετο. Dion, xiii. 2. 


12 Pion, Ixiii. 3. 
commenced, for awnings were employed. 
Dion, |xiii. 6. 


And the hot weather had 
ὅπως 


‘ Se 
τὸν ἥλιον ἀπερύκοι. 


Cuap. X.] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. 


[a.v. 66] 397 


cluded, Nero, with an army of musicians and actors, embarked for Greece (fig. 307), to 
play the guitar, and drive the chariot at their games (fig. 308), and drink the applause 


the Britons in arms, was captivated by the 
charms of the British princess, and Pudens and 
Claudia became man and wife. In what year 
the happy event occurred we have no sufficient 
grounds for determining, but many assume that 
it was subsequently to the date of Paul’s Second 
Epistle to Timothy (.p. 65), for otherwise Paul 
could not have written “ Pudens, and Linus, and 
Claudia” (2 Tim: iv. 21), but must have said 
Linus, and Pudens, and Claudia. He could not 
have separated man and wife, and interpose 
Linus between them. The same conclusion re- 
sults also from the fact that Martial wrote some 
laudatory lines upon the occasion to his friend 
nufus, for Martial himself did not arrive in 
Rome until s.p. 68, and we must suppose that 
some time would elapse before he had formed 
an intimacy with Pudens, and Claudia, and 
Rufus. 

The Epigram of Martial, in which he com- 
memorates the nuptials of Pudens and Claudia, 
and which he sends to Pomponius Rufus, then 
absent from Rome, begins thus :— 

Claudia, Rufe, meo nubit peregrina Pudenti: 
Macte esto taedis, o Hymenwe, tuis. 


And the four last lines are— 
Candida perpetuo reside, Concordia, lecto; 
‘Tumque pari semper sit Venus aqua jugo! 
Diligat illa senem quondam ; sed et ipsa marito, 


Tune quoque cum fuerit, non videatur anus! 
Martial, iv. 11. 


It transpires only from this Epigram that 
Claudia was a foreigner, and her native country 
is not mentioned. From the following ode it is 
elicited that she was a Briton :— 

Claudia caruleis cum sit Rufina Britannis 
Edita, cur Latie pectora gentis hubes ? 
Quale decus forme! Romanam credere matres 
Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam. 
Di bene, quod sancto peperit foecunda marito, 
Quod sperat generos, quodque puella nurus ! 
Sic placeat superis, ut conjuge guudeat uno, 
Et semper nutis guudeat illa tribus. 
Martial, xi. 32, 

From the first Epigram we learn that Pudens 
and Claudia were in their youth, and that the 
match was regarded as a suitable one, and a 
British Princess would surely be a worthy con- 
sort fora Roman Knight. Some interval must 
have elapsed before the penning of the second 
Epigram, for Claudia was then the mother of 


three children, but still retained her personal 
attractions. 

It has been objected to the hypothesis of 
Claudia being the daughter of King Cogidunns, 
that Martial published his fourth book, which 
contains the first Epigram in a.p. 88, and pub- 
lished his eleventh book, which contains the 
second Epigram, in a.p. 100; and how in a.p. 100 
could he speak of Claudia, the daughter of King 
Cogidunus, as still beautiful? But it does not 
follow that because an Epigram was first published 
in A.D. 100, it was therefore written in a.p. 100, 
Many a fugitive piece thrown off at an early 
age would find its way into a later collection, 
and Archdeacon Williams has given us several 
instances of the kind. See p. 10. 

I. Was Claudia the daughter of Caractacus ? 
Before the discovery of the two tablets at Chi- 
chester before mentioned, the voice of tradition 
was almost unanimous in declaring Claudia to 
be the daughter not of Cogidunus, but of Carac- 
tacus, and in some respects this theory is per- 
haps more plausible than the former. In the 
case of King Cogidunus history has not even 
informed us whether he had a daughter, and 
still less whether the daughter resided at Rome. 
But as to Caractacus, we know that in a.p. 50 
he was carried thither a captive, and there kept 
under surveillance, and that he was accompanied 
by some brothers, and a wife, and only child, 
who avas a daughter. Fratres et conjux et filia. 
Tac. Ann. xii. 36. The daughter, under such 
circumstances, would naturally be educated at 
Rome, and be received into the higher circles, 
and so become acquainted with Pomponia 
Grecina, the wife of the late Prefect of Britain, 
and with Pudens, who had been an officer in 
the army to which Caractacus had surrendered. 
It is also not an immaterial circumstance that 
Paul associates “ Linus and Claudia” together; 
and in the old British traditions this Linus ‘is 
said to be the Llin of Welsh Hagiography, the 
son of Caractacus, and so the brother of Claudia, 
which would account for his being named with 
her in the Epistle, and in precedence to her. 

Upon the whole, we should say that Claudia 
may have been the daughter of Cogidunus, or 
may have been the daughter of Caractacus, and 
that in all probability she was either the one or 
the other. 


398 [a.p. 66] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [Cuap. X. 


of a sycophant population, the degenerate descendants of Miltiades and Leonidas.” 


To the freedman Helius was committed the absolute administration of public affairs at 


Fig. 307.— Coin of Nero. From Pembroke Collection. 


Obv. Head of Nero, with the legend Nepw. KAav. Καισ. Σεβ. Γερμ. (Nero Claudius Cesar Augustus Germanicus).—Rev. A Trireme 
under full sail, with eight oars, and the legend SeBaotopopos (Freighted with Augustus). 


Rome during the Emperor’s absence, and no one could have been selected as a fitter 
representative of the reckless extravagance, licentious debauchery, and cold-blooded 


Fig. 308.—Coin of Nero. From Morell ( Ventidia). 


Obv. Head of Nero, with the legend Nero Caesar Aug.— Rev. Greece personified as a female crowning Nero as victor in the 
Isthmian Games, with the legend θη. Frontone it vir. Cor. (Tuentius Fronto Dummvir. Corinth). 


cruelty of his inhuman master. Tigellinus, one of the Prefects of the Praetorium, and 
the court fayourite, accompanied the frivolous expedition.“* His colleague Nymphidius 
Sabinus was left in charge of the provincial prisoners detained in the Praetorium. 

On the day fixed for the second trial, Nero was probably in Achaia, or on the road 
to it, and it is likely that the case fell under the jurisdiction of Helius, the Emperor’s 
representative, or of Sabinus, the Prefect of the Preetorium, or the Consular Deputy 
who heard appeals from Asia. 

Clement, the contemporary and disciple of the Apostle, speaks only of Paul 
having pleaded his cause before “ Governors,” *° but from this we may infer that the 
Emperor did not preside at the final hearing in person. For the word “ governors” 
is employed several times in the same Epistle, and in nearly all the instances denotes 
subordinate rulers, and in none is applied to the supreme monarch, and is sometimes 
even used in contradistinction to that sense.'*® 


45 Suet. Nero, 22. See Fasti Sacri, p. 340, 144 Dion, Ixiii. 12; Suet. Nero, 22, 23. See 
No. 1996. As the games were usually cele~ Fasti Sacri, p. 340, No. 1994. 
brated about midsummer, we may suppose that Mo ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων. Clement. Epist. Cor. v. 
Nero was in Greece at that season. 46 Tn chap. i. he speaks of the presbyters of 


SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [a.p. 66] 


Cnar. X.] 399 


The second hearing was, we may assume, conducted in one of the Basilicas, or 
courts of law. A Basilica was an oblong building with an apse at the end, and a 
colonnaded cloister running round the interior with the exception of the apse. The 
central part of the oblong was left open to the sky. The Tribune for the judge was 
on an elevated platform within the apse, and just in front of the tribune was an 
image of the god at whose altar the witnesses were sworn. Under the tribunal was 
a vault or cell, in which the prisoners were temporarily confined before being brought 
into court.'7 Right and left of the judicial chair were the benches, on a lower level, 
on which sat the assessors or jurors; and in front of the Tribune were placed the 
prosecutor and the prisoner, and the advocates of the two parties and others interested 
in the trial, the prosecutor and his friends standing on one side, and the accused and 
his supporters on the other. The jury were impanelled much in the same manner 
as amongst ourselves. A list was kept of all in Rome who were liable to serve on 
juries, and at the time of trial the names of those next on the rota were cast into an 
urn, and the jurors were then drawn out by lot. The prisoner had the right of 
challenge, and the objection, where it appeared well-founded, was allowed. When 
the panel was complete, the jurors laid their hand upon the altar which stood in front 
of the Tribune, and took an oath to pronounce a righteous judgment. The pleadings 
were then opened by the accuser or his counsel, who first stated the case for the 
prosecution, and then examined his witnesses, whom the prisoner had the right of 
cross-examining. The crier of the court then proclaimed “ Dixit,” or “ Spoken,” 
when the accused or his counsel began the defence, first suggesting the points, and 
then proving them by the evidence. Both sides having concluded, the erier pro- 
claimed “ Dixerunt,” or “Both spoken,” when the jurors deliberated, and wrote each 
his verdict on a tablet, A. for Absolvo or an acquittal, and C. for Condemno or guilty, 
and N. L. for Non Liquet or Not proven, and the judge announced the result according 
to the majority. Such were the general features of a Roman trial, and such or similar 
must have been the proceedings in the case of Paul. 

On the day appointed for the second hearing, the Apostle was brought up from the 
prisoner’s cell into court; and the jurors were sworn, the accusers and the accused 
were heard in their turn. Paul on this as on every other emergency stood forth 


to the martyrdom of Paul, the word ἡγούμενοι 


the church (Christ being the Head) as τοῖς ἡγου- 
μένοις ὑμῶν. In chap. xxxii. he says of Jacob 
that from him were descended βασιλεῖς καὶ 
ἄρχοντες καὶ ἡγούμενοι, Which an annotator trans- 
lates, “ Reges, principes, ac duces.” In chap. 
xxxvil. he calls military commanders under a 
king ἡγούμενοι, and says that the troops obey 
what is ordered Ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῶν ἧγου- 
μένων. In chap. li. we read—apae καὶ ἡ στρατία 
αὐτοῦ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἡγούμενοι Αἰγύπτου. And 
lastly, in chap. ly. we meet with the expression 
Βασιλεῖς καὶ ἡγούμενοι. Perhaps, with reference 


may signify the Prefects of the Pretorium. See 
also for the use of the word ἡγούμενοι, Acts vii. 
10; Pausan. Corinth. ii. 1, 2; Phocie. x. 1, 3; 
Appian, Mithrid. 8, 11, 17, 71, 116; Bell. Civ. 
iii. 26, 77; v. 55, 68, 187, 138, &e. 

“7 In Donaldson’s Pompeii will be seen a plan 
of the basilica there, and in the vault under the 
tribunal were found iron fastenings attached to 
the walls for securing the prisoners, and the 
small windows of the vault were grated. 


400 [a.p. 66] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [Cuar. X. 


the undaunted champion of Christianity, openly avowing his faith, but insisting 
that he had not violated any law found in the statute book. The jurors conferred 
together, and the judge delivered the verdict, and Paul heard unmoved the fatal 
word Guilty. Sentence of death was pronounced, and Paul was reconducted to 
his cell. 

It was the custom amongst the Romans not to inflict capital punishment until the 
expiration of ten days from the conviction, in order that the Emperor might have the 
opportunity, where it was his pleasure, of granting a free pardon.™ Nero, however, 
more frequently hurried his victims from the court to the scaffold within the space 
of an hour,’ and Helius, his representative, was not of a more merciful temper. We 
may be sure that no long interval elapsed between the Apostle’s condemnation and 
his execution. 

On the 29th of June, a.p. 66 (for so tradition has fixed the date),’°° Paul was 
eiven in charge to a centurion, to be led to execution. We have no particulars save 
that the place of martyrdom was at Aque Salvie, or Tre Fontane, about two miles 
from Rome, on the Via Ostiensis ;'°' however, the mind’s eye draws a picture which 
cannot be very different from the scene as it actually occurred. The centurion, at the 
head of a company of the Preetorian guard, and having in custody the venerable saint, 
issued from the walls of Rome by the Porta Ostiensis on the south. The broad 
Ostian Way lay before them, lined on each side by the tombs of the dead and the 
gorgeous mansions of the living. On the right as they made their exit was the tomb 
of Caius Cestius (which still exists), a pyramid erected over his remains by L. 
Pontius Mela, a kinsman, perhaps, of that Pontius Pilate who, thirty-three years 
before, had ordered the crucifixion of the founder of the religion for which Paul was 
now to lay down his life. 

An execution is ever an attraction to a certain class, and as the procession passed 
out of the Ostian Gate it was accompanied by the canaille of Rome, who hissed and 
hooted and yelled at the man who had striven to uproot their profane idolatries. 
Amongst the multitude would also be found the priests and their underlings, whose 
livelihood depended on the maintenance of the state religion, and who now were to 
gratify their revenge by the extinction of so notable a reformer. Stragelers from the 
Preetorian guard would also be there, some to mock, as at the crucifixion of our Saviour ; 
and some, perhaps, who had witnessed the innocent life of the offender, with a better 
and deeper feeling. It is even said that three of the guard, Longinus, Acestus, and 


us Suet. Tib. 75; Tac. Ann. iii. 51; Dion, Ἰουνίῳ κθ. Acta Petri et Pauli, 5. 88; and so 
lvili. 27 Chrysost. Opera, v. 994; and Malala, lib. x. 
49 Suet. Nero, 37. Wl 6 μὲν Παῦλος ἀπετμήθη τὴν κεφαλὴν ev τῇ 
1 ἡ πρὸ τριῶν Καλανδῶν ᾿Ιουλίων, μηνὶ “louie ᾿᾽ὈὈστησίᾳ ὁδῷ. Acta Petri et Pauli ad finem. 
κθ΄, καθ᾽ ἣν ἐτελειώθη ὁ ἅγιος ἀπόστολος (Παῦλος). Public executions were enacted by the side of 
Auctor. Martyr. Paul. prefixed to Gicumenius, the great roads. Thus Calpurnius Galerianus 
ed. Veron. f 5, cited Fasti Rom. ἐτελειώθησαν δὲ was executed,ad quadragesimum ab urbe lapidem 


οἱ ἅγιοι ἔνδοξοι ἀπόστολοι ἸΠέτρος καὶ Παῦλος μηνὶ vii Appia. Tac. Hist. ἵν. 11. 


Cuar. X.] MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. [a.p. 66] 401 


Megistus, were conyerted on the way and afterwards suffered martyrdom for the name 
of Christ. Less conspicuous amongst the motley crowd would be the little silent and 
thoughtful kyot of the Apostle’s faithful followers, anxious, at the risk of insult and 
injury, to testify their respect for the great champion of their holy cause. The sword 
and the cross, and the stake and the shirt of fire, had not broken the constancy 
of hundreds of martyrs who had gone before, and the survivors were ready to 
attend the venerated Paul to his grave at the peril of similar pains and penalties. 
Pudens and Claudia were there, and Eubulus and Linus, and the beloved physician 
Luke. 

For about a mile and a quarter, the road to Aque Salviz lies along the Via Ostiensis, 
and then, at Osteria del Ponticello, branches off in a south-eastern direction, and 


Ι 

| 

| a ως, 

\OSTERIA DEL. 

7 βσνγίξεεεος,, ᾿ 
ἘΠ ον ἡ 


Fig. 309.—Road from Rome to Tre Fontane, the scene of St. Paul's decapitation. 


runs along the Via Ardeatina Nova for three-quarters of a mile, when a short by-lane 
leads at once down to Aqua Salvia (fig. 309), a spot not unsuited to an execution, 
as being a hollow encompassed on all sides by low hills, which rise around it like an 
amphitheatre, and from which any number of spectators could witness the heart- 
stirring spectacle (fig. 310). 

VOL. I. 3 F 


102 [a.p. 66] 


MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. 


This was the Tyburn of Rome, and was not farther from the capital than Tyburn 


was from the limits of Old London.!” 


Thither the centurion and his prisoner arrived, and after the usual preliminaries, 


hig. 310.—General view of the Hollow of Tre koutane. 


From an original drawing. 


The road passes under the arch seen on the right, and then runs between two churches (the round one on the right with the 
enpola and the long one on the left with a window at the end), and then continues to the tront of the church of St. Paul, 
the farthest building on the specrator’s left, and of which a more exact view, from a photograph, is piven at p.405. The 
round church on the right of the road is that of S. Muria Scala Ceeli, and the long church on tae left is that of SS. Vincenzo 


ed Anastasio, 


the passive martyr was blindfolded and laid his head upon the block. The execu- 
tioner did his work, and Paul was in the world of spirits. 


τ Τὴ 1851 I visited the scene of martyrdom. 
After leaving the city walls by the Porta San 
Paolo we arrived at the distance of about a mile 
at the Basilica of St. Paul, standing on the 
right, and under the tribune of which the 
Apostle is said to have been buried—a noble 
structure, and next to St. Peter’s in dimensions, 
but the renovation of the edifice was still incom- 
plete. A little farther on a narrow and indifferent 
road led off to the left, and after advancing along 
it for somewhat less than a mile we came to three 
churches or chapels, situate nearly at the points 
of an equilateral triangle. We entered the most 
easterly, which was dedicated to St. Paul, and 
found ourseives in a plain church of an oblong 
form. At the farthest corner on the right was a 
short column fixed in the ground to which the 


Apostle, according to the legend, was lashed, 
and at the foot of it was the inscription, 
“Columna decollationis sancti Pauli apostoli.” 
Along the side, and at equally distant intervals 
were three wells, and over each of them was a 
crucifix and a decorated altar-piece, with a head 
of St. Paul in a recumbent posture. The three 
wells were said to have sprung up as the head 
of the Apostle made three bounds after the 
decollation. The water of each spring was 
stated to be of a different temperature, but this 
was not perceptible to the taste. In Wright’s 
Travels, vol. i. p. 248, the account is as follows : 
“Within it (the church) are three fountains, 
which, according to them, were miraculously 
made by so many several leaps the head took 
after it was cut off. The water of these fountains 


Cuap. ΠΣ 


MALTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. 


[a.p. 66] 403 


The reader may look upon the Apostle’s end as a tragedy, but to himself it 


was a triumph. Paul had ever regarded death as the gateway to life. 


He dared 


not, indeed, desert his post, and, actuated by this feeling of duty, he had for thirty 


years steadily pursued one undeviating course, through 


unparalleled hardships. 


“Forgetting those things that were behind, and reaching forth unto those things 
which were before, he had pressed toward the mark for the prize of the high calling 


of God in Christ Jesus,” 
invited, he hailed it with pleasure, 


=) 


die is gain. But if I live in the flesh, this is the fruit of my labour. 


and now that the day of his departure arrived un- 
When in jeopardy during his first imprisonment, 
he had thus written his feelings to the Philippians, 


“To me to live is Christ, and to 
Yet what I 


shall choose I wot not, for Iam in a strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart, and 


to be with Christ, which is Jar far better: nevertheless to 


abide in the flesh is more 


needful for you.”!** And again in contemplating even at that time the possibility of 


his exit from the world, instead of looking 


for their congratulation: “If,” he SAYS, 


service of your faith, I joy and congratul 


congratulate me,” 155 


forward to it with apprehension, he calls 
“Ibe poured out upon the sacrifice and 
ue you, and in like manner do ye joy and 


The world’s admiration of the Christian martyr has hallowed the ground where 
he closed his life, and three churches have been erected within the narrow limits of 


the little area. 


The first, as you descend from the Via Ardeatina, is that 


dedicated 


to Santa Maria Seala Ceeli, and the second to the saints Vincenzo and Anastasio, and 
the third is the church of St. Paul alle Tre Fontane (fig. 311), and marks the site of 


the Apostle’s decapitation. 


I visited the place many years ago, and listened with all 


the credence I could command to the oft-told tale, how the little marble column in 
the last-mentioned church is that to which he was bound, and then beheaded, and how, 
when the fatal blow was struck, the severed head made three leaps, and at each leap 
a fountain miraculously Sprang up (whence the name of Tre Fontane), and how each 
fountain has the wonderful efficacy of curing all disorders (whence the name of Aque 


Salvia),1°° 


The martyrdoms of Peter and Paul at Rome, in the first Gentile persecution under 


cures all diseases; one would wonder what 
occasion they have for doctors.” 

183 Phil. iii. 13. 

14 Phil. i. 21-94. 

SS Phu ai. 17, 18. 

16 J have forborne to insert in the text two 
ridiculous monkish legends. The Jirst is, that 
Paul on his way to Tre Fontane begged of Plau- 
tilla, a Roman convert of quality, to lend him her 
veil for a bandage to his eyes at the moment of 
execution, with a promise to restore it, and that 
after his martyrdom he appeared to Plautilla 
in a vision, and returned the veil. The name of 


Plautilla was adopted to give colour to the story, 
as the wife of A. Plautius, the conqueror of 
Britain, was a Christian. 

The second legend is, that Paul and Peter were 
both executed on the same day, and were both 
cast into the same grave; that afterwards, on a 
contest for the bones of Paul between the three 
churches of St. Peter and St. John Lateran at 
Rome, and of St. Paul on the Via Ostiensis, a 
heavenly vision distinguished the bones of Paul 
from those of Peter, by pronouncing (contrary to 
what the reader would have thought) that the 
larger bones were those of Paul and the smaller 


988 


404 [A.p. 66] MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. 


[Cuap. X. 


Nero, are attested by a cloud of witnesses. Clement, their contemporary, and who is 
mentioned by name in the Epistle to the Philippians, thus records their death: “ But 
to pass from ancient examples, let us come to the champions of our own time, let us 
take the patterns of our own generation. Through heart-burnings and envy, have 
the greatest and most righteous pillars of the church been persecuted and put to 
death. Let us paint before our eyes the worthy Apostles. Through envy Peter 
endured not one or two, but manifold labours; and so having suffered martyrdom, he 
went to the appointed place of glory. Through envy Paw also carried away the 
prize of endurance—seyen times in bonds, expelled, stoned. A preacher both in the 
east and in the west, he covered himself with the glory of his faith; having taught 
the whole world righteousness, and haying come to the limit of the West, and testified 
to martyrdom before Governors, so he departed from the world, and went to that holy 
place, having shown himself the noblest pattern of endurance.”!* Clement adds, 
“To these men, so holy in their lives, was joined a great multitude of the elect who 
having suffered through enyy many pains and torments, were made unto us a most 
glorious example.”** From Clement thus coupling Peter and Paul with the other 
martyrs at Rome, it is plain that the two Apostles suffered in the general persecution 
under Nero, and Peter’s crucifixion is made to precede Paul’s decapitation. Diony- 
sius, also, Bishop of Corinth, about a.p. 170, writes to the same effect to the Roman 
church. “So also you, by this your admonition, have joined together the planting of 
the Romans and the Corinthians which was made by Peter and Paul, for both alike 
preached as far as our Corinth, and planted us, and both alike preached together as far 
as Italy, and suffered martyrdom about the same time,” 159 

It matters little what became of the earthly tabernacle, the corruptible part of 
the holy Apostle, but tradition has been busy upon the subject, and tells us that the 
body after execution was thrown into the common charnel-house with other criminals, 
but was afterwards identified and rescued by a Roman convert of distinction named 
Lucina, who buried the remains in her own garden by the side of the Ostian Way, at 
about a mile from the Ostian gate, on the very spot where now stands the church of 
St. Paul, without the walls. There can be no doubt that in the earliest times a 
memorial over the supposed remains of the Apostle was erected by the side of the 
Ostian way, and presumably on the site of the existing church. Thus, Caius, a Roman 
presbyter, about a.p. 212, in his disputation with Proculus, writes, in allusion to 
Peter and Paul, “Iam able to point out the trophies of the Apostles; for whether 
you go to the Vatican or to the Ostian way, you will find the trophies of those who 
founded this church.” And Eusebius appeals to the inscription on their monuments 


of Peter, and thereupon the Pope, Silvester, p. 408 ef seg. 

awarded the head of Paul to the church of St. 167 Clem. Ep. Cor. v. 
John Lateran, and divided his other bones by 18 Clem. Ep. Cor. vi. 
weight between the churches of St. Peter and St. 169. Wuseb. ii. 25. 
Paul. See Aringhi’s Roma Subterranea, yol. i. 160 Aringhi. 


Crap. X.] 


MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. 


[a.p, 66] 405 


as confirming this testimony,’' and Chrysostom also speaks of the tombs as still 


subsisting in his time.’ 


Fig. 311.—Church of St. Paul alle Tre Fontane. 


From a photograph. 


The original monument must have been one of an ordinary character, but when 


Rome became Christian a magnificent basilica was erected on the spot by the Emperor 
Constantine.'** Often as the fabric has been demolished or decayed, it has as often 
been rebuilt. The last destruction was in 1823, and from that time to the present 


181 καὶ πιστοῦταί ye τὴν ἱστορίαν ἡ Πέτρου καὶ 
Παύλου εἰς δεῦρο κρατήσασα ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτόθι κοιμη- 
τηρίων πρόσρησις. Euseb. BE. H. ii. 25. 

162 τὰ δὲ τῶν ἀποστόλων ov δὴ ἴσμεν τῶν πολλῶν 
ὄπου (τὰ dora) κεῖται: Πέτρου μὲν γὰρ καὶ Παύλου 
καὶ ᾿Ιωάννου καὶ Θωμᾷ δῆλοι οἱ τάφοι. Chrysost. 
Homil. 26, 5. 2, in Epist. Hebr. xi. 

183 ἔστι δέ τις νεὼς Παύλου τοῦ ἀποστόλου Pans, 
τοῦ περιβόλου τέσσαρας καὶ δέκα σταδίους ἀπέχων, 
ὅ τε ποταμὸς αὐτὸν παραῤῥεῖ Τίβερις. ἔνταυθα 
ὀχύρωμα μὲν οὐδαμῇ ἐστι, στοὰ δέ τις ἄχρι ἐς τὸν 
νεῶν διήκουσα ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. Procopius, Gothica, 
η, Β. 

The date of St. Paul’s martyrdom has been 
much disputed, and as the earliest notices re- 
lating to it are not numerous, we shall introduce 
them seriatim. 


Clemens Romanus, the contemporary of Paul, 
after noticing the death of Peter (who therefore 
suffered before Paul), proceeds to say of Paul 
that ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν καὶ μαρτυρή- 
σας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ 
κόσμου. .. Τούτοις τοῖς ἄνδρασιν ὁσίως πολιτευ- 
σαμένοις συνηθροίσθη πολὺ πλῆθος ἐκλεκτῶν, οἵτινες 
πολλὰς οἰκίας καὶ βασάνους διὰ ξῆλον παθόντες, 
ὑπόδειγμα κάλλιστον ἐγένοντο ἐν ἡμῖν. Clem. Rom. 
1 Epist. Cor. c. 5, 6. See the whole citation 
fully set out, ante, p. 294, note ἢ, The only 
clue to the date of the martyrdom here con- 
tained is the fact that Paul suffered after Peter: 
and as allusion is made to a multitude of others 
who died for their faith after the greatest tor- 
ments, we must infer that the deaths of both 
Yeter and Paul were connected with the general 


406 [a.p. 66] 


MARTYRDOM OF 51. PAUL. 


[Cuap. X, 


a church has been rising up (now nearly finished), which in costliness and general 
magnificence stands next to the cathedral of St. Peter at Rome (fig. 312), 


persecution under Nero, which, commencing at 
Rome in a.p. 64, afterwards extended itself into 
the provinces, and probably continued, with more 
or less intensity, until the death of Nero himself 
in A.p. 68. The words paprupyoa ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγου- 
μένων have created unnecessary difficulty. Why, 
it is asked, should Paul be said to have testified to 
the truth before ‘rulers’ in the plural? Some have 
taken ἐπὶ, not in the sense of ‘ before,’ but ‘in the 
time of, and suggest that on the death of Nero 
there was a rapid succession of Galba, Otho, Vitel- 
lius, and Vespasian, and that Paul pleaded succes- 
sively before two of them. Others suppose Paul 
to have been tried before the two prefects of the 
Pretorium, others before Helius, the regent in 
Nero’s absence, and Nymphidius Sabinus, a 
prefect of the Preetorium, or Polycletus, or 
some other potentate. Now, assuming the mar- 
tyrdom to have oceurred in a.p. 66, the best 
answer to the question is to be found in Panl’s 
Second Epistle to Timothy, where he tells us 
that he had already been tried upon one count 
and acquitted, but that he was expecting a 
second hearing, when he apprehended conviction. 
2 Tim. iv. 17,6. The first trial was in the spring 
of A.D. 66, when Nero was still in Rome; but 
before midsummer of the same year Nero had 
left for Greece, and Paul would then be brought 
before the tribunal of the regent in Nero’s ab- 
sence. Kyen if Paul had been heard the first 
time before one of the judges of appeal, it is not 
at all improbable, as a considerable interval 
occurred, that he would plead on the second 
occasion before a different judge. In any case, 
therefore, Paul before his martyrdom might well 
have borne testimony before ‘rulers’ in the 
plural: ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων. 

Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, who lived about 
A.D. 170, writes to the Romans thus: ταῦτα καὶ 
ὑμεῖς διὰ τῆς τοσαύτης νουθεσίας, τὴν ἀπὸ Πέτρου καὶ 
Παύλου φυτεῖαν γεννηθοῖσαν Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ 
Κορινθίων συνεκεράσατε. καὶ γὰρ ἄμφω καὶ εἰς 
τὴν ἡμετέραν Κόρινθον φυτεύσαντες ἡ μᾶς ὁμοίως 
ἐδίδαξαν" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ὁμόσε διδά- 
Eavres ἐμαρτύρησαν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον. Euseb. 
11.25. If * planting’ be taken here in its strict and 
proper sense, the bishop is certainly inaccurate, 
tor the church of Rome, which is said to have 
been planted by Peter and Paul, was not planted 
by either of them; and Corinth, which is also 
said to have been planted by both, was founded 


by Paul only. But perhaps Dionysius con- 
sidered all who preached at a place in the Apo- 
stolie age to be planters; so that in this sense 
not only Paul, who planted, but Apollos, who 
watered, would be regarded as founders of the 
Corinthian church. The language of the bishop 
is partly, perhaps, capable of explanation in 
another way, viz. on the principle referendi 
singula singulis; so that the τὴν ἀπὸ Πέτρου καὶ 
Παύλου φυτείαν Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Κορινθίων should 
mean the planting of the Roman church by 
Peter, and the Corinthian by Paul—a statement 
which would be accurate as to Paul, though not 
so as to Peter. As regards the repetition of the 
foundership under the word φυτεύσαντες, the 
reading in Syncellus, p. 341, is φοιτήσαντες ; and 
this certainly agrees better with the context, and 
is probably the true reading. It is indeed the 
only satisfactory solution of the difficulty. See 
Wieseler, Chronol. Apost. 534. Syncellus also 
omits the word ὁμόσε, which seems superfluous. 
Even if the reading of φυτεύσαντες be retained, 
the testimony of Dionysius cannot be carried 
further than this, that both Peter and Paul 
propagated the Gospel as far as Corinth. and 
then as far as Rome, where they both suffered. 
“ For both equally, having planted us, evangel- 
ized our Corinth; and in like manner also 
(ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ) the one as wellas the other (ὁμόσε), . 
having taught as far as Italy, suffered martyr- 
dom at about (κατὰ) the same time.” As to 
Peter’s visit to Corinth, Dionysius no doubt 
relied on a text in the first Epistle to the Corin- 
thians, i. 12: “I am of Cephas,” which he inter- 
preted to imply (but which is not likely) that 
Peter had preached at Corinth. He may have 
done so, however, on his way to Rome, just 
before his martyrdom, but not before. 

Caius the Presbyter, AD. 210, records that 
Peter and Paul were martyrs at Rome, and that 
their tombs still existed. "Ey δὲ τὰ τρόπαια τῶν 
ἀποστόλων ἔχω δεῖξαι. "Rav yap θελήσης ἀπελθεῖν 
ἐπὶ τὸν Βατικανὸν, ἢ ἐπὶ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ᾿Ωστίαν, εὑρή- 
σεις τὰ τρύπαια τῶν ταύτην ἱδρυσαμένων τὴν ἐκκλη- 
σίαν. Kuseb. Εἰ. H. ii. 25. 

Tertullian, who flourished a.p. 190-214, men- 
tions only that Paul suffered at Rome, without 
giving any date. Orientem fidem Rome primus 
Nero cruentavit Tune Paulus civitatis 
Romane consequitur nativitatem, cum illic mar- 
tyrii renascatur generositate. Scorpiac. ec. 15, 


Fig. 312.—Interior of the Church of St. Paul without the walls. From a photograph. 
The body of St. Paul was buried, according to tradition, under the altar or tribune. 


Fig. 313.—Martyrdom of a Christian. From C, W. King’s Antique Gems. 


The martyr is hoiding a cross, aud over the head is the monogram ef Christ, and at the foot are the letters ANFT 


408 [a.p. 66] 


MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. 


[Cuap. X. 


ubi (Rome) Paulus Joannis exitu coronatur. 
De Prescript. Heeret. c. 86; and see Advyers. 
Mare. iv. ¢. 5. 

Origen, who flourished a.p. 210-258, places the 
death of Paul at Rome in the time of Nero, but 
without distinguishing the year. ἀπὸ Ἱερουσαλὴμ 
μέχρι τοῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ πεπληροκότος τὸ εὐαγγέλιον 
τοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ ὕστερον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἐπὶ Νέρωνος 
μεμαρτυρηκότος. Cited by Euseb. E. H. iii. 1. 

Busebius, who flourished αν. 808-840, tells us 
τότε μὲν οὖν ἀπολογησάμενον αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ 
κηρύγματος διακονίαν λύγος ἔχει στείλασθαι τὸν 
ἀπόστολον, δεύτερον δὲ ἐπιβάντα τῇ αὐτῇ πόλει τῷ 
κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τελειωθῆναι μαρτυρίῳ, κιτιλ. Huseb. ii. 
22. In the time of Eusebius, therefore, the tra- 
dition was that Paul had suffered at Rome. but 
the year is not stated. In his Chronicon, how- 
ever, Eusebius places the martyrdom in the 
thirteenth year of Nero, or a.p. 67; but accord- 
ing to Clinton the years of the reign of Nero 
are postponed in the Chronicon by one year, 
and therefore the testimony of Eusebius assigns 
the martyrdom in effect to A.D. 66. 

Jerome, in his version of Eusebius’s Chronicon, 
places the martyrdom of Paul in the fourteenth 
year of Nero, or a.D. 68; and ina work of his own, 
he holds to the same year. Paulus ergo xiv. 
Neronis anno, eodem die quo Petrus, Rome pro 
Christo truncatus sepultusque est in vid Os- 
tiensi. Hieron. de illust. Viris, c. 5. But this 
extreme date must have arisen from a mistaken 
reading of Eusebius’s Chronicon, the figures of 
which are very apt to stray from one year into 
another. 

Lactantius, who flourished A.p. 290-817, writes : 
Quumque jam Nero imperdret, Petrus Romam 
adyenit et editis quibusdam miraculis que 
virtute ipsius Dei, daté sibi ab eo potestate, 
faciebat, convertit multos ad justitiam Deoque 
templum fidele ae stabile collocayvit. Qua re ad 
Neronem delaté, qaum animadverteret non modo 
Rome sed ubique quotidie magnam multitudi- 
nem deficere a cultu idolorum, et ad religionem 
novam, damnata vetustate, transire, ut erat ex- 
secrabilis ac nocens tyrannus, prosiluit ad 
excidendum ccleste templum delendamque 
justitiam, et primus omnium persecutus Dei 
servos, Petrum cruci adfixit, et Paulum interficit. 
Lactant. de Mortibus Persecutorum, ec. 2. The 
testimony of Lactantius, then, amounts to this, 
that Nero, “being the first of all who perse- 
cuted the servants of God, crucified Peter, and 
slew Paul.” No year is assigned, but their 
deaths were apparently connected more or less 
remotely with the general persecution. 


Epiphanius, who flourished A.p. 367-403, at- 
tributes the martyrdom to the twelfth of Nero, 
ie. to A.D. 66. 
Παύλου τελευτὴν τὴν ἐπὶ TO δωδεκάτῳ ἔτει Νέρωνος 
γενομενὴν. Epiphan. Heres. xxvil. 6; tom. i. 
p. 107. 

The auctor martyrii Pauli (prefixed to Gicu- 
menius ed. Veron. f. 5, who wrote ap. 396) 
places the death of Paul on the 29th of June, 
A.D. 66, for he states it to have occurred just 
330 years before the 29th of June, a.p. 396. Ἐπὶ 


Νέρωνος τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐμαρτύρησεν αὐτόθι Παῦλος 


" \ AL CTE, , ‘ 
μετα τὴν TOV ayLoU Πέτρου και 


ὁ ἀπόστολος ξίφει τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτμηθεὶς: ἐν τῷ 
τριακοστῷ καὶ ἕκτῳ ἔτει τοῦ Σωτηρίου πάθους... 
μηνὶ Ἰουνίῳ κθ΄... . Ἔστιν οὖν ὁ πᾶς χρόνος ἐξ οὗ 
ἐμαρτύρησε (Paulus) τριακόσια τριάκοντα ἔτη, μέχρι 
τῆς παρούσης ταύτης ὑπατείας τετάρτης μὲν ᾽Αρκα- 
δίου τρίτης δὲ ᾿ονωρίου τῶν δύο ἀδελφῶν Αὐτοκρα- 
τόρων Αὐγούστων (A.D. 990), ἐνάτης ᾿Ινδικτιῶνος τῆς 
πεντεκαιδεκαετηρικῆς περιόδου, μηνὸς ᾿Ιουνίου KO 
ἡμέρας. See the whole passage cited Fasti Sacri, 
p. 341, No. 1999. As this author was directing 
his particular attention to the martyrdom, we 
attach great weight to his statement, more espe- 
cially as he is very circumstantial about the 
exact time. 

Chrysostom, who flourished a.p, 3881-107, as- 
sumes Paul to have suffered under Nero, and 
gives as a reason that Paul had converted one 
of the Emperor’s favourite domestics, and also 
his mistress, who had broken off her illicit in- 
tercourse with Nero in consequence; but Chry- 
sostom furnishes no date. See Chrysost. on 
Second Epist. Tim. ec. 1, Homil. 3. 
yap τότε τῷ Νέρωνι, τινὰ τῶν ἀνακειμένων αὐτῷ 
οἰκειωσάμενος. Chrysost. on 2 Tim. ὁ. 1. ; Homil. 3, 
s. 1. παλλακίδα yap αὐτοῦ (Neronis) σφόδρα 
ἐπέραστον πείσας τὸν περὶ τῆς πίστεως δέξασθαι 
λόγον, ἔπειθεν ὁμοῦ καὶ τὴς ἀκαθάρτου συνουσίας 
Τὸ μὲν πρῶτον (Nero) 
ἔδησεν, ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε τῆς πρὸς τὴν κόρην 


προσέκρουσε 


ἀπαλλαγῆναι ἐκείνης. .. 


ἀποσχέσθαι συμβουλῆς τέλος ἀπέκτεινε. Adyers. 
Vite Monast. Oppugn. lib. i. 5. 9. 

Sulpitius Severus, who wrote A.D. 400, supplies 
some facts which lead us to fix the date with 
some precision. After referring to the general 
persecution that arose out of tle fire of Rome, 
A.D. 64, he proceeds: Hoe initio in Christianos 
seviri ceptum. Lost etiam datis legibus religio 
vetabatur, palamque edictis propositis Chris- 
tianum esse non licebat. Tum Paulus ac Petrus 
capitis damnati, quorum uni cervix gladio de- 
secta; Petrus in crucem sublatus est. And then 
follow these words: Dum hec Rome geruntur 
Judi, presidis sui Festi (lege Gessii) Flori in- 


Cuap. X.] 


MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. 


[a p. 66] 409 


jurias non ferentes, rebellari cceperunt, &e. Sulp. 
Sev. lib. ii. As the Jewish war broke out on the 
19th of April, a.p. 66 (sce Fasti facri, p. 348, 
No. 2006), Sulpitius must have placed the mar- 
tyrdom of Panl in a.p. 66, 

Luthalius, who flourished .p. 458-490, refers 
to the martyrdom as follows: μετέπειτα δὲ καθο- 
λικὸν ἐκίνησε διωγμὸν κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν, καὶ 
οὕτως ἐπὶ τὰς κατὰ τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐπήρθη opuyds, 
μεταστειλάμενος γὰρ τὸν Παῦλον αὖθις 
τῷ βήματι παραστῶ: συνῆλθε δὲ πάλιν ὁ Aovkas 
αὐτῷ: ἔνθα δὲ συνέβη τὸν Παῦλον τριακοστῷ 
ἔκτῳ ἔτει τοῦ Σωτηρίου πάθους τρισκαι- 
δεκάτῳ δὲ Νέρωνος μαρτυρῆσαι ξίφει τὴν 
κεφαλὴν ἀποτμηθέντα. Euthalius, Prolog. in 
Pauli Epist. ο. 8. This writer has fallen into 
the same mistake as Eusebius in placing the 
martyrdom in the thirteenth instead of the 
twelfth of Nero. But Euthalius has copied the 
very words of the Auctor Martyrii, and must 
therefore be deemed to have placed the event at 
the same time, i.c. A.D. 66. It is remarkable that 
Euthalius here records a fact which does not 
otherwise appear, but is implied in Paul’s Second 
Epistle to Timothy—that [ΔῈ] was not arrested 
at Rome, but in the provinces, and thence sent 
to Rome. 

To cite other later testimonies would only 
make confusion worse confounded. The best 
results to be collected from the traditional 
notices already mentioned appear to be: 1. That 
Paul suffered at Rome; 2. That this event did 
not occur in A.D. 64, during the persecution 
under the charge that the Christians had set 
fire to the city—a charge which could only 
apply to the Christians then resident at Rome. 
3. That Paul was arrested under a general edict 
issued against Christians. 4. That the arrest 
was not at Rome, but in one of the provinces, 
whence he was sent to Rome. 5. That Nero was 
embittered against him for his having converted 
some of “Czesar’s household.” 6. That he was 
beheaded on the 29th of June, a-p. 66. 


ΟΝ. IT. 


These conclusions agree with the chronology to 
be collected from the Hebrews and the Epistles 
to Timothy and Titus. When Paul was set at 
liberty in the spring of a.p. 63, he would fulfil 
his long-cherished intention of visiting Spain. 
Rom. xv. 24, 28. But as the Eastern churches 
from his long absence would call loudly for his 
return, he would not spend more than six 
months in Spain, and then on the return of 
Timothy, who had been sent to Philippi, would 
sail with him to Judea. Heb. xiii. 23. Paul and 
Timothy, therefore, would start for J udea in the 
autumn of A.p. 63, and would reach Jerusalem 
just before winter. Thence he would naturally 
go down to Antioch and there pass the winter of 
A.D. 63-64, In the spring of a.p. 64 he visited 
Ephesus, and leaving Timothy there, passed 
over himself with Titus to Crete (Tit. 1. 5); but 
he did not stay there, but stationing Titus in 
Crete, and passing to Ephesus, where Timothy 
was still to remain, sailed to Macedonia (1 Tim. 
i. 3), and fulfilled his promise of visiting Phi- 
lippi (Philipp. ii. 24), and thence, no doubt, 
went down to Corinth, and thence to Nicopolis, 
where Titus was to join him during the winter, 
A.D. 64-65. Tit. iii. 12, In the spring of A.p. 65 
he must have passed through Troas (2 Tim. iv. 
13), and have proceeded thence, probably as a 
prisoner, to Ephesus, where he was imprisoned 
(2 Tim. i. 18), and was thence forwarded by way 
of Miletus (2 Tim. iv. 20) and Corinth (2 Tim. 
iy. 20) to Rome, and was consequently late in the 
year at Rome. The winter was the long vaca- 
tion of the law; and he was therefore brought to 
trial and was acquitted on the first count (2 Tim. 
iv. 17) in the spring of A.p. 66, when the further 
hearing was adjourned. The first trial would 
not, in the ordinary course, come off immedi- 
ately on his arrival at Rome. The second trial 
might very well, therefore, take place in May or 
June, A.v. 66; and if so, the martyrdom itself 
may, as stated by tradition, have occurred on 
the 29th of June, a.p. 66, 


410 


CHAPTER XI. 


Paul’s Person and Character. 


He who can part from country and from kin, 
And scorn delights, and tread the thorny way, 
A heavenly crown, through toil and pain, to win— 
He who reviled can tender love repay, 
And buffeted, for bitter foes can pray— 
He who, upspringing at his Captain’s call, 
Fights the good fight, and when at last the day 
‘Of fiery trial comes, can nobly fall— 
Such were a saint—or more—and such the holy Paul! 
Anon. 


We have now closed the life of the Apostle, and the reader will naturally expect a 
few general remarks. 

It is a singular circumstance, or rather it attests the divine origin of our religion, 
that the writers of the New Testament, intent upon their holy calling, never descend 
to the gratification of mere curiosity. Of the external form of Christ, or the Twelve 
Apostles, we know nothing. The features of the Saviour, so familiar to the eye of 
every Christian, are traditional only, and cannot be traced back to a time approaching 
even the period when he lived upon earth. It is almost the same with Paul. 

That he was probably afflicted with ophthalmia, and that from the inflammation 
which had settled in his eyes he presented an unsightly and almost loathsome appear- 
ance, we have already endeavoured to show. This was the thorn in the flesh, the 
herens latert lethalis arundo, the arrow that rankled and festered and tortured him by 
night and day, and subjected him to such cruel trials and mortifications, that thrice 
he besought the Lord that his “ messenger of Satan” might depart from him. How 
strong the expression which he uses to the Galatians! he thanks them for their 
gracious reception of him, and that they did not “spit him out” (οὐκ ἐξεπτύσατε)." 

In the Vatican library at Rome is preserved a bronze medal with the heads of 
Peter and Paul on the obverse (fig. 314), which was found in the cemetery of Domitilla, 
one of the Flavian family, and if genuine is no doubt the earliest portraiture known 
of the two great Apostles. The medal is referred to the close of the first century or 


* Eusebius is the first who alludes to any re- Apostles. Euseb. E. H. vii. 18. 
presentation in painting of our Saviour or His 2 Galat. iv. 14. 


Cuap. ΧΙ. CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 411 


the beginning of the second, and at this early period the features of the two Apostles 
must have been faithfully preserved.* Both heads are full of character, and that of 
Paul in particular is distinguished by solemnity and dignity, and the thoughtful and 
wrinkled brow indicates the high intellect that so remarkably characterized the man. 
The Apostle is also represented as partially bald, and this feature is universally 


Fig. 314.—4 large medallion found in the cemetery of Domitilla, one of the Flavian family, which presents the portrait of 
St. Paul on the spectator’s left, and that of St. Peter on the spectator's right. The family of Domitilla was undoubtedly 
Christian and closely allied to the family of the Emperor Vespasian. The Domitilla in whose cemetery the medallion was 
found was the Domitilla (no. 3) in the following pedizree, which has been collected from Dion Cassius, Tacitus, Suetonius and 


Eusebius, 
Flavius Sabinus. 
ΟΝ ; Ι 
Titus Flavius Vespasianus, 
Sabinus. Emperor, 
τη. Domitilla (1). 
| Ι eee ΡΣ 
Titus Flavius Clemens. (Daughter) | Ι ! 
Suffered martyrdom Ι Titus. Domitian. Domitilla (2) 
A.D. 94.—Dion, xvii. 14, Domitilla (3) Suet. Vespas. Banished 
Suet. Domitian 15, Banished for Christianity as a Christian to the 
married Domitilla (2) to the Island of Pontia, island of Pandateria.— 
Dion, ἵν]. 14, A.v, 95.—Euseb. Hist. Dion, lvii. 14. 
I iii. 18. 
| | 
Vespasianus (2) Domitian (2). 


ascribed to him. Even in the apocryphal acts of the Apostles* the shipmaster, who 
was taken for Paul, is portrayed as bald-headed.® 


* See Northcote and Brownlow’s Roma Sotter: ἡ Tischendorf’s Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha. 
ranea, p. 284. A ° καὶ αὐτὸς ἀναφαλανδὸς ὑπάρχων. 


8α 2 


412 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 


At the commencement of the fourth century Eusebius speaks of pictures of the 
Apostle as still commonly current, and expresses no doubt as to the correctness of 


[Cuar. XI. 


the representation.® 

In the Philopatris, ascribed to Lucian, Paul is portrayed as a Galilean with a 
bald head and aquiline nose, who mounted to the third heayen and heard the most 
famous things.’ Lucian himself lived in the second century, and the Philopatris, if 
genuine, would carry us back to a very early age; but the work is unquestionably 
spurious, and written in the reign of the Emperor Julian (A.p. 861-863). 

We have a full-length portrait of the Apostle from the pen of Malala, or John of 
Antioch, but who did not live until the close of the sixth century. However, as he 
was a native of the city where Paul for a long time preached, his testimony may be 
entitled to some credit. Paul, by his account, was “short of stature, bald, greyish 
as to the hair of the head and the chin, of a good nose and light blue eyes, with the 
eyebrows knit together, of a fair and ruddy complexion, a graceful beard, of bene- 
volent expression, of sound judgment, gentle, affable, and of pleasing manners, and 
glowing with the fervour of the Holy Spirit.”* 

Nicephorus also writes of Paul as follows: ‘“ Paul was little and dwarfish in person, 
and slightly crooked and somewhat stooping. The visage and countenance fair and 
comely. Baldheaded, with light blue eyes. The nose hooked. The beard long and 
thick, with white hairs well sprinkled over both head and beard.”® 

The Apostle was certainly not a man of commanding presence, but of diminu- 
tive stature, even to meanness. This we may collect from the Second Epistle to 
A faction in that church had made him on that account the subject 
of ridicule, and had endeavoured by that weapon to weaken his authority. In the 
tenth chapter of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, the Apostle defends himself 
with great spirit against these reflections upon his external appearance, and dex- 


the Corinthians. 


terously turns the sarcasms upon his stinted stature against the adversary himself: 
he (Paul) might be low in person, but he would not, like others, overstretch himself ; 
the Corinthians should beware, for at all events he was tall enough to reach unto 
them, and beyond. “Now I, Paul, beseech you by the meekness of Christ, who 
in presence am base (ταπεινὸς, low or mean) among you, but being absent am bold 


ἘΑΥΣ  ἜΨΟΤΕΣ ἘΡΝ, Bion Pare ee a el , Gea ὦ , Sele 
καὶ τῶν ἀποστόλων αὐτοῦ (Χριστοῦ) τὰς εἰκόνας πνεύματος Aytou ἐνθουσιαζόμενος καὶ ἰώμενος. 


καὶ αὐτοῦ δὴ τοῦ Χριστοῦ διὰ χρωμάτων ἐν γραφαῖς 
ἱστορήσαμεν. Euseb. E. H. vii 18. 

τ Ταλιλαῖος ἐνέτυχεν, ἀναφαλαντίας, ἐπίῤῥινος, ἐς 
τρίτον οὔρανον ἀεροβατήσας, καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα ἐκμε- 
Philopatris, 5. 12. 

5 ὑπῆρχε δὲ ὁ Παῦλος ἔτι περιὼν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ κον- 


μαθηκώς. 


δοειδὴς, φαλακρὸς, μιξοπόλιος τὴν κάραν, καὶ τὸ 
γένειον, εὔρινος, ὑπόγλαυκος, σύνοφρυς, λευκόχλους, 
ἀνθηροπρόσωπος, εὐπώγων᾽ ὑπογελῶντα ἔχων τὸν 
χαρακτῆρα, φρόνιμος, ἠθικὸς, εὐόμιλος, γλυκὺς, ὑπὸ 


Malala, Chronog. x.; and see Niceph. E. H. ii. 37. 
® Παῦλος μικρὸς ἢν καὶ συνεσταλμένος τὸ τοῦ 
σώματος μέγεθος, καὶ ὥσπερ ἀγκύλον αὐτὸ κεκτημένος 
σμικρὸν καὶ κεκυφὼς. Τὴν ὄψιν λευκὸς καὶ τὸ πρόσ- 
\ ccm tale \ , 
@rov προσφερὴς. Ψιλὸς τὴν κεφαλὴν" χαροποὶ 
δὲ αὐτῷ ἦσαν οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ. Κατὼ δὲ καὶ ῥύπουσαν 
τ A ; ξ τ αν Meteor 
ὅλῳ τῷ προσώπῳ περιφέρων τὴν ῥίνα, τὴν ὑπήνην 
δασεῖαν καὶ καθειμένην ἀρκούντως ἔχων, ῥαινομένην 
δὲ ταύτην καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ὑπὸ πολιαῖς ταῖς θριξίν. 


Niceph. H. E. ii. 87. 


παν, XT.] CHARACTER OF 51. PAUL. 413 


"16. “To ye look on things after the outward appearance?” “ His 


towards you. 
letters, say they, are weiyhty and powerful, but his bodily pres-nce is weals, and his 
speech contemptible! Let such an one think this, that, such as we are in word 
by letters when we are absent, such will we be also in deed when we are present. 
For we dare not make ourselves of the number of, or compare ourselyes with, some 
that commend themselves, but they measuring themselyes by themselves, and com- 
paring themselves among themselves, are not wise. But we will not boast of things 
without our measure, but according to the measure of the rule which God hath 
distributed to us, a measure to reach even unto you. For we stretch not ourselves 
beyond our measure, as though we reached not unto you, for we are come as far 
as to you also in preaching the Gospel of Christ, not boasting of ourselves wethout 
our measure, that is, of other men’s labours, but having hope when your faith is 
increased, that we shall be enlarged by you according to our rule abundantly, to 
preach the Gospel in the regions beyond you, and not to boast, in another man’s 
line, of things made ready to our hand.”!* We may add, that when Barnabas was 
called Jupiter, and Paul Mercury, at Lystra, the people thus distinguished Paul, 
not only as being the chief speaker, but also as of less dignified appearance in 
comparison with his fellow-traveller. Certainly Chrysostom, who lived in the fourth 
century, had drawn the same inference with ourselves, for he calls the Apostle, “ The 
three-cubit man.” 

Such is the interest that attaches to the name of Paul, that we would fain recall 
even the costume that he wore ; as a Jew he would naturally appear in the ordinary 
dress of one, and from incidental hints we may be sure that such was the case. The 
innermost garment of all Israelites was the χιτὼν, or tunic, made of woollen cotton or 
linen, and in shape resembling our shirt, but descending below the knees. The rich 
and effeminate wore two tunics, or as we should call them a shirt and a tunic." But 
our Lord commanded his disciples to wear one only, and Paul would follow the 
custom of the other Apostles. The tunic was fastened round the waist by a girdle,!° 
and when Paul landed at Cesarea, before his arrest at Jerusalem, Agabus “ took 
Paul’s girdle and bound his own hands and feet, and said, Thus saith the Holy 
Ghost, so shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man that owneth this girdle.”'* To 
the girdle were attached the pockets for carrying money" and the smaller articles 
of constant use, such as the sudaria or handkerchiefs which at Ephesus and else- 
where Paul bore about with him.'* Over the tunic was worn the outer garment, 


102 Cor. x. 1. 15 Acts IG: 

Σἴ σου πος 16 Acts xxi. 11. 

12. 2 Cor. x. 10-16. 17 Thus our Lord charges His disciples, “ Pro- 

18. Ὃ τρίπηχυς ἄνθρωπος. Chrysost. Serm. in vide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your 
Pet. and Paul. girdles,” eis τὰς ζώνας ὑμῶν. Matt. x. 9. 


18 


18. See Jos. Ant. xvii. 5, 7. σουδάρια. Acts xix. 12. 


Mf μηδὲ δύο χιτῶνας. Matt. x. 10; Luke ix. 3. 


414 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. (Car. XI. 


the ἱμάτιον, or gaberdine,’ a flowing robe of woollen cloth reaching to the ankles, 
with long loose sleeves.*” When Paul worked at his trade of a tentmaker he threw 
off the ἱμάτιον or gaberdine, and put on the semicinctium or apron spoken of as used 
by him at Ephesus.* Our Lord commanded his disciples not to wear shoes (ὑποδή- 
para), which were articles of luxury, but only sandals ; and Paul we may suppose 
adopted the same fashion. The dress of a Jew as we have described it may be illus- 
trated by the case of Peter, for when he was imprisoned by Agrippa at Jerusalem 
the angel awoke him and said, “ Gird thyself (i.e. gird up thy tunic or χιτῶνα), and 
bind on thy sandals and east thy gaberdine (ἱμάτιον) about thee and follow me.” No 
mention is here made of any headdress, and, perhaps Peter, like many of the Jews, 
did not wear any. But considering the inclemency of the weather to which Paul in 
his constant travels must have been exposed, we must conclude that he used some 
covering for the head, and if so it may have been a kind of turban made of linen or 
muslin wound round the head in numerous folds. Some, indeed, insist that the semi- 
cinctium referred to at Ephesus was a headdress of this kind, and both Suidas and 
Hesychius seem to indicate something of the sort ;** but as semicinctia are spoken of 
in the plural number, it is more likely that they were aprons which were constantly 
changed than turbans which would be worn permanently. The whole dress of the Jew 
very much resembled that of the Egyptian, and we are not surprised therefore that 
Lysias should turn to Paul and say, “ Art not thou that Egyptian which before these 
days madest an uproar,” ὅτ. Thus the dress of Paul was essentially Jewish, and 
though he inherited the right of Roman citizenship, he preserved in common life his 
Jewish nationality in respect of costume. However he was “all things to all men,” 
and laying fast hold of the substance, never followed the shadow; and if the Roman 
apparel would on any occasion have won over disciples to Christ, he would have donned 
it without hesitation. Some indeed have maintained that such was his ordinary dress, 
and they rely on his use of the Roman penula or φαιλόνη, the travelling “ cloak which 
he left at Troas with Carpus,”** but though the word penula was originally Roman, 
it had since made its way into the vocabulary of all the subjects of the Roman empire. 
Besides it is far from clear that φαιλόνη means the Roman cloak, for other authorities 
interpret it as a box, chest, or desk for holding books, or manuscripts, or writing 
materials." 

In prosecuting his circuits through so many different countries what was his mode 
of travelling ὃ. did Paul journey on foot or on horseback, or did he hire a carriage? 
Some maintain that Paul trudged it on foot, and rely on the passages of Luke 


ue You call me misbeliever, cutthroat, dog, 2 Acts xix. 12. So a man going to work in 
And spit upon my Jewish gaberdine. the field left his gaberdine at home. Matt. xxiv. 
Merchant of Venice. 18 
Os 
*° See Mark x. 50; John xiii. 4; Acts vii. 58; 2 Matt. x. 10! 35 Acts xxi. 38. 
xl. 8. The χιτῶνες and ἱμάτια are mentioned 2 Acts xii. 8. 26 2 Tim. iy. 13. 


together, Acts ix. 39; Matt. v. 40. ΞΕ See ante, Vol. I. p.334. “ See ante, p.390 


Cuar. X1.] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 415 


that Paul haying to make his way from Troas to Assos, determined πεζεύειν 
to “foot it.”** But this arises from a misconception, for the word πεζεύειν is 
constantly employed in the sense of going by Jand as opposed to passing by sea, 
and so it is used here, for Paul’s companions were to sail round the promontory 
of Lectum to Assos, and he himself was to take the land route. The cost of a 
conveyance from Troas to Assos in some humble vehicle would be only a few 
drachmee, and as the Apostle was anxious to remain at Troas until the last moment, 
he would scarcely waste many valuable hours in making a long journey on foot 
when it would be a short journey on wheels. He must sometimes, from want 
of other means, have been a pedestrian, but ordinarily he must have trayersed the 
remote countries which he did in the ordinary mode, either on horseback or by 
carriage. 

What again was the Apostle’s diet? It would vary according to circumstances. In 
Arabia it would be bread and milk, with dates or other fruits. In thriving towns (as 
at Philippi, when he became the guest of Lydia), he would partake freely of what 
was set before him. He would use the bounties of nature, but not abuse them. He 
would never give way to indulgence, but would not be debarred by religious scruples 
from the use of wholesome viands, but one rule he rigidly observed, never by his own 
liberty to cause offence to another who had a more tender conscience. “If meat 
make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the world standeth, lest I make 
my brother to offend.”*® Did Paul then, it may be asked, drink wine? It would 
seem that Timothy did not, or why should Paul have written to him “Drink no 
longer water, but use a little wine for thy stomach’s sake and thine often infir- 
mities ;*° and Paul would not drink wine as a luxury, but reason dictated that he 
should not refrain from it after great fatigue or whenever the state of his health 
required it. He never in his Epistles forbids the use of wine, not even to the 
ministers of the Gospel. The Presbyter was not to be a wine-bébber.' The deacons 
were not to be given to much wine.” The elder women were not to be “enslaved to 
much wine,” and to the converts generally he writes, not to abstain from wine, but 
“ be not drunk with wine in which is excess.”** But wine was not to be indulged in 
where it offended a weak brother. ‘It is good neither to eat flesh nor to drink wine 
whereby thy brother stumbleth.”*° 

We now advance to the mental qualities of the Apostle, and here, as we read his 
thoughts clothed in language in the Epistles, we have more opportunity of forming 
a judgment. 

It is almost unnecessary to say that Paul was a man of extensive and accurate 
observation. All the objects of the surrounding world as they passed in review 


3 Acts xx. 13. $0° 1. Tim. ‘vy. 23. 8 μὴ οἴνῳ πολλῷ δεδυυλωμένας. Tit. ii. 3. 
2% 1 Cor. vill. 13. ὃ wapowov. 1 Tim. iii. 2. 3: Ephes. vy. 18. 35. Rom. xiv. 21. 
82 οἴνῳ πολλῷ προσέχοντας. 1 Tim. iii. 8. 


416 CHARACTER OF ST, PAUL. [Cuap. XI. 


before him, were faithfully transmitted to the mind, and from this overflowing store- 
house the most pleasing images are ever and anon transferred into his writings. 
What connection had Paul as a Jew or a Christian with the Pagan games? yet how 
frequently and forcibly does he draw his illustrations from this source! Early im- 
pressions are ever the strongest, and one is apt to think that athletic exercises were 
intertwined with his childhood. Tarsus had its gymnasium on the banks of the 
Cydnus,** and only a few years before the birth of Paul, Mark Antony, to reward the 
sufferings of the city in the cause of himself and Octavius against Brutus and 
Cassius, had given them a Gymnasiarch, or Master of games, at the expense of the 
Roman Exchequer.” Here the young Hellenist may have witnessed with the inten- 
sity of delight which only boyhood can feel, the wrestlings and races to which Paul 
so graphically refers. The interest thus excited would not want fuel to feed it 
amongst the Greeks of Asia or Europe, with whom he passed the greater part of 
his life. When he writes from the capital of Asia, about the time of the celebration 
of the Ephesia, how appropriately does he address the Corinthians, who were wont 
to witness the Isthmia! The following figurative language is as stirring in exhorta- 
tion as it is faultless in composition: “ Know ye not that they which run in a race 
run all, but one receiveth the prize? So run, that ye may obtain; and every man 
that striveth for the mastery is temperate in all things. Now they do it to obtain 
a corruptible crown; but we an incorruptible. I therefore so run, not as uncertainly ; 
so fight I, not as one that beateth the air; but I keep under my body, and bring it 
into subjection, lest that by any means, when I have preached to others, I myself 
should be a castaway.** In the Epistle to the Philippians he again alludes to his 
own Christian race: “I press toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of 
God in Christ Jesus.”** And what a lively picture does he hold up to his 
countrymen in the Epistle to the Hebrews!** The reader sees before him the 
stadium lined with a vast concourse of spectators in successive tiers, the runners at 
one end stripped for the race, and at the other, placed conspicuously on a tripod 
that all might see it, the Crown of Victory. ‘Wherefore we also, seeing we are 
compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us throw off every weight, 
and the sin which doth so easily beset us, and let us run with patience the race 
that is set before us, looking unto Jesus the author and finisher of our faith, who for 
the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set 
down at the right hand of the throne of God.’“ Almost the last words that 
flowed from the Apostle’s pen were a review of the past, and a prospect of the 
future, in the language of the gymnasium. “I have fought a good fight, I have 


8° Avappet αὐτὴν μέσην ὁ Κύδνος map’ αὐτὸ τὸ 589 Philipp. iii. xiv. 
γυμνάσιον τῶν νέων. Strabo, xiv. 5 (Ὁ. 228, 40 T assume, as I cannot doubt, that the He- 
‘Yauchnitz). brews was written by Paul. 

ὅτ Strabo, xiv. 5 (p. 229, Tauchnitz). Heb. xi, U2, 


33 1 Cor, ix. 24-27, 


Cap. XI.] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 417 


finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a 
crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall award me 
at that day, and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his ap- 
pearing.” * 

Another fruitful source from which the Apostle derives his allusions are the wea- 
pons of war. The Jews, who were exempted from serving in the Roman armies, took 
little interest in the military art; but Paul, as a tent-maker, was directly connected 
with it, and he was often in scenes where the clank of the cuirass and the sound of 
the bugle would be daily ringing in his ears. In exhorting the Corinthians not to 
abuse the gift of tongues by speaking in a language which the audience would not 
understand, he adds, “ For if the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare 
himself to the battle ?”** And when he writes to Timothy during the storm of the 
Neronian persecution, he exhorts him to endurance by adyerting to the duties of one 
who had been enlisted: “ Thou, therefore, endure hardness, as a good soldier of Jesus 
Christ—no man that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of this life, that he 
may please him who hath chosen him to be a soldier.”** But not to multiply 
instances, the most striking passage is that addressed to the Ephesians, and which 
he wrote when a prisoner at Rome, and chained to a soldier in the immediate vicinity 
of the Preetorian camp. The portrait which he draws of the Christian warrior is 
evidently taken from the panoply of the Imperial guard. ‘“ Wherefore take unto you 
the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day, and 
having done all, to stand. Stand, therefore, having your loins girt about with truth, 
and having on the breast-plate of righteousness; and your feet shod with the prepara- 
tion of the gospel of peace; above all, taking the shield of faith, wherewith ye shall 
be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked; and take the helmet of salvation, 
and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God.” “ὃ 

If Paul was quick in the apprehension of facts, he was not a whit less ready in 
the instant application of them. Indeed, the adroitness with which he availed him- 
self of accidental circumstances often extricated him from difficulties in which a 
slower understanding would haye been irretrievably entangled. We have seen how 
on landing at Athens he explored with curious eye the idolatrous scene that environed 
him, and how happily, when he was arraigned before the Areopagus, he opened his 
defence by a delicate compliment, and argued from the inscription which he had 
read on one of their altars, “Τὸ the Unknown God.” Again, when Lysias conducted 
him into the presence of the Sanhedrim, and Pharisees and Sadducees united their 
voices in charging him with Heresy, for holding that Jesus was the Christ, by what 
a master-stroke he placed the Pharisees on his side by declaring, as the fact was, and 
as he had before argued to the Corinthians, that the whole of Christianity turned on 
the resurrection of the dead—‘ Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of a 


42 2 Tim. iv. 7, 8. 48 1 Cor. xiv. 8. “ 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4. 45 Eph. vi. 13-17. 
VOL, I. 3H 


418 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. [Cuar. XT, 


Pharisee; of the hope and resurrection of the dead, I am called in question.” But 
in speaking of the Apostle’s aptitude in seizing on the moment’s opportunity, what 
finer instance can be adduced than the heart-stirring appeal which was called forth 
in the Preetorium at Czsarea, when Festus, in a loud voice, interrupted him, “ Paul 
thou art beside thyself; much learning doth make thee mad.” But he said, “1 
am not mad, most noble Festus, but speak forth the words of truth and soberness ; 
for the King knoweth of these things, before whom also I speak freely; for I am 
persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him, for this thing was not done 
in a corner. King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that thou be- 
lievest.” Then Agrippa said unto Paul, “ Almost thou persuadest me to be a Chris- 
tian.’*® Then Paul, holding up his chain to the illustrious assemblage, said, “1 
would to God that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both 
almost, and altogether such as I am, except these bonds,” ἡ 

Another distinguishing feature in the character of Paul was his extraordinary 
memory. We dwell not on his familiar acquaintance with passing events in the 
numerous churches which he had planted, or on the comprehensive mind which 
enabled him, in writing to the Romans, whom he had not yet visited, to salute 
twenty-six individuals and two whole families, and generally with some marked and 
distinctive commendation. But we refer more particularly to his numerous citations 
from Scripture. In the Romans he introduces forty-eight and in the Hebrews thirty- 
four quotations, and in the other Epistles an immense number. The man must 
have been endowed by nature with a wonderfully retentive memory, to whom the 
whole volume of the Old Testament was so perfectly unfolded, that he could apply it 
so constantly and so appropriately to the development of the Christian scheme. But 
the marvel increases, if we assume, as learned men have supposed, and, perhaps, not 
without reason, that all these references were made from memory alone. We must 
also add that both the Hebrew and the Septuagint appear at the same time to have 
been present in the writer’s thoughts, for he not unfrequently improves the Greek 
translation by slight corrections taken from the original. His education for the Law 
will partly account for this intimate acquaintance with the writings of the Old 
Testament, for a Jewish lawyer or scribe studied the volume of Moses and the 
writings of the Prophets as an English barrister does the tenures of Littleton and 
the commentary of Coke. 

But the quality which most conspicuously characterises the Apostle’s mind, is its 
strong argumentative power. The reader often finds himself at a loss to connect the 
links of the chain, or fill up the vast chasms that le between the steps; who can 
read any one of the Epistles without feeling that he is toiling after a giant, unadorned, 
indeed, with the embellishments of Greek and Roman eloquence, but moving ma- 
jestically forward in sublime simplicity? Well might the Corinthian heretics who 


46 Acts xxvi 25-28, 7 Acts xxvi. 29. 


Cuar. XL] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 419 


writhed under the infliction, acknowledge that “his letters were weighty and power- 
ful;” and well might the bigoted Agrippa, carried away by the torrent to which he 
listened, exclaim, “ Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian.” Longinus, the 
celebrated critic, in classing Paul of Tarsus amongst the masters of eloquence, 
observes, that “he was the first who did not use demonstration,” a singular 
remark, but one capable of explanation. Paul, though able to cope with the 
subtlest disputants of antiquity, yet rested the truths of religion, not as 
Plato did on the deductions of human reason which was foolishness with God, 
but on the solid basis of Divine revelation, attested by miracles wrought in support 
of it by Christ and his Apostles. Longinus, more profound in criticism than in 
religious truth, did not understand this, and looked in vain in the discourses of 
Paul for the sophistical arguments to which he had been accustomed in the schools 
of philosophy. 

We pass on from the natural gifts of the Apostle to the acquirements superadded 
by education. 

Of his deep knowledge of Scripture there can be no doubt. ΤῸ this branch of 
learning the Jews particularly and almost exclusively devoted themselves. At five a 
child began to read the Law ;- and at twelve was confirmed. As he still advanced in 
age he was led by the learned doctors into the labyrinths of the abstrusest mysteries. 
Paul from infancy was thus trained, and when his faculties reached their maturity he 
was transferred from Tarsus to Jerusalem, and was there placed under the tuition of 
the famous Gamaliel. That he “ profited in the Jews’ religion above many of his 
equals in his own nation,” ** he tells us himself, and whoever reads the Epistle to the 
Hebrews must be convinced of the fact. But Gamaliel appears to have been a man 
of sound understanding and practical views ; and accordingly we find in his pupil no 
traces of that cabbalistic quibbling and distorted interpretation in which the Jewish 
rabbis were so apt to indulge. 

As to the extent of Paul’s familiarity with classical literature, there is more room 
for argument. That he could speak and write Greek with fluency was matter of 
course, for he was born at Tarsus. Besides. Greek was then what French is now, the 
common medium of communication in civilized society. It is likely, however, that 
his pronunciation of Greek was not without blemish. Eyen the courtly Josephus 
complains, that.as a Jew he could never make himself perfectly master of the Greek 
accent,”” and perhaps it was a similar defect in the case of Paul which so offended 
the polite Corinthians, “His speech,” they said, “is rude”*' “and contemp- 
tible.” 52 
That Paul was acquainted with the principal poets of the Pagans we may reason- 


185. Πρὸς τούτοις Παῦλος ὁ Ταρσεὺς, ὅντινα καὶ Hug. See his Introduction, part 2, sect. 83. 
ρ ρ ᾽ 8 


πρῶτόν φημι προιστάμενον δόγματος ἀναποδείκτου. ® Gal. i. 14. 
Longin. Frag. 1. The genuineness of this frag- Ὁ Jos. Ant. xx. 12, 
ment has been questioned, but is defended by δι 2 Cor. xi. 6. %@ 2 Cor. x. 10, 


3H 2 


420 CHARACTER OF ST, PAUL. [Cuar. XI. 


ably infer from the incidental quotations of Epimenides, and Menander, and Aratus. 
It has been suggested, however, that 


Κρῆτες det ψεῦσται, κακὰ θηρία, γαστέρες ἀργαί (Tit. i. 12), 
from Epimenides, and 
Φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρῆσθ᾽ ὁμιλίαι κακαί (1 Cor. xv. 33), 


from Menander, had become mere commonplaces, and that the use of such proverbial 
lines implied no knowledge of the authors’ works from which they were taken,—as 
amongst ourselves every one cites 


“ Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim,”” 


but few have read the author by whom it was written. The remark, however, 
cannot apply to the passage from Aratus. The Tod yap καὶ γένος ἐσμέν (Acts xviii. 28) 
could neyer have become a bye-word, and the Apostle uses the exact phraseology 
without disturbing even the two expletives, καὶ and yap. At the same time we must 
remember that for Paul of Tarsus not to have read Aratus of Soli would be almost 
inconceivable. The two cities were in the same province, and not very distant from 
each other, and Aratus at that time had nearly as high a reputation as the immortal 
Homer. 

That Paul had perused the pages of the best Historians we can only presume from 
the general excellence of his education, and the grasp of mind which would scarcely 
rest satisfied without traversing the whole field of letters. We may add also, that 
from this source may have been drawn the materials which enabled him in the first 
chapter of the Romans to describe in such vivid colours the dreadful depravity into 
which the human race had fallen. 

To the Philosophers of Greece and Rome the Apostle may have been no stranger, 
but he was no friend. They built their systems on the wisdom of man; Paul 
declared the wisdom of man to be foolishness with God, and preached a revelation 
attested by miracles. We may conjecture that the Apostle had examined the 
visionary theories which he thought so little conducive to faith in Christ; at least, 
the Epicureans and Stoics at Athens deemed hima worthy opponent. And in writing 
to the Corinthians, after alluding to the sophists and their empty castle-building, he 
proceeds, “I, brethren, when I came to you, came not with eacellency of speech or of 
wisdom, declaring unto you the testimony of God; for I determined not to know any- 
thing among you, save Jesus Christ, and him crucified ;’*! but a resolution not to 


°S A line taken from the Alexandreis of Gual- Quo tendis inertem 
tier, a poet of the thirteenth century. The Bex perlvure fugam #'nesele, Reuter ema 
Hale aaa sate hes ae : καὶ Quem fugias? Hostes incurris, dum fugis hostem. 
whole passage runs thus. The person addressed Incidis in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim, 
is Darius :-— PSS δ. ὅ1. ὩΣ 


Cuap. ΧΙ CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 421 


display his powers leads to the inference that had it been consistent with his sacred 
calling, he could have entered the lists against the disputers of this world, and like 
them haye broached attractive theories, specious in appearance, and difficult to be 
gainsayed, but built upon the sand, and in a short time to be succeeded by others 
resting on no better foundation. The phraseology occasionally employed in the 
Epistles induces us to think that Paul had studied the works of his celebrated 
countryman, Philo, a philosopher of the Platonic school.®* This Alexandrian was so 
enthusiastic an admirer of his master Plato, that it was a trite saying, “Aut Philo 
Platonizat, aut Plato Philonizat ; and Paul’s intimate acquaintance with the writings 
of Philo may have led to the hypothesis advocated by some that the Apostle had 
devoted his hours to the study of Plato. We shall conclude our remarks upon the 
extent of Paul’s learning by calling as a witness his contemporary Festus, who, as 
we have seen, after listening to a lengthened argument from the Apostle, could not 
refrain from the exclamation, “Paul, thou art beside thyself; much learning doth 
make thee mad.” ** 

Let us now contemplate the moral and religious features of Paul’s character. 

We think no one will dispute that he was naturally an honest and sincere man, 
of a warm temper, but ever actuated by a high sense of duty, though, in the outset 
of life, mistaken. Paul was “a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee,” and as such he 
believed in the resurrection of the dead, resting his hope of salvation on a rigid 
conformity with the precepts and ritual of Moses. Whoever derogated from the 
dignity of the Law, by questioning the efficacy of its ceremonies, or seeking justifi- 
cation through any other channel, was in his eyes the enemy of God, and to be 
extirpated by the hand of man. No sooner did the Christian sect begin to spread 
itself, than Paul, acting from the heat of his zeal on the foregone conclusion that 
Jesus was a false prophet, at once threw down the challenge, and made war upon the 
impious Heresy. He excommunicated, he scourged, he compelled them to blaspheme, 
and even shed their blood, as in the case of Stephen. On the road to Damascus he 
was suddenly arrested in his mad career—the veil was torn from his eyes, and he saw 
in Jesus of Nazareth, whom he was persecuting, his Saviour and Redeemer, the 
long-promised Messiah. 

From this turning-point of his history the conduct of Paul must command our 
utmost admiration, and, indeed, his life, as an example of steady adherence to a fixed 
principle, under the most trying difficulties, is unparalleled in the annals of mankind. 
He was now a disciple of Christ, and as if to make amends for his former delinquency, 
he was commanded to be an Apostle, to propagate the faith which he had striven to 
uproot. His reason told him that afew years in this world, as compared with 
eternity, were less than dust in the balance, and he nobly trod the path of duty. 


> See several instances, to which attention is called, in the notes on the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
56 Acts xxvi. 24. 


422 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. (Cap. XI. 
through good report and ill report, through poverty and distress, undismayed by the 
treachery of friends or the assaults of avowed enemies. He opened his mission at 
Damascus, the scene of his conversion, but the Jews pursued him as a renegade, and 
he sought his safety in flight. He renewed his efforts at Jerusalem, but only fifteen 
days had elapsed when again a plot was laid for his destruction, and he took refuge 
in Syria and Cilicia. During his sojourn in these regions he probably experienced 
from the rulers of the synagogues at Tarsus, and the archon at Antioch, the inflic- 
tions to which he alludes in his Second Epistle to the Corinthians, “ Of the Jews five 
times received I forty stripes save one.” He then made his first cireuit, and in the 
course of it his countrymen of Antioch in Pisidia formed a cabal against him, and he 
was thrust violently out of their borders. At Iconium both Jews and Gentiles, and 
even the magistrates, were on the watch to stone him; and at Lystra the rabble 
actually stoned him and left him for dead. On his second cireuit, at Philippi, he 
was stripped naked and scourged in the market place, and then cast into a dungeon, 
and his feet made fast in the stocks. At Thessalonica the mob beset the house where 
he lodged, and he only eluded their fury by stealing away at mght. At Berea a 
similar outrage was enacted, and being driven from Macedonia he set sail for Achaia. 
At Athens he was arraigned for impiety before the court of Areopagus. At Corinth 
he was dragged before the tribunal of Gallio, and owed his deliverance to the 
liberality of the Proconsul. On his third circuit the silversmiths of Ephesus threw 
the whole city into a ferment, and even the authority of the Asiarchs, and the 
Recorder, and the devoted attachment of the Apostle’s followers, could scarcely 
screen him from the popular fury. At Corinth the Jews endeavoured to compass his 
death by an ambush. At Jerusalem he was set upon in the Temple and beaten, and 
but for the timely interference of the Roman captain had been certainly killed. 
Two days after, forty of the Jews bound themselves by a curse not to eat or drink 
till they had cut him off. For two years he suffered imprisonment at Cxesarea. On 
his voyage to Italy he suffered shipwreck for the fourth time. At Rome he was a 
captive for two years more. On his fourth circuit he was arrested in Asia and 
thrown into prison, and again sent to Rome, where he closed the fearful catalogue of 
his earthly trials by suffering decapitation. 

Appalling as it is, even this picture does not represent one-half of the reality. 
Only seventeen years of his long race of thirty had expired when he wrote to the 
Corinthians, “ Are they ministers of Christ? (I speak as a fool) I am more; in 
labours more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths 
oft. Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one. Thrice was I beaten 
with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have 
been in the deep, in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in 
perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in 
perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren, in 
weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, 


Cuap. ΧΙ. CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 423 


in cold and nakedness ; besides those things that are without, that which cometh upon 
me daily, the care of all the churches.” * 

But, it will be said, Paul was an enthusiast, and courted martyrdom. No one who 
has taken even a cursory glance of his life could make such a remark. He shrank, 
like his fellow-mortals, from bodily suffering, and invariably had recourse to all 
legitimate means to extricate himself from impending danger. When he was plotted 
against at Damascus he escaped over the wall in a basket. On discovering a similar 
conspiracy at Jerusalem, he accepted the escort of the disciples to Caesarea. When 
he found himself in peril at Iconium, he fled to Lystra, and when stoned at Lystra 
he baffled his persecutors by taking the road to Derbe. At Thessalonica he hid 
himself from his enemies till night, and then made his way across the country to 
Bercea, and when followed thither by the Jews and again involved in a tumult, he 
parted company from Sylyanus and Timothy, and sailed for Athens. When the 
Jews lay in wait for him as he was on the point of sailing from Corinth, he 
defeated their designs by pursuing his route by land. In Fort Antonia Lysias was 
about to put him to the rack, but Paul pleaded exemption as the privilege of a Roman 
citizen. Upon his trial before the Sanhedrim, he averted their sentence by drawing 
away their attention to the doctrine of the resurrection. The Jews being thus 
foiled of their object, banded themselves together to take his life by violence ; but 
Paul was apprised of the conspiracy, and called on Lysias to protect him. When 
Festus would have complied with the solicitations of the Jews and have remitted 
his case to their tribunal at Jerusalem, Paul again exercised the right of a Roman 
citizen, and appealed to Cesar. We may add also, that whenever Paul was put upon 
his trial, instead of inviting conviction, he ever defended himself with the utmost 
ability, exposing the misrepresentations of his adversaries, and insisting on the 
lawfulness of his own proceedings. 

On two occasions only can it be supposed for a moment that Paul did not act 
with his usual wariness and caution. When Ephesus was in an uproar, Paul 
would have adventured himself into the theatre to address the frantic multitude. 
a step which, in the opinion of his followers and the Asiarchs to whom he deferred 
would have been attended with extreme hazard. Here, however, was no religious 
enthusiasm, but his friends Gaius and Aristarchus being in the hands of the rioters, 
a brave and generous man was rushing to their rescue, and the excitement of the 
moment prevailed over his usually cool and sound judgment. 

Again, when at the close of his third cireuit he was hastening to Jerusalem, the 
disciples warned him of bonds in the holy city, and would have dissuaded him 
from proceeding, but Paul said, “ What, mean ye to weep and to break mine heart ? 
for 1 am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the 
Lord Jesus.”** But it must be borne in mind that Paul had pledged his word to 


st IDiCors τῇ. 23-28. 8 Acts xxi. 13. 


424 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. (Cuap. XI, 


the churches of Macedonia and Achaia that he would accompany their eleemosynary 
collection to Jerusalem, a promise which he was not forbidden by the Spirit to fulfil; 
nay, the execution of it eventually became the means of his visiting Rome, for so 
many years the secret wish of his heart. At all events, Paul was not seeking per- 
secution, but declined only to abandon a journey when it was declared but in vague 
and indefinite terms that at Jerusalem he should lose his liberty. The prognostica- 
tion of imprisonment would have been accomplished had he suffered captivity for five 
days only, instead, as the event happened, of five years. On arriving at the holy 
city, he avoided giving offence, and forbore to preach either in the Temple, or in the 
synagogues, or in the streets. 

The governing principle of Paul’s life may be traced not only in the amount of 
suffering which he endured, but also in the self-denial and disinterestedness that 
accompanied his whole course of conduct. Indeed, he regarded the persecutions that 
his apostleship drew upon him as entitling him to no credit, for he had been com- 
manded from Heayen to plant the Christian faith, and he dared not disobey— Woe 
is me if I preach not the Gospel!” But he strove to recommend himself to the great 
Captain of his salvation by foregoing privileges which he might lawfully have 
claimed. As a Christian teacher he might have demanded maintenance at the 
expense of the Church, for “ the labourer is worthy of his hire.” Christ himself had 
directed his disciples “to take with them neither purse nor scrip,” and wherever 
Paul carried the Gospel he preached in respect of others the same principle. Pastors 
of the flock were duly ordained by him in the different churches, and thenceforth 
received a regular stipend. Yet Paul himself, to avoid the imputation of mercenary 
motives, though he laboured beyond all, would accept a salary from none. Food and 
raiment of the commonest kind were all his wants, and these, his manual labour at 
tent-making supplied not only to himself, but even to some of his followers. At 
times, indeed, he underwent severe privations, and found himself “in hunger and 


thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness,”°? 


and in such pressing necessity, 
though he declined periodical payments, he refused not temporary relief where the 
cause of religion would not suffer. Thrice while the famine was raging in Greece, 
during his second circuit, and once during his first imprisonment at Rome, he 
accepted a bounty forwarded to him from the Philippians. Of the Corinthians, 
however, who were divided into factions, he could not be prevailed upon to receive 
the smallest gratuity‘ Wherefore ?” he writes, “because I love you not? God 
knoweth. But what I do, that I will do, that I may cut off occasion from them 
which desire occasion.’°° 

The pomp and pageantry of the world presented no greater attraction to the 
mind of Paul, than the hoards of mammon. He had abandoned the paths of honour 
amongst his own countrymen, to obey a heavenly mandate, and his new profession 


59 Ὁ Cor. xi. 27. 60 2 Cor. xi. 11, 12. 


Cuar. X1.] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 425 


was little caleulated to flatter vanity or feed ambition. As a Nazarene he was 
execrated by the Jews, and as a Jew he was contemned by the Gentiles. ‘“ He was 
made as the filth of the earth, and was the offscouring of all things.”*' Pre-eminence 
amongst so humble a class as the early Christians could be no gratification to a 
man of talents and acquirements. Paul, however, carefully guarded himself against 
the suspicion of indulging even this weakness. His pole-star was in heayen, and 
throughout his ministry he was never actuated by the love of praise, “That last 
infirmity of noble minds.” He demeaned himself not as a master, but as a servant ; 
he was “ the least of the Apostles, and not meet to be called an Apostle ;” nay, the 
ordinary vocabulary did not suffice to express his baseness, and he designates himself 
by a word coined for the occasion, “ less-than-the-least.”** While he was converting 
thousands, he exercised no lordship over them, but was to be seen daily in the 
workshop, pursuing his oceupation of tent-making, and this as well to gain his own 
livelihood as to be a pattern to others—‘ We sought not glory of men,” he writes to 
the Thessalonians, “neither of you, nor of others.”** When a Christian society had 
been formed, he resided not amongst them to reap the reward of his exertions by” 
receiving their homage, but transferred himself to a new field to repeat the same 
labours. He re-visited the disciples, but at distant intervals, and then only to 
strengthen their faith, console them under persecutions, and heal their divisions. 
The Corinthians, during his absence, would fain have placed him at the head of a 
party, but how severely does he rebuke them for attaching themselves to the creature 
rather than the Creator: “ Now this I say, that every one of you saith, I am of 
Paul; and I of Apollos; and I of Cephas; and I of Christ. Is Christ divided ? 
Was Paul crucified for you? or were ye baptized in the name of Paul?” and he 
thanks God that he had baptized only three or four, lest it might be said he had been 
making Paulites rather than Christians. On one occasion, indeed, and one only, we 
find him compelled to magnify his office. Some heretical teachers at Corinth had 
been subverting the faith of the church, by undermining the authority of the 
Apostle, and he could not for the sake of his followers avoid the vindication of his 
ministry. But what pain does it give him to allude even in the most distant and 
delicate manner to his personal qualifications. ‘“ Would to God ye could bear with 
me a little in my folly, and indeed bear with me. . . . I say again, let no man think 
me a fool; if otherwise, yet as a fool receive me, that I may boast myself a little. 
That which I speak, I speak τέ not after the Lord, but as it were foolishly, in this 
confidence of boasting.” Iam become a fool in glorying; ye have compelled me ; for 
I ought to have been commended of you; for in nothing am I behind the very 
chiefest Apostles, though 1 be nothing; and in proceeding to speak of the revela- 
tions made to him, he dares not even use his own name, but introduces a third 


8 1 Gor. iv. 18. *S | Thess. ii. 6. LoD AKG 20) αὶ 1 10. 10: 
52 ἐλαχιστότερος, Ephes. ili. 8. & 7 Cor. 1. 12; 18. & 2 Cor. xii. 11; 


VOL. I. Sul 


426 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 


[Cuar XI 


person as the object of the divine favor—‘I knew a man in Christ, about fourteen 
years ago, (whether in the body, I cannot tell; or whether out of the body, I cannot 
tell: God knoweth ;) such an one caught up to the third heaven.”** 

In accompanying the Apostle through his Christian career, it is pleasing to find 
that while his gaze is steadfastly fixed on the world to come, and he disencumbers 
himself of every weight that he might run the race so as to win the prize of his 
high calling, he is observant of the virtues of social life, and displays all the features 
of a truly amiable character. 

With what warmth of affection does he ever glow toward his own countrymen! 
On quitting Damascus, the scene of his conversion, he would fain, at the risk of his 
life, have preached at Jerusalem, and it was only in obedience to a command from 
Heaven that he retired to Tarsus. The Jews persecuted, him from city to city; they 
sought his destruction by secret ambush; they instigated the Gentiles against him ; 
they rushed upon him themselves to murder him; yet his regard for them was not a 
whit abated. Wherever he opened his sacred mission, the first offer of salvation was 
invariably made to the Jews. Five times, and perhaps oftener, had he received forty 
stripes save one at their hands, when he spake of them thus affectionately: “I say 
the truth in Christ, I lie not (my conscience also bearing me witness in the Holy 
Ghost), that I have great heaviness and continual sorrow in my heart; for I could wish 
that myself were accursed from Christ for my brethren, my kinsmen according to the 
flesh.”** Three years had he remained a prisoner through the machinations of the 
Jews themselves, when he called his countrymen to him at his lodgings at Rome, 
and requested their leave to unfold the Gospel scheme to them, adding, that “ he 
had nought to accuse his nation of.” 

Not less fervent was his love for his converts. When he fled from Thessalonica 
to Athens, how did he yearn after the disciples whom he had left behind! What 
anguish of mind did he feel lest the wolf should have scattered the flock, till he could 
bear such a state of suspense no longer, and sent away Timothy, his only companion, 
when he needed assistance so much himself, to inquire after their welfare. Mark 
again the workings of this earnest love towards the Corinthian church! Irregulari- 
ties had crept into that society, and one of its members had committed the grossest 
breach of morality. Paul addressed to them a letter of rebuke, which on the face 
of it carried only an air of severity. But in what a torture of mind was the Apostle 
as to the success of his appeal! He quitted Ephesus for Troas, expecting there to 
receive intelligence from Corinth. Titus did not come, and having no rest for his 
soul, he moved on to Macedonia, if haply he might meet him on the road. At length 
Titus arrived with the welcome news that the Corinthian chureh had repented. 
What, now, were the Apostle’s raptures! The kindly feelings which had been 
smothered for a time gushed forth with double intensity. He writes to them again 


δ᾽ Ὁ Cor. xii. 2! ἐδ Rom. ix. 1-3. 


Cuapr. XI] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 427 


—he clasps them to his arms—he admits them to his confidence—he opens his inmost 
soul to them—he tells them that he had indited his former reprimand with the tears 
in his eyes. We trace the same warmth of heart towards the Galatian converts. He 
is overtaken at Ephesus by the distressing tidings that they had relapsed from the 
Gospel into the errors of the Judaizers. Not a moment is lost—he seizes the pen— 
he reproves—he exhorts—he argues—he threatens—he expostulates— 
“ And as a bird each fond endearment tries, 
To tempt its new-fledged offspring to the skies,” 

he applies every incentive, and urges every argument that could touch the feelings 
or convince the understanding. 

It would be strange indeed if one who thus yearned towards each Christian flock, 
were not knit to his more immediate followers by the tenderest ties, and accordingly 
we find him regarding his fellow-labourers, not as friends merely, but as his own 
flesh and blood! Timothy and Titus are “ his own sons in the faith,” Phebe is “our 
sister,” Jason and Sosipater are “his kinsmen,” and he speaks of the poor slave, 
Onesimus, as “his own bowels,” and not in word only, but in act and deed, he is 
ever studying the welfare of his comrades, not in spiritual only, but in temporal 
matters. Is Epaphroditus attacked by fever at Rome ?—as soon as he can travel he 
is ordered home to recruit his strength and recover his spirits. Is Trophimus sick? 
—he is left behind at Miletus. Is Timothy ailing ?—he is stationed at Ephesus, 
and is charged by letter to take wine as a support against his frequent indis- 
positions. 

We may be descending into matters of trivial import, but we cannot forbear the 
remark, that in all his writings and his whole demeanour, Paul displays a propriety 
and a delicacy that would have done honour to the polished gentleman of the most 
refined age. He occasionally adverts to very horrible heathen practices, and yet he 
does it in language that would not offend the most fastidious ear." 

It is well observed by Paley upon the Epistle to the Romans, that as often as 
the Apostle’s argument leads him to say anything derogatory to the Jewish institu- 
tion, he constantly follows it by a softening clause. Thus haying pronounced, not 
much, perhaps, to the satisfaction of the native Jews, that “he is not a Jew whieh 
is one outwardly, neither that circumcision which is outward in the flesh,” he adds 
immediately, “What advantage, then, hath the Jew, or what profit is there in 
circumcision ? much every way.” So in another place, “Do we then make void the 
law through faith? Yea, we establish the law.” And again, “ What shall we say then ὃ 
Is the law sin? Be it not! nay, I had not known sin but by the law.” 

Paul, it will be remembered, was a stranger to the Roman church, and how care- 
fully does he guard himself against giving offence! ‘I long,” he writes, “ to see you, 


"® See 1 Thess. iv. 6, Observe also the delicacy of the five first verses of 1 Cor. vii. 


By ey 


428 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. [Cuap, XI. 


9270 


that I may impart unto you some spiritual gifi, to the end ye may be established ; 
and then, fearful lest he had said too much, he immediately subjoins, “ that is, that 
I may be comforted together with you by the mutual fuith both of you and me.” In 
the same spirit, towards the close of the Epistle, he apologizes for addressing them, 
on the ground that by the grace of God he had been ordained the Apostle of the 
Gentiles."! So, in writing to the Hebrews, over whom Paul, as the minister of Christ 
unto the heathen, had no proper jurisdiction, he prays them to excuse the intrusion. 
“T beseech you, brethren, suffer the word of exhortation, for I have written unto 
you in brief.” But, perhaps, no more touching instance of Paul’s gentleness of 
manners and true politeness can be adduced than the whole Epistle to Philemon, 
which, while it breathes the utmost earnestness, is yet expressed with an urbanity 
which no writer of ancient or modern times has surpassed or perhaps equalled. 

If any fault dimmed for a moment the steady lustre of Paul’s character, it was a 
warmth of temper which he could not always control. We will not say that the 
dispute between him and Barnabas, on the subject of Mark, was culpable, for Paul 
evidently was not indulging a feeling of resentment, but calculating how the cause 
of Christianity might best be promoted. We must even admire the feryent zeal 
by which Paul was impelled openly to rebuke Peter for his vacillation at Antioch. 
But what shall we say of the scene before the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, when Ananias 
bade one that stood by to smite him on the mouth, and Paul, fired by the insult, at 
once retorted upon him, “ God shall smite thee, thow whited wall!” Yet even this may 
have been spoken, not from himself, but from a higher impulse, for it was certainly 
a prophetic denunciation which, not many years after, received its accomplish- 
ment by the violent death of the proud High Priest, from the poignards of the 
Sicarii. 

Let us now regard the Apostle in another light, as one commissioned from above 
to manifest the truth of Christianity by supernatural agency. 

That Paul was enabled (not at his own pleasure, but as he received the power) to 
work very wonderful miracles, as by striking Elymas blind, by curing the cripple at 
Lystra, by raising Eutychus to life, &ec., is expressly affirmed by his companion and 
historian Luke. But as the reader will naturally attach greater importance to the 
Apostle’s own testimony, we proceed to adduce a few passages from his Epistles, 
in which, though the modesty of the man ayoided every ground of boasting, he 
refers incidentally to these extraordinary gifts. In writing to the Romans he pleads 
as his justification for addressing a church to which he was a stranger, that he had 
been ordained the Apostle of the Gentiles, and in proof of his high calling he 
proceeds, “I will not dare to speak of any of those things which Christ hath not 
wrought by me, to make the Gentiles obedient by word and deed, through mighty 
signs and wonders, by the power of the Spirit of God.” Again, a faction in the 


10 Rom. i, 11. ™ Rom. xv. 15, and following verses. 72 Heb, xiii.22, ™ Rom. xy. 18, 19. 


Cuap, ΧΙ] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 429 


Corinthian church had questioned his Apostleship, and he vindicates his authority by 
a similar appeal, “Truly the signs of an Apostle were wrought among you in all 
patience, in signs, and wonders, and mighty deeds.”™ So when the Galatians had 
fallen away from the Gospel which he had preached, he bids them return to their 
allegiance, by reminding them of the mighty deeds by which his mission had been 
attested, “He therefore (meaning himself) that ministereth to you the Spirit, and 
worketh miracles among you, doeth he it by the works of the law, or by the hearing 
of faith?”* Many other texts might be cited in which the same thing is intimated, 
though the full force of the expression might not be understood by the inattentive 
reader. Thus he tells the Thessalonians, “ Our Gospel came not unto you in word 
only, but also in power (ἐν δυνάμει), and in the Holy Ghost ;”** where by power 
is clearly meant the confirmation of the Gospel by the working of miracles. And 
he uses similar language, and unquestionably in the same sense, to the Corinthians, 
“ My speech and my preaching was not with enticing words of man’s wisdom, but in 
demonstration of the spirit and of power.” And we may observe, by the way, that 
not only does the Apostle lay claim to these supernatural endowments himself, but 
testifies to the possession of them by others also. “He that wrought effectually in 
Peter to the Apostleship of the circumcision, the same was mighty in me toward the 
Gentiles.”** And in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, he furnishes them with 
practical directions against the abuse of the gift of tongues by the members of that 
church, on whom it had been bestowed, at the same time informing them of his own 
pre-eminence in this respect, “I thank my God, I speak with tongues more than ye 
αἰ! Our only other citation shall be from the Hebrews, in which he warns them 
of the dreadful consequences of apostatizing from a faith so divinely authenticated. 
‘* How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation, which at the first began to be 
spoken by the Lord, and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him, God also 
bearing them witness, both with signs and wonders, and with divers miracles and gifts of 
the Holy Ghost, according to his own will 2” °° 

Upon the subject of the Apostle’s inspiration there has been much controversy, 
and we certainly have no wish to engage in the discussion, but we may be excused 
for throwing together a few thoughts which have suggested themselves in the 
perusal of the Epistles. 

That Paul derived his knowledge of the Gospel, not from any human instruction, 
but directly from Heayen, he repeatedly assures us. “I certify you, brethren,” he 
writes to the Galatians, “that the Gospel which was preached of me is not after 
man." “By revelation he made known unto me the mystery, as I have written 
above in few words.”*? And this divine illumination apparently comprised the 


Ὁ Cor παν 19. @ 1 Cor. ii. 4. 1 Cor. xiv. 18. Be Galas 11 19) 
ONGal 111. ΟΣ 18. Gal. ii. 8. τὸ Heb. ii. 3, 4. Eph. iii. 3. 
ee |'Mhess: 1. Ὁ. 


430 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. (Cuar. XI. 


material cireumstances attending our Saviour’s life and passion. “1 received of the 
Lord,” he tells the Corinthians, “that which also I delivered unto you, that the Lord 
Jesus the same night in which he was betrayed took bread; and when he had given 
thanks he brake it, and said, ‘Take, eat: this is my body, which is broken for you; 
this do in remembrance of me.’ After the same manner also he took the cup, when 
he had supped, saying, ‘This cup is the new testament in my blood; this do ye as 
often as ye drink it, in remembrance of me.’ For as often as ye eat this bread, and 
drink this cup, ye do show the Lord’s death till he come.”** And again, “I delivered 
unto you first of all that which I also received, how that Christ died for our sins 
according to the scriptures ; and that he was buried, and that he rose again the third 
day according to the Scriptures ; and that he was seen of Cephas, then of the 
twelve ; and that he was seen of above five hundred brethren at once, of whom the 
greater part remain unto this present, but some are fallen asleep. After that, he was 
seen of James, then of all the Apostles.”"** We may also assume, as he tells us 
himself,*° that so much of the divine economy in heayen as related to the scheme of 
man’s redemption, was communicated to the Apostle in like manner; that Christ, for 
instance, was from the beginning the Son of God, by whom all things were made; 
that he took our nature upon him and suffered death, as a ransom for the sins of the 
world, both Jews and Gentiles; that on his ascension into heaven he sat at the right 
hand of God, to be our Intercessor and High Priest. 

These were facts, and thus far was Kevelution; but perhaps by Inspiration is 
more properly to be understood the influence of the Holy Spirit in prompting or 
preventing a person’s conduct, or superintending his speech or writings. Un- 
questionably Paul on certain occasions was guided by a heavenly impulse. Thus, he 
was commanded to depart from Jerusalem *’—he was forbidden to preach in Asia or 
Bithynia*’—he was sent to Macedonia*—he went up to Jerusalem by a heavenly 
command.** But these were exceptions, and in general Paul acted like any other 
man, upon his own free will, and followed the dictates of his own unbiassed judgment. 
He was, therefore, liable to error, and was not miraculously preserved from the 
peccability of human nature. But he was a chosen vessel to impart. religious truth, 
and in this respect we must surely assume that whether he taught by word of mouth 
or by letter, he was at least so far under the superintendence of the Spirit as to be 
incapable of propagating error. Let us take the First Epistle to the Corinthians. 
Whether he should write or not was a question of prudence, and Paul might have 
come to a wrong conclusion; and he tells us himself, that after he had dispatched it 
he was ready to repent (μετεμελόμην) ;*° but notwithstanding, the Epistle when sent 
was to form a part of Scripture, and could not contain in it any admixture of error. 
In what way precisely Inspiration operated to this extent, may be matter of opinion. 


831 Cor. xi. 23-26. 8° Eph. iii. 3. 57 Acts xvi. 6; 7. ἔθ. (χα 1]. 9: 
4 1 Cor. xv. 3-7. a5 Acts xxit. 21. 8 Acts xvi. 10, 9 9 Cor. vii. 8. 


Cuap. XI] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL, 431 


If the doctrines of Christianity had been revealed to him, he would require no farther 
Inspiration than to guard him against forgetfulness, or to guide his judgment in the 
application of the Christian scheme to the business of life. 

Let us now look into the Epistles, and trace, if we can, the Apostle’s own 
pretensions. In his earliest letter, the first to the Thessalonians, we find the following 
passage: “For this cause also thank we God without ceasing, because when ye 
received the word of God which ye heard of us, ye received it not as the word of men, 
but as it is in truth, the word of God, which effectually worketh also in you that 
believe.”** And again, “Ye know what commandments we gave you by the Lord 


2992 


Jesus. And again, “For this we say unto you by the word of the Lord, that 
we which are alive and remain unto the coming of the Lord shall not prevent them 
which are asleep.”** By the “word of God” and “the word of the Lord,’ the 
Apostle must be taken to mean that what he preached or had written to them was 
dictated by the Holy Spirit. We meet with similar language in the First Epistle to 
the Corinthians. “We have received, not the spirit of the world, but the spirit 
which is of God, that we might know the things that are freely given to us of God, 
which things also we speak, not in the words which man’s wisdom teacheth, but 
which the Holy Ghost teacheth.”** And again, “If any man think himself to be a 
prophet, or spiritual, let him acknowledge that the things that I write unto you are the 
commandments of the Lord.” *° 

There is another passage in the same Epistle fae which many haye inferred that 
Paul laid no claim to inspiration; and as it has been greatly misunderstood, we shall 
pause for a moment to consider its import. “ Unto the married,” he writes, “I com- 
mand, yet not I, but the Lord. ‘Let not the wife depart (μὴ χωρισθῆναι) from her 
husband,’ (but and if she depart, let her remain unmarried, or be reconciled to her 
husband), ‘and let not the husband put away his wife ; but to the rest speak I, not 
the Lord—if any brother have a wife that believeth not, and she be pleased to dwell 
with him, let him not put her away.”*® Here, it is said, the Apostle contrasts his 
own fallible opinion with the divine injunction of Christ. But how does the case 
really stand? In the Gospel of St. Matthew (xix. 5) our Saviour quotes the words 
in Genesis (il. 24), “For this cause shall a man leave father and mother, and shall 
cleave to his wife, and they twain shall be one flesh;” and then adds, “ What, there- 
fore, God hath joined together, let not man put asunder” (μὴ χωριξέτω) ; and a little 
after, “Whosoever shall put away his wife, except it be for fornication, and shall 
marry another, committeth adultery.” Paul, therefore, is quoting the Gospel of St. 
Matthew, which was in the hands of his converts, and he tells them, that as to the 
separation of the wife from the husband, or the husband putting away his wife, they 
had a direct command from Christ himself; but that as to what followed, though he 


" 1 Thess. ii. 13. 85. 1 Thess. iv. 15. 1 Cor. xiv. of 
ὅν. 1 Thess. iv. 2. of Cor: tele: 85. 7 Corse vis L0=19: 


432 CHARACTER OF 51. PAUL. [Ὁμᾶρ. XI. 


could not cite any express injunction of our Saviour to that effect, yet he, Paul, as 
an Apostle, was authorized to declare the Divine will. That such is his meaning is 
sufficiently evident from a corresponding precept a few verses after. “‘ Concerning 
virgins, I have no commandment of the Lord; yet I give my judgment (γνώμην 
δίδωμι) as one that hath obtained mercy of the Lord to be faithful ;’* where, so far 
from negativing his own inspiration, he lays claim to authority as one commissioned 
by Christ himself. Indeed, at the close of the chapter he distinctly affirms as much, 
for, speaking of the widow, he proceeds, “ but she is happier if she so abide after my 
judgment (κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην), and methinks (δοκῶ) that I also have the spirit of 
God.” Here the Greek word δοκῶ, so far from implying any doubt in the mind of 
the writer, assumes the fact with something of irony against those who questioned 
it. We may therefore conclude with Clement, who was for many years Paul’s con- 
stant companion, and well capable of judging, that Paul spake and wrote (πνευμα- 
τικῶς) “ by the Spirit of God.” "ἢ 

We have advanced the hypothesis, that in the passage upon which we have just 
been commenting, the Apostle refers to the Gospel of St. Matthew, and as the testi- 
mony of Paul upon this subject is of the utmost value, we shall adduce other instances 
in which, if we mistake not, a similar allusion is made. In the First Epistle to the 
Thessalonians, having occasion to speak of the general resurrection, he uses these 
remarkable words, ‘“ But of the times and the seasons, brethren, ye have no need that I 
write unto you. For yourselves know perfectly that the day of the Lord so cometh as a 
thief in the night.”*® How did they know this? It is certainly possible that Paul, 
while amongst them, might have been gifted with prophecy and have foretold it. But 
this is mere conjecture. The only natural solution is, that he is bringing to their re- 
collection the forewarning of our Saviour, couched almost in the very terms recorded 
by St. Matthew. “ But of That day and hour knoweth no man, no, not the angels of 
heaven, but my Father only. But know this, that if the good man of the house had 
known in what watch the thief would come, he would have watched, and would not have 
suffered his house to be broken up.”’”° In the following texts the allusion may not 
be thought so decisive. To the Corinthians he writes, “The Lord (ὁ Κύριος, viz. 
Christ) hath ordained that they which preach the Gospel should live by the Gospel.” 
And if we turn to St. Matthew we find a precept to that effect, “ And as ye go preach, 
saying, the kingdom of heaven is at hand.’ Provide neither gold, nor silver, nor 
brass in your purses, nor scrip for your journey, neither two coats, neither shoes, nor 
yet staves; for the workman is worthy of his meat.”!°* Again, the Apostle writes, 
“ Know ye not that we shall judge angels?” '* But how else could they have learnt 
this but from the declaration of our Saviour in St. Matthew? ‘ And Jesus said unto 
them, verily I say unto you, that ye which have followed me, in the regeneration 


Δ Cor: vai, 28. 9° 1 Thess. v. 1, 2. Ἰ Cora ixs 14: 0S Matt. x. 9, 10. 
98. Clem. 1 Ep.ad Cor. xlvii, %™ Matt. xxiv. 36, 43. ὍΣ Miatit. τ EN τὶ vivo: 


Cuar. ΧΙ] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 453 


when the Son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory, ye also shall sit wpon twelve 
thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel.”* Again, in the same Epistle we read, 
“Though I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and have not charity, I 
am nothing ;”'°° where, apparently, the writer is adopting the metaphorical language 
in St. Matthew, “If ye have faith ye shall say unto this mountain, be thou removed, 
and be thou cast into the sea, and it shall be done.”'? Again, in the Hebrews, he 
writes, “ By faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent sacrifice than Cain, by 
which he obtained witness that he was righteous (δίκαιος) Ὁ but we find this testi- 
mony of him nowhere but in St. Matthew, where our Saviour describes him as 
“vighteous (δικαίου) Abel.”'°* Considering that from the nature of the case the 
Apostle, on quitting a church planted by him for another scene of action, must have 
left with them some written record to be their standard of faith, and remembering 
that during the early part of Paul’s ministry the Gospel of St. Matthew was the 
only one published, we may reasonably conclude that the Apostle placed it in the 
hands of his converts, and afterwards referred to it as a book with which his corre- 
spondents were familiar. About a.p. 57 the Gospel of St. Luke was written, and 
from that time it was, of course, circulated throughout Christendom, and had a great 
reputation, and the Apostle shortly afterwards speaks of Luke as “ the brother whose 
praise is in the Gospel throughout all the churches ;’" and in the First Epistle to 
Timothy he quotes it as scripture, “For the scripture saith, ‘Thou shalt not muzzle 
the ox that treadeth out the corn,’ and ‘ The labourer is worthy of his reward’ ”!— 
at least, the words “The labourer is worthy of his reward,” are not to be found in 
any part of scripture, save the Gospel of St. Luke.” 

Whether the above remarks authorize or not the conclusion that Paul expressly 
recognised the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, we cannot doubt the identity 
of the Christian scheme as taught by him, and as recorded in the four Gospels. 
Whoever has studied the Epistles must be satisfied, that not even in the slightest 
particular is there any disagreement between them and the other writings of the 
New Testament, a circumstance to be accounted for only on the supposition that the 
Gospel revealed to Paul was one and the same with that delivered to the twelve 
apostles. But more than this, we can show affirmatively that in all its leading 
features the Christianity of Paul was that of the Gospels. By way of example only, 
and without attempting to exhaust the subject, we find on a superficial examination 
of the Epistles the following prominent Articles of Faith :— 

That Jesus Christ was the Son of God. Heb. i. 1; Gal. iv. 4. 


105 Matt. xix. 28. 16 may be thought te refer to Matt. xxii. 32, and 
ἀὐ ΠΟΘ ΣΠΠ. ὦ. 1 Thess. iv. 9 to Matt. xxii. 39. 

107 Matt. xvii. 20; xxi. 2]. πὸ 2 Cor. viii. 18. 

106 Heb. xi. 4. a Saimeveclo: 

108 Mait. xxiii. 35. Besides the above, Heb. xi. W Luke -x. 7. 


VOL. II. 3 kK 


434 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. r [Cuav. XT. 


him. Col. 1.16; Heb. i. 3; Eph. iii. 9. 

That he was ‘God blessed for ever.” Rom. ix. 5; 1 Tim. 11. 16; Philipp. τ. 6 ; 
Col. 1. 15; 2 Cor. iv. 4. 

That “being in the form of God, and thinking it not robbery to be equal with 
God, yet he made himself of no reputation,” and came into the world to save sinners. 
Philipp. 1. 6; 1 Tim. 1. 15. 

That he took our nature upon him, and became “man.” om. vy. 15, 19; 1 Tim. 
ii. ΟΣ 

That he was born of the seed of Abraham, after the flesh. Heb. 11. 16. 

That he was of the tribe of Judah. Heb. vii. 14. 

That he was of the family of David. Lom. 1. 3. 

That he went about preaching the tidings of salvation, and working miracles, in 
attestation of the truth of his mission. Heb. ii. 3. 

That he chose twelve apostles, 1 Cor. xv. 5, and that amongst them were Peter 
and John. Gal. i: 18,19; i. 9, 11, 14; 1 Cor. ix. 5. 

That he led a life of hardship and endurance. Heb. v. 8. 

That he was without sin. Heb. iy. 15. 

That at last he was betrayed. Rom. iv. 25. 

That the same night that he was betrayed he instituted the Lord’s Sapper. 1 Cor. 
ΧΙ, 23. 

That his death was brought about by the Jews, 1 Thess. ii. 15, and more par- 
ticularly by their rulers 1 Cor. ii. 8. 

That he testified to the truth before Pontius Pilate. 1 Tim. vi. 13. 

That he suffered death upon the cross as a ransom for the sins of the world. 
Gal. 11. 13, εἰ passim. 

That the crucifixion was at a Passover. 1 Cor. ν. 7. 

That this was enacted without the gates of Jerusalem. Heb. xiii. 12. 

That he was buried. 1 Cor. xv. 4. 

That he rose again the third day. 1 Cor. xv. 4; 1 Thess. i. 10; iv. 14. 

That he was seen by Peter. 1 Cor. xy. 4 

Then by the twelve Apostles. 1 Cor. xy. 5. 

Then by above five hundred brethren at once. 4 Cur. xy. 6. 

Then by James. 1 Cor. xy. 7. 

That he ascended into heaven. Kph. iv. 8; 1 Tim. 111. 16; Heb. iv. 14; vi. 20. 

That he communicated to his disciples the gifts of the Holy Spirit. Eph. iv. 8 ; 
2 Cor. v. 5; 1 Cor. 11. 18; Tit. i. 6; Rom. v. 5. And particularly the gift of 
tongues. 1 Cor, xiy. 2, et seg. And of working miracles. Heb. ii. 3, 4. 

That he sat at the right hand of God. Rom. viii. 34; Eph. 1. 20; Col. i. 1; 
Jo, BIS ὙΠ. ILA oe, 119} 

That he became in heayev onr High Priest and Intercessor. Heb. ii. 17; ix. 24; 
Ron. vii. 34. 


Cuap. XI] CHARACTER OF ST, PAUL. 435 


That he will appear again. 1 Thess. iv. 15; 2 Thess. ii. 1; 1 Cor. iv. 5. 

And will be the judge of quick and dead. 2 Cor. vy. 10; 2 Tim. iv. 1; 
Tom. xiv. 10. 

Such, in few words, was the faith of Paul; and who can avoid the conclusion that 
such ought also to be our faith? Or shall we say that Paul was deceived? But who 
that observes his vigorous intellect—his acuteness of reasoning—and above all, his 
sound practical judgment, can for a moment suppose that such a man could, for the 
last *hirty years of his life, have been under a delusion? Or shall we impute to 
him, that, knowing Christianity to be a fable, he practised upon the credulity of 
mankind to further his own views? But what could have been his inducement ? 
Could wealth or honour? When he became a convert he sacrificed both for penury 
and disgrace! Did he seek, under cover of a lie, to promote the good of mankind ? 
Bat who, in his senses, would build on so rotten a foundation? For, however 
cunningly devised, the imposture must, sooner or later, be detected!'* Besides, it 
is impossible for any one to read Paul’s letters without feeling that he, at least, was 
an honest man. 

The only alternative is—that Paul had a rational and deep-rooted conviction of 
the truth of Christianity, and that what he preached to others he believed himself. 


ee 5 -- = ΒΕ --- 


118 The reader, upon this subject, is referred the Conversion of St. Paul, 
to the unanswerable Essay of Lord Lyttelton on 


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(1) 


Note on the centurion’s house (Vol. II. p. 239), in which, according to tradition, St. Paul was 
detained at Rome, chained to a soldier, during his first captivity. 


Wuen I was at Rome in 1851 I paid a visit to 
the vaults commonly known as the centurion’s 
house, and my note is as follows :—* At the 
corner of the Corso and the Via Lata—that is, on 
the western side of the Corso and the southern 


side of the Via Lata—stands the church of Santa 


Maria, facing the Corso. Under the portico is 
a descent by steps into a vaulted room, and to 
the west of it is another room, and to the west 
of the latter another still. From the general 
distrust that every one entertains of unsupported 
tradition, the first impression made on the mind 
is that the vaults are merely the foundations for 
the superstructure of the church; but in one of 
the chambers the eye traces an ancient doorway, 
now blocked up, and it is evident that when the 
walls were built the floor was on a level with the 
street without. The accumulation of soil in the 
course of ages has since converted the rooms into 
subterranean crypts. The first or most easterly 
vault is the traditional prison of St. Paul, and 
has now the sanctity of a chapel. It is about 
18 feet long and 12 feet wide. Near the 
entrance is a pillar, to which it is said the 
Apostle was chained. This may be regarded 
as an idle fable. _ At the other end is a well 
with a raised mouth. The roof of the vault 
is formed with massive square stones exactly cor- 
responding to those in the roof of the Mamertine 
prison.” . 
Sir G. Head describes the vault more at length. 
“ Underneath the church” (S. Maria), he writes, 
“is a erypt which, as the modern surface of the 
city is 15 feet, more or less, above the ancient 
level, is supposed to be identically the same 
chamber in which St. Paul was kept in confine- 
ment. The entrance to this highly interesting 


spot is by a door which opens within the por- 
tico on the southern side of the main entrance. 
Here is a descent by fourteen or fifteen steps, on 
the right-hand side of which, or the side towards 
the street, there may be observed, on going down, 
the remains of a stone staircase, of which the 
steps, in regular succession, are seen protruding 
through the masonry, as if it had been thought 
proper, in the course of the restorations effected 
by Innocent VIII. in the fifteenth century, to 
preserve the rewains of the staircase previously 
existing. On arriving below, the interior, which 
but for the small taper carried by the sacristan 
is in total darkness, appears to he a very low 
chamber, of which the length exceeds the breadth 
very considerably. The ceiling is a good speci- 
men of ancient brick vaulting” (but my own 
note in the preceding column is at variance) 
“and a considerable portion of the mosaic pave- 
ment is in tolerable preservation. ‘To recapitu- 
late the objects of interest contained here, the 
first, immediately at the bottom of the staircase, 
is a small granite column about 8 feet high, said 
to be the same to which St. Paul was bound 
while a prisoner. The capital is so worn as not 
to be distinguishable, though I fancied I could 
trace the remains of Jonic volutes. From the 
summit of the shaft is suspended a portion, about 
2 feet long, of an iron chain, worn quite thin by 
time and rust; and upon the centre is the figure 
of a cross, very deeply indented, with the epi- 
graph, ‘Verbum Dei non alligatum,’ in capital 
letters. descending in a spiral line down the 
column. The characters of the epigraph corre- 
spond with the characters of the Augustan era, 
and are especially similar to others attributed to 
the same period, which may be seen cut in the 


438 


APPENDIX. 


same manner on the shaft of a granite column 
in the church of Ara Ceeli. Upon the summit of 
the capital is placed a white marble urn, on the 
side of which is engraved an olive branch (the 
symbol of martyrdom) and the Christian mono- 
gram composed of the two Greek letters chi and 
rho. Above it is a marble tablet engrafted in 
the wall, bearing the inscription ‘ Memores estote 
vineulorum meorum’ ud Col. cap/u” (qu. Ad Col. 
cap. iy. that is, at 4th chapter of Colossians). 
“The next object which deserves attention, in 
addition to the fragments of the mosaic pave- 
ment, which is of an ordinary tesselated pattern, 
composed of small pieces, is a well on the left- 
hand side of the chamber, nearly opposite the 
column, such as the early Christians were in the 
habit of sinking in their dwellings for the pur- 
pose of performing the rite of baptism secretly, 
and similar to many others to be seen in the 
Roman churches at the present day. This well, 
according to the tradition of the church ex- 
pounded by the sacristan, was caused, at the 
bidding of St. Paul, to rise out of the earth 
miraculously; though, whatever be its origin, 
the appearance at present is that of an ordinary 
well about 18 feet in depth, and containing 10 


| feet of water, which, beautifully clear as it is, 
| is said never to rise or fall from the present 
level. 

“The third object to be observed is an altar 
supposed to have belonged to an ancient oratory 
built upon the wall close to the well above re- 
ferred to, and in appearance an early Christian 
altar, such as are to be seen in the catacombs. 
Besides this altar, there are two others within 
the chambers of more modern construction. 
Above one of the latter, instead of an altar pic- 
ture, is a bas-relief group on white marble by 
the sculptor Fancelli, representing St. Paul, 
St. Peter, St. Luke, and the centurion; above 
the other is a bas-relief in stueco. Finally, at 
the extremity of the chamber, upon the north 
flank of the building, are to be observed, built 
up in the masonry, several very large blocks of 
peperino, the remains of a triumphal arch erected 
by the Roman Senate in honour of the Emperor 
Gordian ILI. on the occasion of his victory over 
| the Goths, and destroyed by Innocent VIII. in 
the reconstruction of the church.” Rome: a 
Tour of Many Days. By Sir George Head. 1849. 
Vol. i. p. 116. 


(IL) 


Note on the map of Cyprus. 


The natural features of Cyprus are very simple. 
A mountain ridge called Olympus, beginning 


from Cape Dinaretum, the north-eastern horn, | 


runs westward along the northern coast as far as 
Cape Crommyon. Between this ridge and the sea 
is a narrow strip of land studded with cities. 


From Cape Crommyon to Soli, which is many | 


miles to the west, is a plain country, which tra- 
verses the island in an eastward direction to 
Salamis, and is watered along the eastern portion 
by the principal river of the island, the Pedeno, 
which discharges itself into the Bay of Salamis. 

From Soli to Cape Acamas, the north-western 
promontory, is another mountain-range (also 
called Olympus), which, commencing from the 
cape, descends southward and runs along the 
southern coast, and ends at Cape Pedalium, the 
S.E. promontory. This Olympus, the higher 
of the two, attains its maximum height of 6590 
feet at a point due south of Soli, about the 
middle of the island. 

Cyprus was colonised partly by Pheenicians and 


See map Vol. I. p. 120. 


partly by Greeks. The Phoenicians occupied the 
S. and W. portions of the coast, and their chief 
cities were, Chittim, or Citium; Hamath, or 
| Amathus; and Paphos. They brought with 

them the worship of the goddess Astarte, or 
| Venus, whose temple at Paphos acquired so 
much celebrity. 

The northern and eastern portions of the island 
| were settled by Greeks, whose chief cities were, 
Salamis, the capital of the whole island, Cerynia, 
Lapathus, and Soli. 

The leading cities in the interior were, Tre- 
mithus, Tamassus (famous for its copper/mines), 
Idalium, and T.eucosia or Nicosia, the former 
name prevailing amongst the Greeks, and the 
latter amongst the Italians. Nicosia is the 
| modern capital. 

There is no difficulty in fixing the sites of the 

| principal ancient towns on the coast as Citium, 

Amathus, Paphos, Salamis, Cerynia, Lapathus, 

and Soli; but the interior has been so seldom 
visited that the geography is very uncertain. 


APPENDIX, 


439 


Nicosia, however, is well known, and Idalium 
is generally identified with Dalin. 

Tumassus is placed, by Extgel and others, in 
the middle of the great plain; but as Tamassus 
was celebrated for its copper mines, it must have 
stood on or near one of the mountain chains. 
All the mines of Cyprus were on the southern 
chain, as at Curium and Amathus and Soli. En- 
gel’s Kypros, p. 44. Tamassus, then, as it was 
inland, must have been at the northern foot of 
the southern chain; and this is confirmed by 
Ptolemy, for on comparing together the longi- 
tudes and latitudes of the different places in 
Cyprus mentioned by him, the clear result is that 
Tamassus was toward the south. It was half a 
degree, for instance, more south than Soli, and 
in the same latitude as Tremithus, of which we 
shall speak presently. From the Peutinger table 
we learn that Tamassus was twenty-nine Roman 
miles from Soli, and twenty-four from Tremithus, 
which, again, was eighteen (not twenty-four, as 
Engel assumes) from Citium. As Tremithus and 
Tamassus lay on the road (though from the dis- 
tance it could not have been the direct one) from 
Citium to Soli, we cannot be far wrong in placing 
Tamassus at the northern foot of the southern 
chain of mountains, at the distance of twenty-nine 
miles from Soli in a south-eastern direction. 

Τ᾽, emithus, according to Engel (Kypros, p. 150), 
was close to Leucosia; but in this he has fallen 
into a mistake, which is easily explained. He 
cites the words of Hierocles, Τρεμιθούντων Aev- 
κοσία, and argues that Leucosia must, therefore, 
have been an appendage of Tremithus, and the 
two must have adjoined. But Τρεμιθούντων, or Tre- 
mithuntum, is a corrupt form of Tremithus, as 
Wesseling explains, and therefore a distinct city 
from Leucosia. Hierocles tells us that there 
were fifteen principal cities in Cyprus, and pro- 
ceeds to enumerate them; and if we reckon 
Τρεμιθούντων as one, there are just fifteen named 
by Hierocles, but without it there are only four- 
teen. Again, Ptolemy places Tremithus in the 
same latitude as Tamassus ; and as the latter was 
on the south of the great plain, Tremithus must 
have been so also. We have seen that, according 
to the Peutinger table, Tremithus was eighteen 


of population appear thus not to have materially 
varied for nearly 2000 years. 

It may here be asked, what was the route taken 
by Paul and Barnabas in passing from Salamis 
to Paphos? All that Luke says is that they 
“went through the island as far as Paphos” 
(διελθόντες τὴν νῆσον ἄχρι Πάφου, Acts xiii. 6), 
and this language is consistent with a journey 
along the great plain, or through the busy cities 
on the southern coast. It is not likely that he 
traversed the narrow strip of land on the north- 
ern coast, for, coming from the north, he would 
scarcely in that case have landed at Salamis, 


| and, again, would scarcely have taken ship for 


Pamphylia at Paphos. The general practice of 
Paul was, not to wander about rural districts, 
but to strike at once for the great seats of popu- 
lation, as he did at Cyprus itself by preaching at 
Salamis, the capital, and Paphos, the city next in 
importance. We should surmise, therefore, that 
he did not pass from Salamis to Paphos along 


_ the great plain, where was the agricultural popu- 


_ and Amathus. 


miles from Citium, and twenty-four from Tamas- | 


sus, and this agrees tolerably well with the site | 


assigned in the modern maps to Tremethusa. 

It is worthy of remark that Pliny attributes 
fifteen cities to Cyprus (Plin. N. H. v. 35), and 
Hierocles, many ages afterwards, assigns the 
same number; and Pococke also in modern 
times gives the like number, ii. 235. The centres 


lation, which was comparatively scant and widely 
dispersed, but that he visited successively the 
great commercial marts of the south, as Citium 
As he suffered three shipwrecks 
before the date of the Second Epistle to the 
Corinthians (xi. 25), a.p. 58, he may have met 
with one of these disasters in passing by sea from 
Citium to Amathus, and another in a voyage 
from Amathus to Paphos. The southern coast of 
Cyprus is extremely dangerous to navigation 
from the prevalence of sea-fogs, and frequent 
shipwrecks occur in consequence. 

At the time of the Apostle’s visit the language 
spoken in the chief towns, as Salamis and Paphos, 
may have been the current Greck of the day, but 
in the rural districts the vernacular must still 
have been Cypriot, a language long buried in 
oblivion and now again recovered. It was written 
in characters most of which were identical with 
the letters of Lycia, while others were borrowed 
from Pheenicia, and others from Egypt. It was 
read, as a general rule, from right to left, but in 
rare instances from left to right. The words 
were a barbarous and uncouth branch of the 
Greek tongue, having much the same relation to 
pure Greek as Anglo-Saxon has to pure English. 
The way in which the language was gradually 
deciphered and identified by the successive la- 
bours of the Duke de Luynes, Hamilton Lang, 
G. Smith, and Dr. 8. Birch, will be found nar- 
rated in the first volume of the “ Transactions of 
the Society of Biblical Archeology.” 


440 


APPENDIX. 


(III.) 


Note on the map of Asia Minor according to its nationalities. 


There were no less than seventeen nations | 


within the isthmus, i.e. to the west of a line 
drawn from Amisus, on the Euxine, to Issus, in 
Cilicia: Strabo, xiv. 5 (Tauchnitz, pp. 284, 2385) ; 
and as these were continually shifting their settle- 
ments by expansion or contraction, emigration 
or expulsion, the utmost confusion ensued. Our 
map is intended to represent, as far as possible, 
the localities of the different peoples at the time 
of the Apostolic circuits. The great authority 
is Strabo, who was contemporary with the Apostle, 


and a native of Amasia, in Pontus, and the most | 
eminent geographer of the age, and indeed of | 


any age. 


Cilicia had for its eastern limit Mount Amanus, | 


and extended as far south as Pyle, the ‘gates’ 
or defile which connected Cilicia with Syria. 
Strabo, xiv. 5 (p. 233, Tauchnitz). On the west 
the boundary was the fortress of Coracesium. 
10. (p. 219, 220, Tauchnitz). The line of de- 
marcation between Cilicia Aspera, the western 
division, and Cilicia Campestris, the eastern divi- 
sion, was the river Lamus. Jb. (p. 225, Tauch- 
nitz). 

Pamphylia, commencing at Coracesium, ex- 
tended along the coast as far as a point a little 
to the west of Olbia, which was included in 
Pamphylia. Strabo, xiv. 5 (p. 218, Tauchnitz). 

Lycia, beginning a little westward of Olbia, 
reached along the coast to the city of Deedala. 
Strabo, xiv. 3 (p. 212, Tauchnitz). 

After Lycia followed Caria, which ran from 
Deedala to the promontory of Posidium, a little 
to the south of Miletus. Strabo, xiv. 2 (p. 191, 
Tauchnitz). 

Asia (as the word is used by the writers of the 
New Testament) coincided very nearly with the 
Lydia of profane history, and may be considered 
as reaching from Posidium, where Caria ended, 
to the river Caicus, where Mysia began. Strabo, 
xii. 8 (pp. 68, 71, Tauchnitz); xiii. 1 (p. 188, 
Tauchnitz); xiii. 4 (p. 151, Tauchnitz). 

The natural limit of Asia on the south was 
the Meander; but the Ionians, on the conquest 
of Lydia, extended their dominion beyond the 
Meander to Posidium, so as to comprise the 
cities of Miletus and Myus. Strabo, xiv. 1 (p. 162, 
Tauchnitz). To the east of Myus the Meander 
was still the dividing line. 


See map Vol. I. p. 164. 


We have suggested in the text that Laodicea, 
Colossee, and Hierapolis were probably considered 
by the writers of the New Test ment as included in 
Lydia. However, in the time of Croesus these 
cities were certainly not comprised in Lydia, 
but in Phrygia; for Xerxes, on his march from 
Colossze to Sardis, came to a city called Cydrara, 
where stood an obelisk, erected by Croesus, de- 
claring it to be the boundary between Lydia and 
Phrygia. Herod. vii. 30. It is clear, therefore, 
that Colossee at that time was not regarded as 
in Lydia; and as Laodicea and Hierapolis were 
adjacent, we must conclude that they also were 
not then included in Lydia. 

To the north of Lydia lay the two Mysius, the 
greater and the less, beginning at the Caicus 
(see Asia, swpru), and running up to and touch- 
ing Troas at a point between Antandros and 
Astyca, and then running along Mount Ida and 
the river Aisepus to the Propontis, and occupy- 
ing the coast of the Propontis from the mouth 
of the Aasepus to the Rhyndacus, where Bithynia 
commenced. Strabo, xii. 4 (pp. 52, 53, Tauchnitz). 
Little Mysia was the coast on the Propontis be- 
tween the Aisepus and the Rhyndacus, and in- 
cluded Olympene, the part running inland along 
the western foot of Olympus. Great Mysia lay 
to the south of Little Mysia, but the boundaries 
between the two Mysias were always very con- 
fused. Strabo, xii. 8 (p. 63, Tauchnitz). 

Troas—This began from a point between An- 
tandros and Astyca, and ran along the coast as 
far as the mouth of the sepus, and was 
bounded on the east, first to the south by Mount 
Ida, and then to the north by the Asepus. Strabo, 
xii. 8 (pp. 68, 71, Tauchnitz). 

Bithynia.—TVhis extended from the Rhyndacus 
on the west to the Parthenius on the east, where 
commenced Paphlagonia. Such is the view gene- 
rally adopted, but Strabo refines somewhat upon 
this, and makes Bithynia Proper to reach from 
the Rhyndacus to the Sangarius only: Strabo, 
xii. 3 (p. 17, Tauchnitz); and places the Mar- 
yandyni, or Caucones, a kindred tribe, between 


the Sangarius and the Parthenius. Jd. (Ὁ. 14, 
Tauchnitz). 
Papllagonia reached from the Parthenius 


(Strabo, xii. 8, p. 18, Tauchnitz) to the Halys. 
Ib. (pp. 14, 19, Tauchnitz). 


APPENDIX. 


441 


Pontus reached from the Halys (Strabo, xii. 3, 
p- 14, Tauchnitz) to the coast of the Tibareni, 
inclusive, but was subsequently extended on the 
east to the borders of Colchis. Strabo, xii. 3, 
(p. 13, Tauchnitz). That the Tibareni reached 
down to the coast, see Jb. xii. 1 (p. 3, Tauch- 
nitz). 

Thus far the maritime provinces. As regards 
the interior of Asia Minor there is much greater 
difficulty. 

Lycaonia lay to the north of Cilicia Aspera, 
and was of a quadrilateral shape. To the south it 
reached to the ridge of Taurus, which divided it 
from Cilicia. Strabo, xii. 6 (p. 59, Tauchnitz). 
On the east the boundary line ran from north to 
south a little to the east of both Coropassus and 
Derbe, which were cities of Lycaonia, though 
close to Cappadocia. Strabo, xii. 6 (p. 59, Tauch- 
nitz). On the north Lycaonia touched the 
Paroreios of Phrygia (Strabo, xiv. 3, p. 212, 
Tauchnitz), and ran thence in an eastern direc- 
tion to Cappadocia, in a line a little above Lao- 
dicea Combusta and Coropassus, both of which 
were included in Lycaonia. Jb. On the west the 
border ran southward from the Paroreios along 
the western side of Lake Caralis, so as to in- 
clude Isauria, which was an appendage of Ly- 
caonia, and not of Pisidia. Strabo, xiv. 5 (pp. 219, 
237, Tauchnitz). 

Next to Lycaonia, on the west, lay Pisidia. 
The eastern boundary between Pisidia and Ly- 
caonia has been already described. On the south 
the line passed along the ridge of Taurus, which 
separated it from Pamphylia (Strabo, xii. 7, p. 61, 
Tauchnitz), and running down along the west- 
ern side of Pamphylia, it descended south as far 
as to the city of Termessus, and thus bordered 
also upon Lycia. Strabo, xii. 7 (p. 61, Tauch- 
nitz); xiii. 4 (p. 159, Tauchnitz); xiv. 3 (p. 217, 
Tauchnitz). On the north Pisidia reached to the 
Paroreios of Phrygia, at the foot of which was 
seated Antioch of Pisidia, the capital. Strabo, 
xii. 8 (Ὁ. 72, Tauchnitz). From this point the 
boundary line passed in a south-western direc- 
tion, so as to include Apollonias, which was a 
city of Pisidia—or, at least, was subject to 
Amyntas, king of Pisidia. Strabo, xii. 6 (p. 60, 
Tauchnitz). But see xii. 8 (p. 72, Tauchnitz). 
What was the border line to the 8.W. of Apol- 
lonias it is hard to say, for the district about 
Cibyra was occupied confusedly by Lydians and 
Pisidians. Our map represents Pisidia as ex- 
tending on this side to Caria, and this view is 
supported by the fact that Cibyra, though Ly- 
dian in its origin, was subsequently occupied by 


VOL, U. 


Pisidians. The languages spoken were Lydian 
and Pisidian, besides Solymian and Greek. 
Strabo, xiii. 4 (p. 160, Tauchnitz). 

Phrygia was a central tract in the very heart 
of Asia Minor, bounded on the xorth by the 
Sangarius and Mount Olympus, and on the west 
by Mysia and Lydia, and on the south by Pisidia, 
and on the east by Galatia, except that, between 
Galatia and the Paroreios, Phrygia projected 
eastward between Galatia and Lycaonia, and 
extended as far as Lake Tatta, the whole of 
which, according to Strabo, was included in 
Phrygia. Strabo, xii. 5 (p. 58, Tauchnitz); xii. 3 
(p. 12, Tauchnitz). As to this excrescence, 
therefore, Phrygia was bounded on the east by 
Cappadocia. Phrygia consisted of two divisions, 
viz., Little Phrygia and Great Phrygia. 

Little Phrygia was also called Epictetus, or 
Hellespontic, and was bounded on the north- 
west by Little Mysia, and on the north by Lake 
Ascania, which lay between it and Bithynia, and 
on the north-east by the Sangarius. Strabo, xii. 
4 (p. 52, Tauchnitz); xii. 3 (p. 49, Tauchnitz). 
The boundaries on the south will be best dis- 
tinguished by the cities which were comprised 
in it, and are thus enumerated by Strabo: Na- 
colea, Cotizum, Midizum, Doryleum, and Cadi. 
Strabo, xii. 8 (Ὁ. 71, Tauchnitz). 

Great Phrygia comprised all the parts not 
included in Little Phrygia. 

Galatia can only be defined in general terms. 
It was bounded on the west by the greater Phry- 
gia; on the north by the eastern end of Mount 
Olympus, which separated it from Bithynia and 
Paphlagonia; and on the east by Pontus and 
Cappadocia, and on the south by the part of 
Phrygia which lay between Paroreios and Lake 
Tatta, and to the north of Lake Tatta by Cap- 
padocia. Strabo, xii. 6 (pp. 55-57, Tauchnitz). 
Galatia touched the northern end of Lake Tatta, 
but did not comprise any part of the lake itself. 
Strabo, xi. 5 (Ὁ. 58, Tauchnitz). 

Cappadocia was bounded on the north by 
Galatia, Pontus, and Armenia Minor, on the 
east by the Euphrates, on the south by Taurus 
(Strabo, xii. 3, p. 12, Tauchnitz), and on the 
west by a line running through Lake Tatta, and 
then between Coropassus and Garsaura to a 
point a little east of Derbe, on Lake Guhl. 
Strabo, xii. 6 (pp. 58, 59, Tauchnitz). 

Armenia Minor was bounded on the west and 
north by Pontus (Strabo, xii. 3, p. 26, Tauch- 
nitz), on the east by Armenia Major and in part 
by the Euphrates, and on the south by Cappa- 
docia. 


oer 


442 


APPENDIX. 


Commagene was bounded on the north by Cap- 
padocia, on the east by the Euphrates, on the 
south by Syria, and on the west by Cilicia. The 
southern boundary would be sufficiently repre- 
sented by a line drawn due east from Mount 
Amanus to Zeugma, on the Euphrates. 

Commagene was in strictness part of Syria 


(Strabo, xvi. 2, p. 353, Tauchnitz), but as at the 
time of which we are speaking it was disannexed 
from the province of Syria, and was under King 
Antiochus, whose dominions also comprised parts 
of Cilicia and Lycaonia, it was thought more 
conyenient to include Commagene in the map of 
Asia Minor. 


(IV.) 


Note on the map of Asia Minor according to its political divisions. 


On the conquest of Asia Minor by the Romans 


they paid little regard to the existing territorial | 


boundaries, but distributed the country so as 
best to meet political exigencies. Thus many 
races quite distinct nationally were comprised 
under one jurisdiction, and in other cases a 
united people was broken into fragments, and 
different portions were assigned to different pre- 
fectures. Our map is intended to represent the 
political aspect of Asia Minor in the Apostolic age. 

1. Proconsular Asia was one of the Senate’s, or 
people’s, provinces, and comprised Lydia, Caria, 
Phrygia, Mysia,and Troas. It was divided into ten 
circuits, which were named after the chief cities 
or places where the assizes were held. These 
ten cities or places were: (1) Alabanda, in Caria, 
Plin. N. H. v. 29; (2) Cibyra, in Pisidia, 70.; 
(3) Ephesus, Plin. N. H. v.31; (4) Apamea, Plin. 
N. H. v. 29; (5) Lycaonia, Plin. N. H. y. 25; 


(6) Synnada, Plin. N. H. ν. 29; (7) Sardis, Plin. | 
N. H. v. 30; (8) Pergamus, Plin. N. H. v. 33; | 


(9) Smyrna, Plin. N. H. v. 81; and (10) Adra- 
myttium, Plin. N. H. v. 32. 

Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse were com- 
prised within the Cibyratic circuit. 
Vv: 20. 

The Lycaonian circuit comprised the cities on 
the north side of the Paroreios, viz. Tyrisum, 
Philomelium, Thymbrium, &e.,and was so called 
as bordering upon Lycaonia, and comprising a 
large Lycaonian population. 
between Phrygia and Lycaonia were never dis- 
tinctly defined. 

2. Galotia.— Galatia, under Amyntas, com- 
prised not only Galatia Proper, but Lycaonia 
and Pisidia, from the Paroreios down to the 
Taurus; and on his death in B.c. 25 his kingdom 
was made a Roman province, and assigned to the 
emperor. In the time of Strabo, a.p. 20, Galatia 
comprised the whole of these dominions, with 
some trifling exceptions. Strabo, xii. 5, 6,7, 8 
(pp. 56, 60, 63, 72, Tauchnitz). It continued of 


lin Nese) 


See map Vol. I. p. 164. 


this extent down to the time of Pliny, for he de- 
scribes it as reaching, on the south, to Cabalis 
and Milyas and to Oroanda and Obigene part of 
Lycaonia. Plin. N. H v.42. The parts of the 
kingdom of Amyntas which were excepted from 
the province were: (1) a small tract which had 
been taken from Pamphylia, and which was re- 
stored to it (Dion, liii. 26); and (2) Cilicia Aspera 
and the southern part of Isauria, which now be- 
longed to Antiochus ΤΥ, King of Commagene. 

Ὁ. Bithynia.—This was one of the Senate’s, or 
people’s, provinces. The actual boundaries of 
Bithynia were from the Rhyndacus, which di- 
vided it from Mysia, to the Parthenius, which 
divided it from Paphlagonia ; but in B.c. 89 Pa- 
phlagonia also was annexed to Bithynia. See 
Fasti Sacri, p. 50, No. 435. And when Strabo 
wrote, the province of Bithynia comprised also 
the western parts of Pontus, viz. the parts be- 
tween the Halys and the Iris. Strabo, xii. 3 
(pp. 14, 17, Tauchnitz). 

4. Pontus was originally part of Cappadocia, 
which was divided by the Persians into two 
satrapies, viz. Cappadocia Proper and Cappa- 
docia on Pontus, or on the sea, viz. the Euxine. 
Strabo, xi. 3 (Ὁ. ὃ, Tauchnitz). But “ Cappa- 
docia on Pontus” in the course of time became 
abbreviated into “ Pontus” simply. The actual 
boundaries of the province were, the Halys on 


| the west and Colchis on the east; but on the 
The boundaries | 


conquest of Asia Minor by Pompey the parts of 
Pontus to the west of the river Iris were disposed 
of in different ways, and eventually were incor- 
porated into the province of Bithynia. Strabo, 
xii. 3 (pp. 14, 17, Tauchnitz). The parts to the 
east from the Iris to Colchis were bestowed on 
Polemo I. as king, and, on his death, on his 
widow, Pythadoris, and, on her death, on her 
son, Polemo IT. (see Fasti Sacri, p. 186, No. 966), 
who reigned during Paul’s circuits in Asia Minor, 
and until a.p. 66, when his dominions became a 
Roman proyince. Fasti Sacri, p. 341, No. 1998. 


APPENDIX. 


443 


The kingdom thus formed out of Pontus was 
called Pontus Polemoniacus, and comprised the 
coast from Iris to Colchis, and in the interior 
Zelitis, Megalapolitis, Cabira, the Tibareni, Chal- 
dei, &e. Strabo, xii. 3 (Ὁ. 48, Tauchnitz). 

5. Cappadocia—This became a Roman pro- 
vince on the death of Archelaus, the last king, 
in A.D. 18, and in the time of Paul was governed 
by a legate appointed by the emperor. Fasti 
Sacri, p. 162, No. 1087; p. 165, No. 1108, 

6. Pamphylia was an imperial province, and 
in B.c. 11 was under Lucius Piso as propretor. 
Dion, liv. 84; Fasti Sacri, p. 103, No. 799. In 
A.D. 43, Lycia was deprived of its liberty, and 
thenceforth Pamphylia and Lycia formed one 
province. Dion, lx. 17; Fasti Sacri, p. 277, No. 
1656. See Noris, Cenotaph. Pis. s. 311. 

7. Tetrarchy of Iconium.—tThis tetrarchy was 
carved out of Lycaonia, the whole of which had 
belonged to Amyntas; and the tetrarchy is de- 
scribed as the great table-land bordering on 
Galatia and Cappadocia, and comprising fourteen 
subordinate cities or hamlets. Plin. N. H. i. 28. 

8. Territory of Antiochus IV., King of Comma- 
gene. In Α.}. 41, Claudius invested Antiochus IV. 


with Cilicia Aspera (Dion, lx. 8; Jos. Ant. xix. 5, 
1; xix. 8,1; Fasti Sacri, p. 271, No. 1622; p.298, 
No. 1784), the tract along the coast from Cape 
Coracesium to the river Lamus. Strabo, xiv. 4,5 
(p. 219, Tauchnitz). But Antiochus was also King 
of part of Lycaonia, for his coins are inscribed 
with the word Avkaovey, 3 Eckhel, p. 256, and 
the parts of Lycaonia referred to must have been 
those which were contiguous to Cilicia Aspera, 
viz. the southern part of Isauria and all Isau- 
rica. Derbe was in this district, and as Lystra 
and Derbe are, in the Acts of the Apostles, 
coupled together as cities of Lycaonia, and ap- 
parently in opposition to Iconium, mentioned 
just before (Acts xiv. 6), the inference is that 
Lystra also was within the jurisdiction of An- 
tiochus. 

9. Cilicia Campestris.—This province, from the 
river Lamus to Issus, had a propreetor of its own, 
(see Fasti Sacri, p. 160, No. 1071; p. 807, No. 
1832; Noris, Cenotaph. Pis. 299,) but without 
any military force, and was under the protecto- 
rate of and in subordination to the Prefect of 
Syria. See Fasti Sacri, p. 182, No. 955. 


INDEX. 


i Oe 


The Roman numerals denote the volume, and the Arabic numerals the page. 


A oran, by what rule the one or other should be used, 
i. 378 
Abana (river), the source of the prosperity of Damas- 
cus, i. 58 
Abel, called Righteous, ii. 325 
Abila, plan of site of, i. 61 
coin of, i. 62 
described, i. 61 
belonged to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 
assigned to Lysanias, i. 67 
Abraham said to have been king of Damascus, i. 58 
- sacrifice of, on Mount Moriah, ii. 315 
faith of, a common topic amongst the Jews, i. 349 
Abraxas, the god of the Gnostics, ii. 249 
figure of, on gems, ii. 249 
Achaia, the southern part of Greece as opposed to 
Macedonia, i. 269, 291 
subject to Macedonia, i. 270 
declared free by Romans, i. 270, 280 
becomes a Roman province, i. 270 
allotted by Augustus to the Senate, i. 271 
made by Claudius an Imperial province, i. 271 
retransferred to the Senate, i. 271 
Gallio assumes the government of, i. 291 
made free by Nero, i. 271 
becomes again a province under Vespasian, i. 271 
Achaicus, a convert at Corinth, i. 290 
carries letter of Corinthians to Paul, i. 365 
is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 
Acheans, league of, i. 270 
subdued by Romans, i. 270 
“Axpis, meaning of, ii. 75 
Acontisma, site of, i. 201 
Acra (the Macedonian fortress at Jerusalem), site of, 
ii. 128 
built by Antiochus Epiphanes, ii. 128 
taken by Simon, ii. 129 
(a quarter of Jerusalem) described, ii. 128 
Acratus, the agent of Nero for collecting works of 
art, ii. 371 
Acre described, ii. 104 
view of, ii. 104 
plan and coin of, ii. 105 
numerous Jews at, ii. 106 


Acre—continued. 
distance of, from Cesarea, ii. 106 
Acroceraunia, ii. 373 
Acrocorinthus described, i. 269 
desolation of, in 1851, i. 269 
Temple of Venus on, i. 272 
Acropolis (at Athens), the original city, i. 243 
plan of, i. 255 
described, i. 253 
coin of, i, 255 
Acte, a courtesan of Nero, ii. 230 
Actian games founded by Augustus, ii. 354 
Actium, naval victory of Augustus at, ii, 353 
᾿Αδελφή, Meaning of, i. 386 
᾿Αδόκιμος explained, i. 389 
Adoration, form of, in the East, i. 398 
Adramyttium, ἃ city of Mysia, ii. 181 
coin of, ii, 181 
Adria (city), gives its name to the Adriatic Gulf, ii. 
198 
Adria (sea), what it was, ii. 198 
often confounded with the Gulf of Adria, ii. 211 
Adrian. See Hadrian 
Adriatic Gulf distinct from the Sea of Adria, ii. 198, 
199 
Ediles appointed at Philippi, i. 217 
AXigina given to Athenians by M. Antony, i. 260 
taken from them by Augustus, i. 261 
Hlius is imperial procurator at Ephesus, i. 337 
poisons Junius Silanus, i. 338 
Emilius Paulus, conqueror of Macedonia, i. 202 
Enon thought by some to be same as Salem, ii. 315 
Hons of the Gnosties described, ii. 250 
sculapius, Temple of, at Cenchrea, i. 299 
Agabus, etymology of the name, i. 97 
prophesies tle famine in reign of Claudius, i. 97 
prophesies the arrest of Paul at Jerusalem, ii. 
107 
prophecy of, fulfilled, ii. 144 
Agdistis, Celtic goddess, worshipped at Pessinus,i.180 
Ages of man, according to Philo, i. 5, note 
‘Ayla and “Ayia distinguished, ii. 318 
“Αγνισμός of Paul, what meant by, ii. 142, 159 
᾿Αγνώστῳ θεῷ explained, i. 242 


446 


INDEX. 


Agora (at Athens), different senses of, i. 256 
(old market), position of, i. 243 
(new market), position of, i. 250 
(a quarter of the city), 1. 249 
(of Ephesus), i. 321 
᾿Αγοραῖοι ἡμέραι explained, i. 316, 412 
Agrippa (M. Vipsanius), his division of Asia Minor, 
i. 190 
Agrippa L., king of Judea, called at 46 a young man, 
1.5 
a friend of Aretas, ii. 31 
birth and education of, i. 99 
dismissed from Rome by Tiberius, i, 99 
isolates himself in Idumea, i. 99 
becomes eedile of Tiberias under Herod Antipas, 
199) 
repairs to Flaccus, prefect of Syria, i. 100 
is dismissed in disgrace, 1, 100 
arrested for debt at Anthedon, i. 100 
escapes to Alexandria, i. 100 
proceeds to Italy, i. 100 
discharges his debt, and is in fayour with Tibe- 
rius, i. 100 
intimacy of, with Caligula, i. 101 
is imprisoned by Tiberius, i. 101 
kept bound by a chain to a soldier, ii. 148 
is favoured by Caligula, i. 68 
is released by him and made king of Trachonitis, 
i. 102 
visits his dominions, i. 102 
is accused by Herod Antipas before Caligula,i.103 
acquitted, and receives the tetrarchy of Antipas, 
who is banished, i. 103 
procures remission of the edict of Caligula for 
erection of his statue in the temple at Jeru- 
salem, i. 104 
promotes the elevation of Claudius to the Empire, 
i. 104 
is rewarded by receiving Judea and Samaria, i. 
105 
procures his brother Herod to be made king of 
Chaleis, i. 105 
sails for Syria, i. 105 
appoints Smon Cantheras high priest, i. 105; 
then Matthias, and then Elioneus, i. 105 
beheads James, brother of John, i. 105 
imprisons Peter, i. 105 
celebrates games at Czesarea for the conquest of 
Britain, by Claudius, i. 110 
receives embassy from Tyre and Sidon, i. 107 
smitten by God in the amphitheatre at Crsarea, 
i. 111; ii. 166 
death of, i. 111 
family of, described, ii. 109 
coin of, i. 98 
Agrippa IL. educated at Rome, ii. 109 
is made king of Chaleis, ii. 113 
assists the Jews at Rome, ii. 119 
coin of, ii, 123 
appoints the high-priests, ii. 114 
has control of the Corban, ii, 114 


Agrippa II.—continued. 
appointed to the tetrarchy of Trachonitis, ii. 122 
resides at Cxsarea Philippi, ii. 122 
palace of, at Jerusalem, ii, 122, 299 
receives an addition from Nero, ii. 123 
pays a visit of congratulation to Festus, 11, 174 
hears Paul plead, ii. 175 
joins the Roman army, ii. 135 
disapproves the stoning of James the Just, ii. 300 
pays a visit of congratulation to Tiberius Alexan- 
der, prefect of Egypt, ii. 174 
to Gessius Florus, ii. 174 
Agrippeum, name of a wing of the palace of Herod, 
at Jerusalem, ii. 126 
Agrippina, power of, at Rome, ii. 119 
disgraced at court, ii. 230 
put to death, ii, 231 
portrait of, 11. 228 
coin of, i. 326 
Αἰγιάλος in Bay of Paul, ii. 203 
Alpe αὐτόν a common expression of indignation, ii. 144 
᾿Ακατανόμαστος, Jehovah so called, i. 264 
Alabareh, name of the Jewish chief magistrate, i. 1 
(of Alexandria) assists Agrippa I. with money, 
i. 100 
Alban's (St.) the city of, captured from the Romans 
by Britons, ii, 245 
Albinus appointed procurator of Judea, ii, 299 
time of arrival of, in Judea, ii. 170 
venality of, ii. 162 
Albion, the Celtic name of Britain, i. 77 
Alecus, a native of Lesbos, ii. $5 
Alcibiades, profaneness of, i. 243 
procures a tent from Ephesus, i. 330 
Alexander (the Great) destroys Tyre, ii. 101 
coin of, i. 235 
grand portrait of, at Ephesus, i. 324 
Alexander (the Maccabee) buried in the tombs of the 
kings, ii. 129 
called thence the “tombs of King Alexander,’ 
li. 129 
site of them, ii. 130 
Alexander (the Sadducee), i. 29 
Alexander ‘the coppersmith) accuses Paul at Rome, 
11. 380 
why so called, ii. 390 
Alexander | Alabareh of Alexandria), ii. 112 
Alexander (Pseudo-), Jews of Rome go out to meet, 
li. 224 
Alexander (Gnostic of Corinth), ii. 252, 339 
not Alexander the coppersmith, ii. 347 
Alexander (Tiberius), great famine under, i. 107 
Alexander (of the theatre at Ephesus), whether a Jew 
or Christian? i. 410 
Alexandra (Queen of Judea), sends assistance to 
Damascus, i. 64 
Alexandria (in Egypt), privileges of Jews of, i. 1 
plan and view of, ii. 340 
Jews of, had a council, i. 43 
Alexandria Treas), account of, i. 193 
view of, i, 199 


INDEX, 


447 


Alexandrian cornship described, ii, 188 
anchors of, ii. 201 
distinguished at sea by topsails, ii. 219 
Aliturus, an actor, befriends Josephus, the historian, 
li. 242 
“All” the word dwelt upon in epistle to the Philip- 
pians, ii. 280 
“AAXo distinguished from ἕτερον, i. 342 
Alopes, old name of Ephesus, i. 322 
Altars at Athens to various passions, i. 260 
Alytarch or May-King, at Ephesus, i. 406 
Amanuensis employed by Paul, i. 187 
Amazons, battle of Athenians with, represented at 
Athens, i. 246 
Ambivius (M.) is Procurator of Judea, i. 21 
Amen rejected by critics at the end of, 1 Thess. i. 284; 
2 Thess. i. 290; 1 Cor. i. 404; 2 Cor. ii. 35; 
Philem. ii. 276; Philipp. ii. 289; Titus ii. 344; 
1 Tim. ii. 353; and 2 Tim. ii. 392 
᾿Αμερίμνους explained, i. 384 
Amon, king of Judah, interred in garden of Uzza, ii. 
129 
Amphictyonie council, Nicopolis a member of, ii. 354 
Amphipolis described, i. 222 
view of site of, i, 224 
coin of, 1. 223 
old capital of Macedonia Prima, i. 202 
. plan of road to, from Thessaloniea, i. 223 
Amphithales, the mock Mercury at Ephesus, i. 407 
Amplias named in epistle to Romans, ii. 71 
Amyntas, seevetary of Dejotarus, i. 179 
made king of Galatia by M. Antony, i. 179 
deserts to Augustus, i. 179 
slain in ambush, i. 179 
extent of kingdom of, i. 131 
coin of, i. 134 
᾿Αναβάς commented on, i. 302 
*Avaxplvas explained, ii. 158 
Anactoria, an ancient name of Miletus, ii. 90 
Anagariz, a kind of carriage, ii, 222 
᾿Ανάλυσις, meaning of, ii. 92 
Ananias, meaning of the word, i. 53 
a common name, i. 53 
(high priest) appointed high priest, ii. 112 
house of, ii. 128 
sent in fetters to Rome, ii. 117 
is acquitted there, ii. 120 
presides at the Sanhedrim, ii. 149 
commands Paul to be smitten, ii. 150 
Paul’s rebuke of, explained, ii. 151 
whether high priest at the trial of Paul before 
the Sanhedrim, ii. 151 
accuses Paul before Felix, at Caesarea, ii. 157 
death of, by the Sicarii, ii. 149 
character of, ii. 135 
sons of, described, ii. 136 
(of Damascus), i. 53 
cures Paul of his blindness, i. 54 
Ananus (of Jerusalem), same person as Annas, i. 28 
(son of Annas) is high priest, ii. 299 
high qualities of, ii. 137 


| Ananus—continued. 


puts James the Just to death, ii. 300 
slain in the Jewish war, ii. 138 
(son of Ananias) is captain of the temple, ii. 116, 
134, 136 
᾿Ανάθεμα explained, i. 342, 404; ii. 57 
Anchors, ancient ships had several, ii. 201 
thrown out from the stern, ii. 201 
specimens of, ii. 204 
Aneyra, capital of Galatia, i, 182 
why called Ancyra, i. 182 
general view of, i. 183 
coin of, i. 183 
famous for its goat’s hair, i. 182 
and for its temple to Rome and Augustus, i. 
1835 
view of temple, i. 184 
decrees inscribed in, i. 184 
specimen of the inscription, i. 185 
Andriacus (River), view of entrance to, ii. 186 
Androclus, founder of Ephesus, i. 319 
site of tomb of, at Ephesus, i. 321 
Andronicus, why called Paul’s kinsman, i. 6; ii. 68 
may have been one of the first preachers at 
Rome, i. 274 
᾿Ανήρ, at what age a person became, i. 5 
᾿Ανεψιός, meaning of, ii. 272 
“Aveois allowed to Paul while a prisoner at Casarea, 
ii. 160 
Angel of a person, what is meant by, i. 107 
word used for a departed spirit, i. 380 
Angels, ministry of, ii, 348 
works of God attributed to, by the Jews, i. 350 
the old dispensation ascribed to, ii. 310 
to be judged by Christians, i. 380 
“Because of the,” (1 Cor. xi. 10,) explained, 
1. 391 
Anicetus, admiral of the Roman fleet, ii. 219 
plans death of Agrippina, the mother of Nero 
li. 219, 231 
Anilsus, a weaver, i. 8 
Annas, wliy called high priest, i. 23 
same person as Ananus, i, 23 
high priest for long period, i. 28 
sons of, ii. 137 
tomb, ii. 137 
Annius Rufus is procurator of Judea, i. 21 
Anopolis, a village near Port Lutro, ii. 193 
᾿Ανωτερικὰ μέρη, meaning of, i. 313 
Anthedon, Agrippa I. is arrested at, i. 100 
᾿Ανθύπατος (proconsul), mistranslated deputy, i. 271 
᾿Ανθύπατοι, in plural at Ephesus, explained, i. 338, 
412 
Antichrist, several meanings of, i. 288 


| Antigonus, founder of Alexendria Troas, i. 193 


Antioch (of Syria) deseribed, i. 91 
founded by Seleucus Nicator, i. 91 
population of, i. 91 
plan of road from, to Seleucia, i. 116 
capital of the Scleucida, i. 91 
date of present walls, i. 91 


448 


INDEX, 


Antioch (of Syria}—continued. 
contained four wards, i. 91 
plan of, i. 92 
view of, i. 90 
coins of, i. 61, 94, 95, 336 
site of palace of, i. 93 
a free city, i. 94 
had senate and assembly, i. 95 
seat of the Roman Government, i. 95 
Christianity preached in, i. 96 
Christians first so called at, i. 96 
privileges of Jews of, i. 1 


Jews of, more enlightened than those of Jeru- | 


salem, i. 308 
length of journey to, from Jerusalem, i. 310; 
from Tarsus, i. 310 
sends forth a mission for the conversion of the 
Gentiles, i. 115 
Pharisees come to, and insist on observance by 
Christians of the law of Moses, i. 157 
mission to Jerusalem, on the subject, i. 157 
Antioch (of Pisidia) described, i. 136 
plan and coin of, i. 137 
view of, i. 136 
whether in Pisidia or Phrygia, i. 136 
colony of the Magnesians, i. 137 
re-settled by Seleucus, i. 137 
called also Cresarea, i. 137 
a Roman colony with the Italicum jus, i. 137 
aqueduct and church of, i. 137 
spoke Pisidian tongue, i. 138 
abounded with Jews, i. 138 
several rulers of the synagogue of, i. 138, 276 
Antiochus Epiphanes builds the Acra at Jerusalem, 
ii. 129 
Antiochus IV., King of Commagene, i. 153 
southern Lycaonia given to, i. 153 
coin of, i. 153 
Antipas (Herod) fixes his capital at Tiberias, i. 17 
called by Luke the Tetrarch, i. 17 
in New Testament and Josephus, Herod simply, 
i. 16 
has Galilee and Persea allotted to him, i. 17 
marries Herodias, i. 67 
puts John Baptist to death, i. 26 
quarrels with Aretas, i. 67 
causes of the quarrel, i. 67 
is defeated by Aretas, i. 26, 67 
is supported by Tiberius, i. 67 
appears before Caligula, i. 103 
is banished, i. 103 
Antipater, a freebooter of Derbe, i. 152 
a friend of Cicero, i. 152 
slain by Amyntas, i. 152 
Antipatris described, ii. 155 
distance of, from Jerusalem, ii, 155 
᾿Αντίτυπα explained, ii. 321 
Antonia (mother of Claudius) assists Agrippa, i. 
100 
friend of Bernice mother of Agrippa, i. 100 
coin of, i. 101, 317 


Antonia (Fort), pontifical robes kept in, ii. 110 
site of, 11. 128 
described, ii. 135 
enlarged by Herod and joined to the Temple, ii. 
130 
Antoninus (M. Aur.), coins of, i. 62, 81 
Antoninus (Pius), coin of, i. 300 
Antony (Mark) called at thirty-four a young man, i. 5 
with Octavius defeats Brutus and Cassius at 
Philippi, i. 207 
is ruler of the East, i. 66 
passion of, for Cleopatra, i. 66 
puts Lysanias I. to death, i. 66 
takes his own life, i. 66 
portrait of, on gems, i. 207; 11, 353 
᾿Αντοφθαλμεῖν explained, ii. 197 


| Apamza, Arabian population extended to, i. 56 


᾿Απεκδυσάμενος explained, ii. 270 
Apelles, a common Roman name, ii. 71 
(the painter), a native of Ephesus, i. 319 
his picture of Alexander the Great at Ephesus, i. 
324 
᾿Αφηλιώτης, What wind it was, ii. 196 
*Agiéis, meaning of, 11. 92 
᾿Απλότητι, Meaning of, ii. 63 
᾿Από, meaning of, ii. 294 
᾿Απὸ πέρυσι explained, ii. 24 
᾿Απὸ τετάρτης ἡμέρας explained, i. 90 
᾿Αποκατασταθῶ explained, ii. 332 
᾿Αποκόψονται explained, i. 353 
᾿Απολελυμένοι (Heb, xiii. 23) explained, ii. 332 
Apollo, temple of, at Ephesus, i. 321 
at Rhodes, ii. 99 
at Patara, ii. 101 
at Rome, ii. 289 
Apollo Belvedere brought from palace of Nero at 
Rome, ii. 375 
Apollonia (near Amphipolis) now called Polina, i. 225 
site of, discussed, i, 224 
Apollonia (Illyria), port from Macedonia for Italy, i. 
204 


Apollonius of Tyana described, i. 326 
Apollos, or Apollonius, a native of Alexandria, i, 331 
preaches at Ephesus, i. 331 
acquainted only with John’s baptism, i. 331 
passes over to Corinth, i. 331 
eloquence of, i. 331 
returns to Ephesus and desired back by the 
Corinthians, i. 368 
ministry of, at Corinth referred to by Paul, i. 377 
has a party at Corinth, i. 362 
carries epistle to Titus from Corinth to Crete, ii. 
340 
᾿Απολογία (2 Tim. iy. 16), meaning of, ii. 391 
(Philipp. i. 7), explained, ii. 281 
᾿Απορφανισθέντες explained, i. 281 
᾿Αποσκευσάμενοι, explained, ii, 107 
Apostle, Paul denied to be, i. 385 
Paul does not style himself as, in certain Epistles, 
ii. 280 
why not so styled in Epistle to Hebrews, ii. 308 


INDEX. 


449 


Apostle—continued. 
calls himself such in all his epistles except 
Hebrews, Philippians, and Thessalonians, i. 
279 
Apostles arrested in a body by the Sadducees, i. 30 
released, i. 31 
address the people in Solomon's porch, ii. 134 
are dispersed from Jerusalem, ii. 139 
received support from their flocks, i. 280, 290 
harmony between them and Paul, i. 304 
the envoys of the Sanhedrim so called, i. 48 
᾿Αποτίμησις, a census of property, i. 21 
Appeal was the right of every Roman citizen, to, ii. 172 
coin representing an, ii, 174 
whether in writing, ii. 173 
allowed or not at discretion, ii. 173 
form of, ii. 179 
delays of, at Rome, ii. 277 
before whom heard, ii. 278 
Apphia (wife of Philemon), ii. 273, 274 
Appian Way. See Via Appia 
Appii Forum, Christians of Rome meet Paul at, ii, 223 
site of, ii, 224 
Aque Salvie, why so called, ii. 403 
place of Paul’s decapitation, ii. 401 
road to, from Rome, ii. 401 
view of, ii. 402 
view of church of St. Paul at, ii. 405 
visited by the author, ii. 402 
Aqueduct constructed by Pilate with the Corban, i. 32 
Aquila meets with Paul at Corinth, i. 273 
was a tent-maker, i. 8, 275 
where was his domicile, i. 275 
expelled from Rome, i. 275 
was a Christian before he met Paul, i. 275 
parts from Paul at Ephesus, i. 302 
carries on the trade of a tent-maker at Ephesus, 
i. 830 
called a fellow-helper, i. 330 
Paul lodges with, at Ephesus, i. 331 
divine service at house of, i. 403 
runs great risk for Paul at Ephesus, i. 413 
sails from Ephesus to Rome, ii. 2 
Arabia, the boundaries of, defined, i. 55 
Aradhena, a village near Port Phoenix, ii. 193 
Aram, or Syria, different meanings of, i. 58 
Aramaic, a branch of the Semitic, ii. 145 
Aratus, the Cilician poet cited by St. Paul, i. 12, 264 
portrait of, i. 266 
᾿Αρχαίῳ explained, ii. 108 
Archelaus (the Ethnarch), dominions of, i. 16 
not a king, i. 16 
8000 Jews of Rome present petition against, i. 
274; ii. 240 
banished by Augustus, i. 17 
coin of, i. 16 
Archelaus (King of Cappadocia) ruled Isauria and 
Tsaurica, i. 153 
coin of, i. 153 
Archippus, Bishop of Colosse, i. 361 
son of Philemon, ii, 273, 275 


VOL. I. 


| ᾿Αρχισυνάγωγοι explained, i. 276, 293 
Archon, name of the Jewish chief magistrate in 
foreign cities, i. 1 
Archons, nine at Athens, i. 245 
Areopagus (Mars’ hill), description of, i. 252 
examination of by the author, i. 252 
view of, i. 253 
stones of ‘Insolence’ and ‘ Impudence’ on, i. 252 
trial of Mars on, i. 252 
Parthenon not visible from, i. 264 
Areopagus (Court), its jurisdiction, i. 261 
time of sitting, i. 261 
Socrates arraigned at, i, 267 
Paul brought before, i. 261 
his address to, i. 262 
whether the proceeding was judicial, i. 262 
sat in open air, i. 262 
Aretas (elder) is called in by Damascenes, i. 63 
Aretas (younger), quarrel of with Herod Antipas, i. 67 
defeats the army of Antipas, i. 67 
threatened with war by Tiberius, i. 67 


called himself Φιλέλλην, i. 68 
receives Damascus from Caligula, i. 68 
allows the Jews to have an Ethnarch, i. 72 
how he became possessed of Damascus examined, 
ii. 31 
coin of, i. 67 
Arethusa, site of, i. 225 
Argob, same as Trachonitis, i. 63 
Aricia, Paul said to have slept at, ii. 224 
distance of from Rome, ii. 224 
Aristarchus, a Macedonian of Thessalonica, i. 168 
accompanies Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia, 
li. 2 
accompanies Paul from Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 
38 
and from Corinth, ii. 74 
accompanies Paul on his third circuit, i. 310 
is charged with Galatian collection, i. 312 
sails with Paul from Cesarea, ii. 183 
does not go to Rome with him, ii. 183 
quits Paul at Myra, ii. 189 
rejoins the Apostle at Rome, ii. 189 
labours with Paul at Rome, ii. 243 
is with him at the date of the Epistle to the Co- 
lossians, ii. 272 
Aristion Menophantus (Recorder of Ephesus), coin 
of, 1. 316 
Aristobulus (brother of Agrippa 1.) is a refugee at 
court of Flaccus, i. 100 
Aristobulus (son of Herod of Chaleis), ii. 111 
is appointed King of Armenia Minor, ii. 113 
Aristobulus (in Epistle to Romans, xvi. 10), who he 
was, i. 68 
Aristobulus, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 
Aristobulus (the Maccabee) styled a king, ii. 129 
Ark, what it contained, ii, 318 
Armour of a Roman suldier deseribed, ii. 265 
‘Aprayuds explained, ii, 284 
᾿Αῤῥαβών explained, ii. 17 
etymology of, ii. 258 


3 M 


450 


INDEX. 


”Appnros, Jehovah so called, i. 264 
᾿Αρτεμᾶς, etymon of, ii, 344 
Artemas accompanies Paul to Crete, ii. 337 
sent thither from Corinth, ii. 353 
Artemidorus, statue of, at Ephesus, i. 324 
“Apres, etymon of, i. 408 
᾿Αρτεμίσια at Ephesus, i. 405 
Artemisius, mouth of, at Ephesus, i. 405 
in Macedonia, i. 405, 406 
Artemon sail, what it was, ii. 188 
“Aptos, the sacramental loaf, ii. 79 
Arundell’s view of the site of Colossee, i. 359 
As, Roman copper coin, i. 336 
specimen of, i. 336 
Ascalon, palace at, assigned on death of Herod the 
Great to Salome, i. 17 
᾿Ασεβεία, or Impietas, what it was, ii, 362 
Asia, various meanings of, i. 189 
Asia (Minor), map of, i. 164 
map of first circuit in, i. 130 
what countries it comprised, i. 130 
when first so called, i. 190 
Kiepert’s map of, i. 130 
political state of, i. 131 
oceupied by seventeen nations, i. 131 
and many with different languages, i. 132 
all of it given to idolatry, i. 132 
worshipped chiefly the Moon, i. 132 
regarded the Czsars as deities, i. 133 
bad roads of, i. 133 
infested by banditti, i. 133 
rate of travelling in, i. 135 
invaded by the Gauls, i. 178 
slave-market of Rome supplied from, i. 3 
Asia (Proconsular) bequeathed to Romans by Attalus, 
i. 190 
cities of, how governed, i. 315 
divided into shires for trial of causes, i. 316 
hierarchy of, i. 316 
one of the Senate’s provinces, i. 313 
was consular, and governed by a proconsul, i. 313 
extent of, i. 313 
“Chief of,” or Asiarchs, i. 317 
Asia (of New Testament), same as Lydia, i. 190; 11. 181 
boundaries of, i. 190 
comprised the seven churches mentioned in the 
Apocalypse, i. 191 
included Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse, i. 
191 
Christians of, desert Paul at Rome, ii. 380 
Paul forbidden to preach in, i. 192 
Asiarchs described, i. 317 
how appointed, i. 318 
coins of, i. 318 
Asinzeus, a weaver, i. 8 
Asopus, a river of Laodicea, i. 357 
᾿Ασπίς explained, 11. 266 
Assessors, function of, in a Roman provinee, i. 314 
Assizes held in Proconsular Asia, i. 316 
at Ephesus, when held, i. 413 
Assos, plan of, 11. 84 


Assos, gate of, ii. 82 
coin of, ii. 83 
described, ii. 81 
pun of Stratonicus upon, ii. 83 
Astaroth, a city of Arabia, i. 55 
Astarte, coin of, i. 85 
᾿Ασθενούντων explained, 11. 95 
Asylum, Temple of Diana at Ephesus was, i. 321 
Ateibeh Lake, situation of, i. 58 
Atheism, or denial of the Roman gods punishable, 
ii. 861 
Atheneum or Temple of Minerva at Ephesus, i. 320, 
322 
Athenians on friendly terms with the Jews, i. 263 
deyoutness of, i. 260 
Athenodorus, a Stoic philosopher of Tarsus, and 
private tutor to Augustus, i. 3, 82 
rules at Tarsus, 1. 81 
regarded as a hero, i. 82 
Athens attempts the conquest of Amphipolis, i. 224 
unfortunate in her partisanship, i. 240 
takes the side of Pompey, i. 240 
of Brutus and Cassius, i. 240 
of Mark Antony, i. 241 
always spared by the victor, i. 241 
degeneracy of, i. 241 
general description of, i. 242 
plan of, i. 245 
Temple of Theseus at, i. 247 
view οἵ, 1. 24 
temples and statues of, i. 254 
mixed magnificence and meanness of, i. 254 
philosopher of, i. 246 
Parthenon of, i. 255 
coin of, i. 255 
plan of ports and long walls of, i. 242 
distant view of, i. 238 
view of, from the monument of Philopappus, i. 248 
Agora of, compared to city of London, i. 256 
a synagogue at, 1. 256 
old market of, i, 249 
new market of, i. 250 
view of portico at, i. 249 
Clock Tower at, i, 251 
view of it, i, 251 
Areopagus, i. 252 
view of it, 1. 253 
~ Acropolis, i. 253 
plan of it, i, 255 [1. 260 
taken by Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, 
by Sylla, i. 260 
by Julius Czesar, i. 260 
follows Mark Antony, i. 261 
and is rewarded by him, i. 260 {i. 261 
deprived of some of its possessions by Augustus, 
left free by Romans, i. 260 
free till time of Strabo, i. 261 
and of Pliny the elder, i. 261 
and Pliny the younger, i. 261 
and long after, i. 261 
why Paul was conducted to, i, 189 


INDEX. 


451 


Athens—continued. 
date of Paul’s arrival at, i. 238 
how long he remained at, 268 
Atonement, day of, ii. 322 
Attalia, plan and coin of, i. 155 
view of, i. 154 
Attalus L., king of Pergamus, defeats the Gauls, i. 178 
Attalus ΠῚ. (Philadelphus) injures the port of Ephesus, 
1. 330 
Attalus II. (Philometor) bequeaths his dominions to 
the Romans, i. 190 
“Augustan cohort,” what it was, ii. 182 
Augustani, who they were, ii. 183 [3890 
Augustus, coins and medals of, i. 44,206, 207, 223, 316, 
aureus of, i. 336 
victory of, at Actium, ii. 353 
camp of, ii, 354 
meaning of the name, ii. 362 
did not require divine worship, ii. 362 
temple to, at Ancyra, i. 183 
acts of, recorded in temple at Ancyra, i. 184 
character of, as a judge, ii. 378 
disclaimed the title of Κύριος or Dominus, ii. 176 
donations of, to Athens, i. 250 
bestowed Roman citizenship sparingly, i. 4 
continues the privileges of the Jews, i. 46 
temple to, at Cesarea, ii. 165 
makes a division of the Roman provinces, i. 313 
divides the dominions of Herod the Great, i. 16 
death of, i, 22 
portrait of, i. 18 
Auranitis, people of, are of a peaceful character, i. 56 
subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 
described, i. 63 
allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod 
Philip, i. 17 
the same in Josephus and Eusebius as Arabia 
Proper, i. 55 
farmed by Zenon, i. 67 
Aurelius, coin of, i. 181 
Aureus (Roman), specimen of, i. 45, 336 
Auxiliaries explained, i. 86 
Aviola, procurator of Asia, i. 412 
Ayasaluk at Ephesus, i. 320 
why so called, i. 320 
Azizus, king of Emesa, marries Drusilla, the sister of 
Agrippa II, ii. 122 
is deserted by her and dies, ii. 124 
Azotus assigned on-the death of Herod the Great to 
Salome, i. 17. 


Bab Shurky of Damascus, elevation of, i. 70 
view of, i. 72 
Babylon (the Great), St. Peter is at, i. 307; ii. 364 
Babylon (in Egypt), ii. 364 
Bacchus worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 
Baptism not administered by Paul personally, i. 126 
except on special occasions, i. 373 
of infants referred to, i. 220 
for the dead explained, i. 400 (211 
Barbarians, all others than Greeks so called, ii, 205, 


Barea Seranus is proconsul of Asia, ii. 371 
repairs the port of Ephesus, i. 330 
put to death, ii. 372. 
Bar-jesus, or Elymas, is struck blind by Paul, i. 127 
Barnabas a native of Cyprus, i. 96 
a prophet and teacher, i. 113 
why so called, i. 113 
originally named Joseph, or Joses, i. 113 
cousin of Mark, ii. 272 
acquainted with Paul at Tarsus, i. 7 
was a landed proprietor, i. 7, 374 
educated at Tarsus, i. 7 
career of, parallel to that of Paul, i. 7 
introduces Paul to the Apostles, i. 8, 75 
sent from Jerusalem to Antioch, i. 96 
brings Paul from Tarsus to Antioch, i. 8, 96 
accompanies Paul on his first circuit, i. 115 
goes with him from Antioch to the Council of 
Jerusalem, i. 157 
returns with him to Antioch, i. 163 
severs from Paul, and taking Mark with him 
proceeds to Cyprus, i. 164 
rejoins Paul at the close of his second circuit, 
and goes with him to Jerusalem, i. 302 
his journeys to Jerusalem with Paul discussed, 
1. 343 
returns to Antioch, i. 306 
evangelizes the Eastern portion of Asia Minor, 
i. 165 
Barrack of the imperial guard at Rome, ii. 282 
Barrada (river) flows through Damascus, i. 69 
Bashan, called afterwards Batanea, i. 65 
Basil, his opinion of the epistle to the Ephesians, 
li. 256 
Basilica (Roman) view of, during a trial, ii. 290 
plan of, referred to, ii. 399 
(Julia) at Rome, ii. 235 
Batanza subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 
farmed by Zenon, i. 67 
the true position of, i. 65 
the same as Bashan, i. 65 
lay between Judea and Trachonitis, i. 65 
the chief towns of, i. 65. 
allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod 
Philip, i. 17 
given to Agrippa IL., ii. 122 
Bath of Helen, at Cenchrea, described, i. 301 
Bd@pa on Areopagus at Athens, i. 252 
Baulos, distance of, from Puteoli, ii. 219 
the marine villa of Nero, ii. 219 
Bay of St. Paul at Malta, plan of, ii. 203 
view of entrance to, ii. 201 
general view of, ii. 208 
Beasts, fighting with, i. 327 
medal of, i. 330 
Beautiful Gate of Temple described, i. 29 
position of, ii. 133 
Beke (Dr.), his opinion as to the site of Haran, i. 58 
Belly and limbs, fable of, i. 394 
Benjamin, Paul was of tribe of, i. 2 
Saul, the first king was of tribe of, ii. 61 


3m 2 


452 


INDEX. 


Bermius, Mount, near Bercea, i. 235 
Bernice (mother of Agrippa I.) is great friend of 
Antonia, the mother of Claudius, i. 100 
Bernice (sister of Agrippa II.) supplicates the Roman 
procurator for the Jews, ii. 109 
takes the vow of a Nazarite, i. 295 
comes to Jerusalem to complete her vow, ii. 140 
marries her uncle, Herod of Chalcis, ii. 109 
marries Polemo 11., king of part of Cilicia, ii. 
122, 175 
elopes from him and lives with her brother 
Agrippa IL., ii. 174 
is with him at Rome, ii. 113 
accompanies Agrippa II. on a visit of congratu- 
lation to Festus, ii. 174 
hears Paul plead, ii. 175 
pays a like visit to Gessius Florus, il. 174 
statue to, at Athens, i. 248 
lives with Titus at Rome, ii. 122 
Bernicianus, son of Herod of Chaleis, ii. 113 
Bercea confided to care of Titus, i. 234, 257 
coin of, 1. 235 
inhabitants of, more noble than the Thessa- 
lonians, i. 236 
described, i. 235 
length of Paul’s stay at, i. 237 
Bethesda | Pool), site of, ii. 129 
Bethmillo, the palace of Solomon, site of, ii. 129 
Βίβλια (2 Tim. iv. 13), meaning of discussed, 11. 390 
Biga described, ii. 222 
Birota described, ii. 222 
Bishops means presbyters, ii. 280 
Bishops, priests, and deacons recognized, i. 107 
Bithynia, Paul and Silas debarred from, i. 192 
Bithyniarchs, i. 318 
Black art practised at Ephesus, i. 334 
Blasphemy punished by stoning, i. 24 
Blindness of Paul referred to, i. 54; ii. 32 
Blood, the eating of, prohibited, i. 161 
Boadicea, rebellion of Britain under, ii. 245 
Boéthus a poet and demagogue of Tarsus, i. 81 
Bolbe, Lake, i. 225 
Books, sacred, how written, i. 139 
Bostra the capital of Arabia, i. 55 
view of, i. 56 
Βουλή of each city, i. 315 
Βραχύ τι explained, ii. 310 
Brasidas slain at Amphipolis, i. 224 
Breastplate of a Roman, ii. 265 
Brenin, name in Welsh for king, i. 178 
Brennus, leader of a host of Celts, i. 178 
the name a generic one, i. 178, 182 
Brethren of our Lord were not apostles, i. 586 
-briga, common termination of places in Gaul and 
Galatia, i. 180 
meaning of, i. 182 
Brigantes betray Caractacus, i. 195 
Britain supplied tin to the Phcenicians, i. 77 
etymology of the name, i. 77 
invaded by A. Plautius, i. 110 
coin struck on conquest of, i. 110 


Britain—continued. 
a naval crown on palace at Rome, to commemo- 
rate conquest of, ii. 235 
conquest of, by Ostorius, i. 195 
rebellion of, under Boadicea, ii. 245 
referred to in Mon. Ancyr., i. 185 


Britannica the oldest form of the name for Britain, 
ὙΠ ἢ 


Britannicus, son of Claudius, is passed over by Clau- 
dius, who names Nero as his successor, ii. 227 
portrait of, ii. 228 
is poisoned by Nero, ii. 229 
Brittany, Celts forced into, i. 178 
Brundisium, view and plan of, ii. 374 
Brutus, site of camp of, at Philippi, i. 201 
defeated at Philippi, i. 207 
coin of, i. 208 
coin of, with Lictors, i. 217 
death of, i. 209 
Bryant, theory of, that Paul was wrecked at Meleda, 
ii. 211 
as to the wind Euroclydon, ii. 196 
as to title of governor of Malta, ii. 209 
Burial in the East usually on the day of death, i. 24 
Burke (Edmund) his mistake of Festus for Felix, ii. 
161 
Burning a common mode of martyrdom, i. 395 
Burning of books of the black art at Nphesus, i. 
336 
Burrhus, Prefect of the Pretorium, ii. 236 
governs with Seneca, ii. 230 
death of, ii. 361 


Cadmus, a river of Laodicea, i. 357 
Cesar, right of appeal to, ii. 172 
Cesar (Ὁ. Jul.) rebuilds Corinth, i. 271 
fayours the Jews, i. 44 
decrees of, on their behalf, i. 44 
portraits of, i. 45 
character of, as a judge, ii. 378 
temples erected to, ii. 362 
donation by, to Athens, i. 250 
Cesar (Caius), coin of, 1. 223 
Cesar (Lucius), statue in honour of, at Athens, 
i. 250 
Cesar’s household, many converts amongst, ii. 242 
how Paul had access to, ii. 289 
Caesars, pedigree of, i. 15 
Czsarea (on sea) was in Phoenicia, i. 76 
port of, called Sebastus, i. 76 
at what time completed by Herod, ii. 166 
ealled Flavia, ii, 166 
the Roman capital, ii. 167 
coins of, i. 76, 98 
view of, ii. 164 
plan of, ii. 167 
decay of, ii. 166 
an episcopate, ii, 166 
exempted from the poll tax, ii. 166 
contests at, between Jews and Syrians, ii. 168 


INDEX. 453 


Cxsarea—continued. 
distance of, from Jerusalem, ii. 106, 155 
from Acre, ii. 106 
trom Sidon, ii. 184 
what forces usually stationed at, ii. 175 
Paul tried, before Festus at, ii. 171 
Cesarea (Philippi), whether visited by Paul, i. 76 
the capital of Herod Philip, i. 17 
view of, i. 18 
Cxsareum in palace of Herod, ii. 126 
Caiaphas, son-in-law of Annas, and high priest, i. 23, 
28 
deposed by Vitellins, i. 25 
Caicus (river), boundary of Lydia on the north, i. 
190 
Caius a convert at Corinth, i. 290 
Caius (the Presbyter), testimony of, to the death of 
Peter and Paul, ii. 406 
Caius (son of Augustus), coin of, i. 223 
Caleb, his good report of Canaan, ii. 312 
Caligula is emperor, i. 27 
makes Claudius bis butt, i. 337 
is intimate with Agrippa I., i. 101 
releases him from prison, i, 102 
makes him King of Trachonitis, i. 102 
confers on him the Tetrarchy of Herod Antipas, 
i. 103 
requires divine honours from his subjects, i. 103; 
li. 362 
threatens toerect his statue in the temple at 
Jerusalem, i. 103 
requires to be addressed as Κύριος or Dominus, 
ii. 176 
persecutes the Jews, i. 47 
sends Maryllus to Judea, i. 98 
no friend to Herod Antipas, ii. 31 
assigns Damascus to Aretas, ii. 31 
character of, as a judge, ii. 378 
scatters money amongst the populace at Rome, 
11. 235 
slumbers of, disturbed by the Cireus Maximus, 
ii. 234 
bestows the Roman citizenship sparingly, i. 4 
intended to make Rhegium a port, ii. 217 
is assassinated, i. 104 
coin of, with portrait, i. 102 
Camulodunum (Colchester), the Roman colony de- 
stroyed, ii, 245 
Canal across Pontine marshes, ii. 222 
parallel to road, ii. 223 
Canatha, a city of Arabia, i, 55 
of Decapolis, i. 63 
of the Ledja, i. 63 
Candlestick of temple at J erusalem, illustrations of, 
li. 319, 320 
where kept, ii. 154 
Cantheras is high priest, ii. 112 
Capena (Porta) at Rome, ii, 226 
Capernaum, several rulers of the synagogue at, i. 276 
Capital punishment, whether the Jews could inflict, 
i. 82 


Capital punishment —continued. 
not allowed to Sanhedrim without leave of the 
procurator, ii. 300 
nor during a feast, i. 106 
Capito (Herennius), procurator of Jamnia arrests 
Agrippa, ii. 100 
Capito (Cossutianus) Propretor of Cilicia, ii. 156 
Capitolias, a city of Decapolis, i. 63 
Cappadociarchs, i. 318 
Capree, the residence of the Emperor Tiberius, ii, 218 
Captain of the Temple, duties of, 11. 134 
Eleazar is, ii. 136 
Car for travelling used in Troas, specimen of, ii. 80 
Caractacus defeated by Aulus Plautius, i. 110 
by Ostorius, i. 195 
made a show of, at Rome, ii. 233 
may have been father of Claudia, ii. 397 
Carpentum described, ii, 222 
Carpus, Paul lodges with, at Troas, ii. 398, 370 
at what time cloak left with, ii. 291 
Carre identified with Haran, i. 58 
“ Carriages,” meaning of, ii. 108 
Cartismandua, Queen of the 
Caractacus, i. 195 
Cassander renames Therma, i. 225 
Cassandra, daughter of Priam, portrait of, at Athens, 
i. 246 
Cassiterides, the Greek name for the British islands, 
i. 77 
Cassius (C.) defeated at Philippi, i. 207 
coin of, 1. 208 
death of, i. 209 
Cassius (Q.), coin of, ii. 380 
Cassivellaunus, why so called, ii. 392 
Castor and Pollux, name of vessel in which Paul 
sailed for Rome, ii. 214 
temple of, at Rome, ii. 235 
view of site of, ii. 237 
Castra Preetoriana described, ii. 233 
proper designation of, ii. 282 
Catakekaumene, site of, i. 191 
Catarractes, river, now Duden-su, i. 155 
Catullus, the diminutive of Catus, ii. 156 
Caucabe, the scene of Paul’s conversion, i. 49 
Cave under the Sakhra, the mausoleum of the kings 
of Judea, ii. 130 
Cayster, plains of, first called Asia, i. 190 
silts up the port of Ephesus, i. 321 
course of, at Ephesus, i. 320 
Cedron simply, distinguished from “ Cedron so 
ealled,” ii. 128 
Celer (P.) is imperial procurator at Ephesus,i. 337, 412 
poisons Junius Silanus, i. 338 
tried at Rome, i. 338 
Celer (the tribune) sent to Rome, ii. 117 
ordered for execution, ii. 120 
Celtic origin of the Galatians, i. 180 
Celts same word as Gauls, i. 177 
occupied all west of Europe, i. 177 
forced into Brittany, Wales, Cornwall, and 
Scotch highlands, i. 178 


Brigantes, betrays 


454 


INDEX. 


Cenchrea, plan of port of, i. 299 
city of, described, i. 299 
port of, deseribed, i. 300 
etymology of the word, i. 299 
coin of, i. 300 
visited by the author, i. 300 
view of, from north and also from south, i. 298 
the eastern port of Corinth, i. 270 ; ii. 67 
distance of, from Corinth, i. 270 
a church at, i. 298 
Phoebe a deaconess of, i. 298 
Censorship was at Philippi, i. 216 
Census instituted by Cyrenius, i. 19 
passage in Luke relating to, explained, i. 19 
Centuries, number of, in a cohort, i. 86 
Centurion explained, i. 86 
figure of Roman, ii. 182 
had custody of Agrippa, i. 101 
two sent as escort to Paul, and why, ii. 154 
view and plan of house at Rome of, ii. 289 
Cephas. See Peter 
Ceramicus at Athens, position of, 1. 243, 244, 246 
Ceremonial law abolished, i. 162 
Cerethrius, meaning of in Celtic, i. 182 
Cestrus, Perga on right bank of, i. 134 
Chain carried by every Roman soldier, ii. 144 
Chains, prisoners sometimes pleaded in, ii. 175 
Χαίρειν, the Greek salutation in a letter, i. 161 
Chalcis, the capital of Ptolemy Mennwi, i. 60 
described, i, 62 
subject to Lysanias, i. 66 
annexed to Syria, i. 67 
subject to Herod, the brother of Agrippa 1., i, 
105 
to Agrippa II., ii. 113 
Χαλκοῦς, the copper coin, explained, i. 336 
specimen of, i. 337 
Chares, the Lindian, made the Colossus of Rhodes, 
ii. 98 
Χάρις explained, ii. 20 
Charonium, in Antioch, i. 93 
Charybdis, the whirlpool, ii. 218 
Cherubim, gate of, in Antioch, i. 93 
Chesney (Col.), his account of Seleucia, i. 119 
Chichester, etymon of, ii. 392 
called Regnum, ii. 393 
inscription found at, ii. 394 
XiAtapxos explained, i. 86; ii. 143 
Chios, coins of, 11. 87 
view of eastern coast of, ii. 86 
Χιτών explained, ii, 413 
Chloe, a convert at Corinth, i. 290 
household of, inform Paul of divisions at Corinth, 
1. 363 
Chonas, whether same as Colosse, i. 359 
view of, 1. 360 
Chrestion, Procurator of Malta, ii, 209 
Chrestus, a mistake for Christus, i. 274 
CHRIST, See JESUS 
Christian era, erroneous commencement of, i. 16 
Christianity not confined to the lower class, i. 374 


Christianity —continued. 
made criminal, ii. 361, 363 
Christians first so called, in Antioch, i. 96 
the word compounded of Greek and Latin, i. 96 
into what classes divided, i. 88 
were early found at Rome, i. 274 
often confounded with Jews, i. 275 
persecution of, at Rome, ii. 359 
generally unpopular, ii. 359 
edicts against, ii. 363 
caricatured by Lucian, ii. 163 
their mode of salutation, i. 284 
retired on siege of Jerusalem to Pella, ii. 324 
Christus often called Chrestus, i. 274 
Chronology, what system of, adopted by Paul, i. 
141 
of the Exodus and delivery of the law, i. 349 
Χρόνον οὐκ ὀλίγον, meaning of, 1. 157 
Χρόνον τινα, meaning of, i. 310 
Χρυσοῦς, or aureus, the Roman gold coin, i. 336 
Chrysostom, his description of Paul at Corinth, i. 
276 
Church, ruins of, in Antioch of Pisidia, i. 137 
Church (Christian), three orders of ministers in, i. 
107 
Churches supported their pastors, i. 280, 290 
Chushan-rishathaim, i. 58 
Cicero (Δ. T.), Propretor of Cilicia, i. 78 
time taken by, to reach Athens from Rome, i. 
291 
a friend of Antipater, i. 152 
how they became acquainted, i. 166 
portrait of, i.78 
Cilicia (hair-cloths) used for making tents, i. 57 
Cilicia (country). pirates and bandits of, ii. 30 
boundaries of, i. 78 
the province of M. T. Cicero, i. 78 
Cilicia (Campestris), an Imperial province, subject to 
Syria, i. 78 
Capito Propreetor of, ii. 156 
he is accused at Rome, ii. 156 
Cilicia (Aspera) belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 
given on his death to Antiochus, king of Com- 
magene, i. 78, 131 
reunited to Cilicia, i. 78 
Cilicia (Sea of), ii. 186 
Cilician gates, the pass through, i. 166 
view of, i. 311 
Ciliciarchs, i. 318 
Cireuits of Paul— 
map of, 11, 336 
Ist. i. 113; its duration, i. 156 
Qnd, i. 164 
3rd, i. 310 
4th, 11. 336 
Circumcision of Paul, i. 5 
Circus Maximus at Rome, ii. 234 
Citizenship of Rome the subject of purchase, ii. 
148 
Civita Vecchia, the ancient Melita, ii. 209 
Paul said to have resided at, ii, 214 


INDEX. 455 


Clauda, island of, ii. 197 
Claudia (2 Tim. iy. 21), who she was, discussed, ii. 
392 
probably daughter of King Cogidunus, ii. 374 
consigned to Pomponia at Rome, ii. 393 
age of, at that time, ii. 393 
marries Pudens, ii. 397 
said by some to have been daughter of Carac- 
tacus, il. 397 
Claudiana, a point of junction on the Via Egnatia, i. 
204 
Claudius made Emperor, partly by the influence of 
Agrippa I, i. 10 
confers on him Judea and Samaria, i. 105 
is governed by his wives, ii. 110 
reinstates the Jews in all their rights, i. 47 
judicial character of, ii. 119, 378 
hears the dispute between the Jews and Sama- 
ritans, ii. 119 
liberties taken with, ii. 120 
decree of, in favour of the Jews, ii. 111 
passes into Britain to have the honour of the 
conquest by A. Plautius, ii. 392 
takes Colchester, i. 110 
celebrates his triumph, i. 110 
coin struck on the oceasion, i. 110 
games in his honour at Caesarea, i. 108, 111 
expels all Jews from Rome, ii. 116 
edict of, against Jews recalled, ii. 121 
liberal sentiments of, ii. 362 
gave the Roman citizenship freely, i. 4 
coins of, i. 108, 110, 125, 271, 326; ii. 227 
death of, i. 337 ; ii. 227 
portrait of, 11. 227 
character of, i. 337 
Cleanthes, hymn of, i. 265 
Clemens, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 
Clemens (Titus Flayius) suffered martyrdom, ii. 
411 
Clement referred to by Paul, ii. 287 
writes an epistle to the Corinthians, ii, 39 
testimony of, to the deaths of Peter and Paul, ii. 
405 
letter of, carried by Fortunatus, i. 403 
Cleon slain at Amphipolis, i. 224 
Cleopatra at Tarsus, i. 79 
beloved by M. Antony, i. 66 
procures the death of Lysanias, i. 66 
puts a brother and sister to death, i. 66 
portrait of, from a coin, ii. 353 
Clepsydra in clock tower at Athens, i. 251 
specimen of, i. 233 
used in courts of justice, i. 232 
Clock-tower, view of at Athens, i. 251 
Cnidus, Paul on his yoyage to Rome arrives off, ii. 
190 
view of, ii. 190 
coin of, ii. 190 
Alexandrian vessels commonly touched at, ii. 190 
Cochrane (Lord) chases a vessel into Port Phenix, 
ii. 194 


Cogidubnus, same name as Cogidunus, ii. 392 
king of the Regni (Surrey and Sussex), supposed 
to be the father of Claudia, ii. 392 
full name of, ii, 392 
Cohorts, number of, in a Legion, i. 86 
proper sense of, ii. 144 
spoken of in distinction from a Legion, ii. 182 
five of them stationed at Czsarea, ii. 182 
Cohors Preetoria, ii. 232 
Coinage current in the Apostle’s time, i. 336 
Coins, ancient, not brass, but bronze, i. 16 
change of type of, in Judea on death of Au- 
gustus, 1. 23 
Colchester taken by Claudius, i. 110 
re-captured from the Romans by the Britons, 
li, 245 
effigy of a Roman centurion found at, ii, 182 
Colonies (Roman)— 
Philippi, i. 209 
Alexandria Troas, i. 192 
Antioch of Pisidia, i. 137 
Acre, ii, 104 
Corinth, i. 271 
Tconium, i. 145 
Coloss#, what the true spelling of, i. 358 
coins of, i. 358 
in Lydian Asia, i. 191 
site of, i, 358 
on river Lycus, i. 359 
whether same as Chonas, i. 359 
converted by Epaphras, i. 360 
Archippus, bishop of, i. 361 
church of, meets in house of Philemon, i. 361 
whether visited by Paul before his voyage to 
Rome, i. 172 
visited by Paul after his return from Rome, ii. 336 
Colossians, great number of, mentioned by Paul, i. 176 
epistle to, ii. 267 
date of, ii. 254 
written after the Ephesians, ii. 248 
Colossus of Rhodes, site of, ii. 98 
destruction of, ii, 99 
Constantinople, columns of temple of Ephesian Diana 
carried to, i. 325 
“ Conventum agere” explained, i. 316 
Conversion, what was the place of Paul's, i. 49 
difficulties in the accounts of, i. 50 
view of scene of, i. 48 
Converts, 5000 made in one day, i. 29 
Coponius is Procurator of Judea, i. 19 
Copper coinage in the Apostle’s time, i. 336 
Copper-mines of Cyprus farmed by Herod the Great, 
i. 126 
Corban, what it was, i. 31; ii. 111, 240 
placed under charge of Herod of Chalcis, ii, 111 
Coressus (Mount) at Ephesus, i. 321, 322 
Corinth destroyed by Mummius, i. 270 
restored by Julius Cesar, i. 271 
a Roman colony, chiefly of freed-men, i. 271 
governed by Duumyiri, i. 271 
cemetery of, i, 272 


456 


INDEX. 


Corinth—continued. 
remains of, 1. 272 
debauchery at, i. 272 
view of temple at, i. 273 
capital of Achaia, i. 280 
described, i. 269 
plan of, i. 270 
coin of, i. 271 
view of from north, and also from south, ii. 38 
commerce of, i. 269 
ports of, i. 270 
converts of, i. 290 
time required for reaching, from Rome, i. 291 
distance of, from Philippi, i. 298 
time of Paul’s arrival at, i. 269 
length of first sojourn at, i. 296 
Gallio arrives at, i. 291 
church of, sends letter to Paul at Ephesus, i. 365 
success of Titus’s mission to, ii. 3 
beloved by Paul, i. 362 
collection for poor Hebrews ordered at, i. 362 
evil tidings from, reach Paul at Ephesus, i. 362 
the divisions at, i. 362 
Judaizing faction at, ii. 9 
whether Paul visited Corinth more than once 
(before 2 Cor. ii. 16), ii. 32 
revisited by Paul, ii. 38 
collection for poor Hebrews made at, ii. 40 
revisited by Paul after his return from Rome, ii. 
338 
Corinthian order of architecture, not found at 
Corinth, i. 273 
Corinthian gate, site of, in temple at Jerusalem, i. 29, 
ii. 133 
Corinthians, why Paul would not take anything from, 
i. 404 
letter of, to Paul, i. 366 
(First Epistle to), i. 372 
earried by ‘Titus and Trophimus, i. 369 
written at a passoyer, i. 370 
date of, i. 372 
(Second Epistle to), ii. 15 
date of, ii. 15 
Corn, exportation of, from Judea to Tyre and Sidon, 
i, 111 
Cornelius converted, i. 86 
whether a proselyte, i. 87 
Corner stones of the temple at Jerusalem, ii. 260 
Cornish same language as Welsh, i. 178 
Corn-ship of Alexandria described, ii. 188 
Cormwall, Celts forced into, i. 178 
Cos given to Athenians, i, 261 
the garden of the Egean, ii. 97 
view and plan of, ii. 96 
coin of, ii. 96 
Council attendant on a procurator, ii. 1 
by what names called, ii. 173 
Council cliamber at Jerusalem, site of, ii. 127 
site of, ii, 149 
Council of Jerusalem, date of, i, 156 
decree of, explained, i. 303 


73 


Council of Jerusalem—continued. 
of what classes of persons composed, i. 159 
Council of 600 at Athens, i. 252 
Counts, several, in Roman indictments, ii. 379, 381 
Court of Areopagus, i. 261 
Courts of the Temple at Jerusalem, ii, 132 
Crenides, ancient name of Philippi, i. 207 
Crescens, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 
sent to Galatia, ii. 377, 389 
Crete abounds with Jews, ii. 337 
visited by Paul, ii. 291, 334, 337 
coin of, ii. 191 
Crispus of Corinth, a ruler of the synagogue and a 
conyert, i. 276, 290, 293 
baptized by Paul, i. 276, 373 
Critolaus, general of the Acheans, i. 270 
Creesus, kingdom of, called Lydia, i. 190 
extent of Ephesus in time of, 1. 321 
Crommyon, etymology of, i. 299 
Cross, death on, regarded as shameful, ii. 328 
Crucifixion, date of, i. 23 
the usual hour of, i. 24 
with the head downwards, not uncommon, Ii. 
368 
Crusaders, works of, at Czsarea, ii. 166 
Ctesilaus, work of, at Ephesus, i. 324 
Cumanus (Ventidius) Procurator of Judea, ii. 113 
troubles under, ii. 114 
his slaughter of the Jews, ii. 116 
said to have had Felix as a colleague in Pales- 
tine, ii. 159 
convicted of bribery, and sent to Rome, ii. 117 
Cunobelin, king of the Trinobantes, i. 110 
Cup of the Eucharist always consecrated, i. 390 
Curse, Jews bind themselves under, to kill Paul, ii. 
153 Y 
similar curse against Herod the Great, ii. 152 
Cusinius, Recorder of Ephesus, coin of, i. 317 
Cuspius Fadus pacifies Judea, ii. 110 
Custodia Militaris described, ii. 148 
Custody of prisoners, Roman form of, ii, 147 
Cybistra, two cities of that name, i. 151 
one, now Eregli, i. 152 
Cydnus flowed through Tarsus, 1. 79 
view of falls of, 1. 80 
Cynegirus, heroic conduct of, i. 246 
Cypriarchs, i, 318 
Cyprus (wife of Agrippa), i. 99 
procures a loan for him, i. 100 
Cyprus (island) comprised under Cilicia, i. 78 
map of, 1. 120 
described, i. 120; 11. 488 
famous for its copper mines, i. 126 
immense vine of, i. 326 
coins of, 1. 124, 125 
a province sometimes of the Emperor and some- 
times of the Senate, i. 125 
governed in the time of Paul by a Proconsul, 
1. 125 
Cyrene. large part of the population of, was Jewish, 
1, St 


INDEX. 


457 


Cyrenius, (i.e., Pub. Sulpic. Quirinus,) is Prefect of 
Syria, i. 19 ; 
was twice Prefect of Syria, i. 19, 21 
the taxing uader him discussed, i. 19 


Δαιμονέστεροι, sense of, i, 262 
Dalmatia made a separate province, ii. 357 
held by one legion, ii. 357 
visited by Paul, ii. 355 
Titus sent to, ii. 377 
Damaris a convert to Christianity at Athens, i. 266 
the name not found elsewhere, i. 266 
whetlier a mistake for Damalis, i. 266 
Damascus, routes to, from Jerusalem, i. 49 
view of, from Antilibanus, i. 68 
view of eastern gate of, i, 72 
coin of, 1. 48 
plan of, i. 69 
distance of, from Jerusalem, 49 
privileges of Jews at, i. 1 
the most ancient of cities, i. 58 
Abraham said to have been king of, i. 58 
watered by the Abana, i. 58 
native city of Eleazar, the servant of Abraham,i.58 
belonged to Ptolemy Mennezi, i. 60 
invites Aretas, king of Petra, to assist it against 
Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 63 
submits to Pompey, i. 66 
allowed by Augustus to govern itself, i. 67 
litigates its boundaries with Sidon, i. 67, 100 
falls under the sway of Aretas, i. 67 
how it came under the power of Aretas, i. 68; 
li. 31 
originally included under Arabia, i. 67 
description of, i. 68 
view of wall of, where Paul escaped, i. 72 
struck no Imperial coins under Caligula or Clau- 
dius, i, 68 
Jews of, governed by an Ethnarch, i. 72 
evangelised early, i. 41 
Damianus joined the temple of Diana to Ephesus by 
a colonnade, i. 321 
Daphne, yearly procession to, from Antioch, i. 93 
gate of, in Antioch, i. 93 
Datis and Artaphernes portrayed at Athens, i. 246 
Datum, ancient name of Philippi, i. 207 
Daughters of Romans called by the name of the Gens, 
ii. 392 - 
David (King) inspired, ii. 312 
wh thier called at 30 a young man, i. 5 
aye of, when he fought with Goliath, i. 5 
length of reign of, i. 141 
castle of, at Jerusalem, commanded the upper 
city, ii. 129 
“Day,” “The,” means day of judgment, i. 287, 376 
expected by the Thessalonians, i. 278, 283 
Day’s journey, length of, i. 135, 136 


τὸ Days, months, seasons, and years,” explained, i. 351 | 


Deacons appointed, i. 32 


a recogrized order of ministers in the churches, | 


ii. 280 


VOL. I. 


Death, whether the Jews could under the Romans 
put to, i. 32 
Decapolis described, i. 63 
why so called, i. 63 
what was the bond of union, i. 64 
what cities 10 comprised, i. 63 
annexed on deatli of Herod the Great to Syria,i. 64 
Decree (of council of Jerusalem), i. 160 
explained, i. 303 
temporary only, ii. 141 
(of Ephesus) in honour of Diana, i. 405 
(Roman) in favour of the Jews, i. 44 et seq. 
(Provincial) in favour οἵ the Jews, 47 
Dei visi, ii. 222 
Dejotarus Tetrarch of the Tolistobogii, i. 179 
and of all Galatia, i. 179 
Aexaddpxns explained, ii. 143 
Δελβεία, another name for Derbe, i. 152 
Delos, the great depot for slaves from Asia Minor, i.3 
Delphi, temple of Apollo at, rifled by Nero, ii. 375 
Demas suspected by Paul, ii. 273 
deserts Paul, ii. 389 
Demetrius, the silversmith, at Ephesus, i. 408 
Demiurgus, the Gnostie god of the Jews, 11. 250 
“Democracy,” altar to, at Athens, 1. 300 
Demoniaes, how regarded by Jews and Gentiles, i. 215 
Denarius, value of, i. 336 
specimen of, i. 336 
“Deputy,” English translation of “ proconsul” 
i, 271 
Derbe in Isauriea, i. 151 
near Karaman, i. 151 
on the verge of Cappadocia, i. 151 
on Lake Ak Ghieul, i. 151 
two hours from Derbent Bogaz, i. 152 
belonged to Antipater the freebooter, i. 152 
Paul and Barnabas preach at, i. 153 
called also AeABeia, i. 152 
belonged to Amyntas, i. 153 
then to Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, i. 153 
then attached to Roman provinee, i. 153 
then assigned to Antivchus, king of Commagene, 
i, 153 
belonged to Lycaonia, i. 144 
Δέσμοις (Heb. x. 3+), a mistake for δεσμίοις, ii. 162 
Devils, Jewish uotion of, i, 215 
Devout men, or proselytes, i. 139 
Δεξιολάβοι explained, ii. 158 
distinct from ἱππεῖς, ii. 155 
Διὰ means ‘after, i. 345 
Διὰ μέσου explained, ii. 116 
Διαγνώσομαι explained, ii. 160 
Divus, general-of the Acleans, i. 270 
Dialogue allowed in tle synagogues, 
Diana worshipped at Perga, i. 134 
at Philippi, i. 210 
temples of, at Ephesus, i. 820 
coins of, i. 44, 135, 202, 203, 204 
representations of temple of, at Ephesus, i. 221, 
323 
image of, i. 325, 326 


i, 228 


3 N 


INDEX. 


Diana—continued. 
figure of, i. 825 
coin of, i. 823, 326 
asylum of, i. 326 
site of temple of, at Ephesus, i. 320 
temple of, at Ephesus, described, i. 323 
plans of it, i. 822 
games in honour of, at Ephesus, i. 405 
worshipped under three characters, 1. 405 
decree in honour of, i. 405 
universally worshipped, i. 409 
Διαθήκη, double meaning of, in Greek, ii. 320 
Dictation, representation of, by tragic poet, 1. 285 
Didrachm was the poll tax paid by every Jew to the 
Temple, i. 91 
specimen of, i. 44 
commented on, i. 336 
Δικαιοδότης, meaning of, as applied to Cyrenius, i. 19 
Δίκαιος, Abel so called, 11. 325 
Δίκη, a goddess, ii. 207 
Diocletian erects temple to Jupiter at Jerusalem, ii. 
130 
Διόλκος of the Isthmus of Corinth, i. 268 
Dion Cassius, account by, of the edict of Claudius 
against the Jews, 1. 275 
Dionysius (Exiguus) introduces the Christian era, i. 16 
Dionysius (Bishop of Corinth), testimony of, to the 
death of Peter and Paul, ti. 406 
Dionysius (clerk of the market at Athens), i. 250 
Dionysius (the Areopagite), a convert to Christianity, 
i. 266, 374 
chureh of, at Athens, i. 254 
Διοπετές commented on, i. 412 
Dipylum Gate at Athens, position of, i. 245, 246 
Dispersion, Jews of, contributed to the support of the 
Temple, i. 31 
Dium (city of Deeapolis), i. 43 
Dium (Macedonia), Paul embarks at, 1, 237 
distance of, from Bercea, i. 237 
Divlé, supposed by some to be Derbe, i. 152 
Docymeum, probably visited by Paul, i. 177 
Dominus applied to the Roman emperors, ii. 176 
by law, ii. 176 
Domitilla, medal of Peter and Paul found in tomb of, 
ii. 410 
Domninus, an antiquary of Antioch, i. 96 
Domus Palatina at Rome, ii, 234 
Domus Augustana, ii. 234 
Domus Tiberiana, ii. 234 
Doras employed to assassinate Jonathan, ii. 125 
Doryleum, probably visited by Paul, i. 177 
Δοῦλοι, meaning of, 11, 343 
commented on, ii. 264 
Drachm, value of, i. 336 
identical with the denarius, i. 386 
specimen of, in Addenda 
Drama, valley of, i. 204 
Drift of a ship, rate of, 11. 207 
Druidism abandoned by the Galatians, i. 179 
Δρυναίμετον, parliament of Galatians so called, i, 179 
meaning of the word, i. 179, 180 


Drusilla (sister of Agrippa II.), marries Azizus, king 
of Emesa, ii. 122 
elopes from him and marries Felix, ii. 124, 161 
hears Paul’s address before Felix, ii. 161 
Drusilla (daughter of Juba), marries Felix, ii. 161 


| Drusion, name of one of the towers at Czesarea, ii. 


165 
Drusus (father of Claudius), ii. 225 
view of arch in honour of, ii. 226 
coin of, i. 317 
Drusus (son of Tiberius), portrait of, i. 99 
found to have been poisoned, i. 99 
Drusus (son of Germanicus), put to death, ii. 236 
Drw, Celtic for an oak, i. 179, 180 
Dubnorix, same as Dunorix and Dumnorix, ii. 392 
Dumnorix, same as Dunorix and Dubnorix, 11, 392 
Δύναμις Means miracies, 1. 279, 375 
Δυνατοί, meaning of, ii, 171 
Dunorix, Dubnorix, and Dumnorix, the samé name, 
ii. 392 
Duumviri, ministers of justice, so called at Philippi, i. 
216 
answered to preetors at Rome, i. 217 
Dyers of Thyatira, famous, i. 214 
made their fortunes, i. 215 
Dyrrhachium, port from Macedonia to Italy, i. 204 


Earthquake at Philippi, i. 219 
in Asia Minor, ii. 221 
Easter observed by Christians, i. 378 
*Exew explained, i. 378 
Edicts against the Christians, ii. 363 
repealed by Vespasian, ii. 363 
restored by Domitian, ii. 363 
Edueation, nature of Jewish, i. 7, 8 
᾿Εγγαστρίμνθοι, what they were, i, 215 
‘Hyeuoves, meaning of, ii. 398 
a name for the council of prefects, ii. 173 
Egeria, valley of, ii. 225 
Ἔγραψα, force of, i. 379 
Egypt, date of Jacob’s going to, and of the exodus 
from, i. 549 
Egyptian false prophet, overthrown by Felix, ii, 125 
Paul is taken for, ii. 126, 145 
Ei (Acts xxvi. 23), meaning of, ii. 178 
Evye, force of, 1.173, 174 
Eis τέλος, explained, i. 281 
‘Exatovtapxns explained, i. 86; ii. 143 
‘ExatoorTy imposed on Syria, i. 94 
᾿Εκδιωξάντων explained, i. 281 
Ἐκκλησία, whether it denotes a building, discussed, i. 
298 
Ἐκκλησία, the municipal assembly of a city, i. 413 
met in the theatre, i. 315 
Eleazar (son of Annas), ii. 137 
is high-priest, i. 28 
Eleazar (son of Ananias), is captain of the Temple, 
11. 186 
Eleazar (the bandit) captured by Felix by treachery, 
in. 128 
Eleazar (an exorcist), 1, 990 


INDEX. 


Eleusis, famous for its mysteries, i. 268 

Eli, father of the Virgin Mary and Salome, i. 158 

Elioneus appointed high-priest, i. 105; ii. 112 

Ἑλλάς, Same as province of Achaia, i. 280; ii. 36 

Ἕλληνας (Acts xi. 20) to be read for Ἑλληνιστὰς, i. 91 

Ἕλληνές τε καὶ Βάρβαροι, a common phrase, ii. 47 

᾿Ελθών, commented on, ii. 295 

Elymas the sorcerer is struck blind by Paul, i. 127 
etymology of the word, i. 127 

Emanations of the Gnosties, explained, ii. 250 

Emathia, name of Thessalonica, i. 225 

Ἡμέρας ἱκανάς, meaning of, i. 297 


Emesa (now Hems), whether Paul retired thither, i. 56. 


part of Arabia, i. 56 


! 
| 


Emperors (Roman) exercised the judicial office, ii.377 _ 


᾿Ἐμπνέων, meaning of, i. 41 
Ἔν ὀλίγῳ, meaning of, ii. 178 
Ἔν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ, explained, i. 378 
Ἔν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις, explained, ii. 255 
Ἠνάγκαζον, explained, ii. 177 
Epenetus, the first convert of Asia,i. 276 
Epaphras, the abbreviation of Epaphroditus, ii. 246 
a native of Coloss®, and converts Colossx, Lao- 
dicea, and Hierapolis, i. 360, 261 
is sent from Rome to those churches, ii, 246 
returns by way of Philippi, and takes their con- 
tributions to Rome, ii. 247 
his report of the churches visited, ii. 247 
illness of, at Rome, ii. 278 
why called a fellow-prisoner, ii. 276 
Ἑπεκτεινόμενος, explained, ii. 286 
*Edeoia, games at Ephesus, i. 405 
᾿ΕἘφέσια γράμματα, what they were, i. 334 
Ephesians, fond of finery, ii. 347. 
Epistle to, ii. 254 
is that to the Laodiceans, i. 172, 379 
why called ‘‘ Ephesians,” ii. 248, 255 
written before the Colossians, 11, 248 
date of, ii, 254 
not addressed to the Ephesians specially, but 
encyclical, 11. 254 
Ephesus, decree of, in favour of Jews, i. 47 
length of journey to, from Antioch, i. 310 
constitution of, i. 315 
general description of, i. 319 
view of, from west, i. 302 
from east, li. 370 
capital of Asia, i. 319 
a colony from Athens, i, 319 
famous for sculpture and painting, i. 319 
plan of, with details, i. 320 
plain of, compared to a stadium, or race-course, 
1. 320 
chart of plain of, i. 318 
image of Diana of, i. 325 
different plans of, i. 322 
Temple of Diana at, i. 323 
view of sculpture on one of the columns of temple, 
1, 323 
view and plan of theatre at, i. 328 
coins of, i, 316, 317, 321, 323 


459 


Ephesus—continued. 
coins of recorders of, i. 316, 317 
coins of high priests of, i. 317 
docks of, i. 321 
stadium of, i. 321 
gymnasium of, i. 321 
chief assize town, i. 316 
what peoples met there, i. 316 
had cireuit of four miles, i. 321 
ports of, i. 321 
theatre of, i. 321 
view and plan of theatre at, i. 928 
view and plan of stadium at, i. 329 
port of, injured by King Attalus, i. 330 
but repaired by Barea Soranus, i. 330; ii. 371, 373 
full of Jews, i. 330 
famous for making tents, 1. 330 
the central point of Proconsular Asia, i. 355 
had title of Νεωκύρος, i. 411 
coins with inscription of Νεωκόρος, i, 411 
at what time assizes held at, i. 413 
games at, in honour of Diana, i. 405 
personified on base of statue ef Tiberius, at Pu- 
teoli, ii. 221 
present state of, i. 827-330 
length of Paul’s sojourn at, i. 296 
tumult of, in the theatre, i. 411 
time of Paul’s leaving in A.D. 57, ii. 1 
length of voyage from, to Athens, ii. 1 
elders of, meet Paul at Miletus, ii. 91 
whether Paul ever after visited Ephesus, ii. 91, 94 
at what time Timothy ordered to remain there, 
li. 291 
Epicureans, opinion of, concerning Christianity, i. 266 
tenets of, i. 259 
encounter Paul at Athens, i. 260 
Epicurus, portrait of, i. 259 
᾿Ἐπίγνωσις explained, ii. 269 
᾿Επιλαβόμενοι, sense of, i. 262 
ἘἘπιμελητής of Judea, Marcellus was, i. 89 
Epimenides quoted by Paul, i. 12 
aceount of, 11. 342 
advises the erection of altars to the 
Gods, i. 243 
statue to, at Athens, i. 248 
Epiphania in Antioch, i. 93 
Epirus included in the province of Achaia, ii. 390 
᾿ἘἘπισκευσάμενοι, meaning of, ii. 108 
᾿Ἐπίσκοποι, same as πρεσβύτεροι, li. 280 
᾿Ἐπισπάσθω explained, i. 883 
Epistle of the church of Jerusalem to the church of 
Antioch, i. 161 
of the church of Corinth to Paul, i. 366 
of Clement from Rome to Corinth, ii. 39 
Epistles, few written by Paul, i. 278; 11. 168 
how authenticated amongst the ancients, i. 285 
those of Paul authenticated by his autograph, 
1. 187; ii. 333 ὺ 
intended to be scripture, i. 25+ 
were in the hands of the churehes, 11. 48 
none written by Paul from Czsarea, ii. 163 


38N 2 


Unknown 


460 


INDEX. 


Epistles—continued. 
those of Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon all 
written at the same time, i. 173 
(of Paul) 
1 Thessalonians, i. 279 
2 Thessalonians, i. 287 
Galatians, 1. 841 
1 Corinthians, i. 372 
2 Corinthians, ii. 15 
Romans, 11. 46 
Ephesians, ii. 254 
Colossians, ii. 267 
Philemon, ii. 274 
Philippians, ii. 280 
Hebrews, ii. 306 
Titus, ii. 341 
1 Timothy, 11. 345 
2 Timothy, ii. 385 
(of Peter) 
Ist, 11. 864 
2nd, ii. 367 
(of James), ii. 300 
*Emovvaywyn explained, ii, 323 
᾿Επιθανάτιοι explained, i. 327 
᾿Ἐπίτροπος, functions of, i. 314 
sometimes used for ἐθνάρχης, i. 72 
᾿Επώνυμος at Ephesus explained, i. 316 
Eponymi at Athens, heroes so called, i, 248 
Equinox (autumnal) navigation after, was dangerous, 
li. 192 
Erastus, a convert at Corinth, 1. 290 
sent with ‘Timothy from Ephesus to Corinth, 1.3°5 
is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 
stops at Corinth on Paul’s second voyage to Rome, 
li. 291, 373 
accompanies Paul to Nicopolis, ii. 353 
Erechtheum at Athens, i. 254 
Eretria taken from the Athenians, i. 261 
Eretria (name of the place where afterwards was the 
new market at Athens), i. 250 
“Eppwaoo, common close of a Greek letter, ii. 154 
“Eppwo8e, common close of a Greek letter, i. 161 
Erse, cognate to Gaelic and Welsh, i. 178 
᾿Ησιονεῖς, same as ᾿Ασιονεῖς, 1. 190 
ἘἘσόπτρον explained, i. 395 
’Eorovdaca, force of, i, 341, 847 
Essenes determined their own controversies, i. 363 
Ἕτερον, distinguished from ἄλλο, i, 342 
Etesi, nature of, ii. 189 
᾿Εθελοθρησκεία explained, ii. 270 
᾿Εθηριομάχησα explained, i. 401 ᾿ 
Ethnarch, name of the Jewish chief magistrate, i. 1 
the extent of jurisdiction of, over Jews, i. 1 
title given to Archelaus, son of Herod the Great, 
1.10 
*E6vapxns (of Damascus), whether ἃ Jewish or Arabian 
officer, i. 72; ii. 31 
Eucharist, institution of, according to Paul, i. 393 
abuses of, at Corinth, 1. 364 
celebration of, 11. 78 
Ebvo explained, 1. 382 


Euodia, a woman, and not, as in English version 
Euodias a man, ii. 287 
Euphrates, called emphatically “the river,” i, 59 
Euraquilo, another reading for Euroclydon, ii. 196 
what wind it was, ii. 196 
Euripides, tomb of, i. 225 
Euroauster, the wind, ii. 196 
Euronotus, the wind, ii, 196 
Eurus, what wind it was, ii. 196 
Εὐσεβὴς (devout person) explained, i. 88 
Eusebius, opinion of, as to the site οἵ. Haran, i. 59 
Eutychus, the coachman of Agrippa I., i. 101 
(another) restored to life, ii. 79 
Excommunication, discipline and doctrine maintained 
by, in the chureh, i. 230; ii. 57, 347 
ordered by Paul, i. 378 
Execution, capital, not allowed during a feast, i. 106 
interval between condemnation and, 11. 400 
generally enacted by the side of great roads, ii. 400 
Exodus, the date of, discussed, i. 349 
Exorcism practised at Ephesus, i. 334 
᾿Εξουσία explained, i. 391 
Expiation, Great Day of, when observed, ii. 192 
Expulsion from Rome, a common practice, i. 279 ; ii. 
117 
Eyes painted on bows of ancient ships, ii. 197 
illustration of, ii. 197 
᾿Ἐζημιώθην explained, ii. 286 


Fadus (Cuspius), great famine in time of, i, 107 
Fair Havens, in Crete, ii. 191 
view of, ii. 192 
plan of, 11. 193 
Faith of Abraham relied upon by the Jews, i. 349 
Falkener, plan by, of Temple of Diana at Ephesus, 
i, 322 
“False witnesses,’ what is meant by, i. 36 
Famagusta of Cyprus, i. 120 
Fame, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 
Famine in time of Claudius, i. 97; 11, 113 
time of commencement of, i. 107 
coin relating to, i. 108 
in Greece, i. 230, 277 
Fast, the Great, when observed, 11. 192 
Fayorinus, definition by, of a young man, i. 5 
Feast, criminals could not be executed during a, i. 106 
Felix originally a slave of Antonia, the mother of 
Claudius, ii. 118 
adopts the names of Antonius and Claudius, ii. 
118 
is advanced in the Roman army, ii. 118 
is appointed Procurator of Judea, ii. 121 
coin of, ii. 121 
character of, 11. 121 
compliment of Tertullus to, 11. 121 
marries Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa IL, ii. 123 
captures Kleazar, the bandit. by treachery, ii. 124 
procures the assassination of Jonathan, ii. 125 
defeats the Egyptian false prophet, ii. 126 
usual residence of, 11. 135 
resides at Czesarea in palace of Herod, ii. 156 


INDEX. 


461 


Felix—continued. 
has repeated interviews with Paul, ii. 162 
venality of, ii. 162 
merciless treatment by, of the Jews at Czesarea, 
ii. 169 
orders some Jewish priests to Rome, ii. 236 
duration of office of, as procurator, ii. 170 
the long procuratorship of, ii. 159 
is superseded by Festus, ii. 121, 169 
is accused at Rome, but sereened by the influ- 
ence of. Pallas, ii. 169 
marries three princesses, ii. 161 
Fergusson (James)—his plan of temple at Ephesus, 
i. 322 
Festus, a common name amongst the Romans, ii. 170 
(Poreius) succeeds Felix as Procurator of J udea, 
ii. 170, 299 
duration of office of, ii, 170 
character of, ii. 170 
tries Paul at Ceesarea, ii, 171 
allows his appeal to Cxesar, ii. 173 
receives visit of congratulation from Agrippa IL. 
and Bernice, ii. 174 
hears Paul again in their preseuce, ii, 175 
death of, ii. 299 
Fiery darts explained, ii. 266 
Fighting with beasts explained, i. 401 
Fire, escaping through explained, i. 376 
the great, at Rome, ii. 359 
Fish’s mouth, what was the coin taken from, i. 336 
Flaccus (Prefect of Syria) receives Agrippa I., i. 100 
coin of, i. 61 
Flavia, a name of Czsarea, ii. 166 
Flavian family, some of, were converts, ii. 411 
Flavianus (T. A.), Prefect of Pannonia, ii. 357 
Florus (Gessius) is congratulated by Agrippa II. and 
Bernice, ii. 174 
Formiz, ii. 222 
Fornication, meaning of, in the decree of J erusalem, 
1.101 
ease of, at Corinth, i. 370 
how regarded by tlie heathen, 1. 162 
used in sense of apostasy, ii. 329 
in church at Corinth, i. 363 
Fortunatus sent by Agrippa I. to Italy to defend him 
against Herod Antipas, i. 103 
Fortunatus, a convert at Corinth, i. 290 
carries letter from Corinth to Paul, i. 365 
is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 
carries letter of Clemens Romanus to Corinth, 
i. 403 
Forum (of Rome), view of, ii. 237 
at Philippi, i. 211 
view of remains of, i. 219 
“Forum agere” explained, i. 316 
Fountains at Ephesus, i. 322 
Fundi, ii. 222 i 


Gabbatha, what it was, ii. 127 
Gadura, a city of Decapolis, i. 63 
belonged to Herod, i. 64 


| 


Gaelic cognate to Welsh and Erse, i. 178 
“ Gaéls” same word as “ Gauls,” i. 178 
Gaius (of Corinth), baptised by Paul, i. 276, 373 
accompanies Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia, 
ii. 2 
is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 
accompanies Paul on his thir cireuit, i. 310 
charged with Galatian collection, i. 312 
Gaius (of Derbe) accompanies Paul from Macedonia 
to Corinth, ii, 38 
returns with him from Corinth, ii. 74 
whether of Derbe or Thessalonica, i. 168 
Galatia, when occupied by the Gauls, i. 178 
boundaries of, i. 178 
language of, i. 178 
principal towns of, i. 179 
belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 
on his death made a Roman province, i. 131 
church of, falls away from the faith, i. 338 
Epistle to, i. 341 
date of it, i. 341 
Crescens sent to, ii. 377 
“Galatians” same word as “Gauls” and “Celts,” i. 177 
occupied all west of Europe, i. 177 
invaded Pannonia, Greece, and Asia Minor, i, 178 
hired by Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, i. 178 
defeated by Attalus, i. 178 
settled in Galatia, i, 178 
spoke Celtic, i. 178 
afterwards adopted Greek tongue, i. 179 
three tribes of, i. 179 
became subject to Dejotarus, i. 179 
then to Amyntas, i. 179 
made a Roman province, i. 179 
idolaters, like Greeks and Romans, i. 180 
whether Celts or Germans, i. 180 
their rapturous reception of Paul at his first visit, 
i. 186 
Epistle to, written by Paul’s own hand, i. 187 
make a collection for the poor Hebrews, i. 312 
Galilee, Paul preaches in, i. 74 
allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod 
Antipas, i. 17 
position of, i. 17 
Galileans—open war between them and Romans. 
i. 275 
slain on their way to Jerusalem by Samaritans, 
ii. 116 
“Galileans,” Christians so called, i. 96 
Gallesius (Mount), near Ephesus, i. 319 
Gallio, Proconsul of Achaia, i. 291 
is stage-manager to Nero, ii. 232 
called “my Lord Gallio,” i. 291 
brother of Seneca and Mela, and uncle of Lucan 
i. 291 
amiable temper of, i, 292 
wit of, i. 292 
writes a book on natural history, i. 291 
had consumptive tendency, i. 22 
hears, at Corinth, the accusation of the Jews 
against Paul, i. 292 


462 


INDEX. 


Gallio—continued. 
sees Sosthenes beaten in his presence, and “ cares 
for none of those things,” i. 293 
originally named Mareus Aunzeus Novatus, but 
changed his name on the adoption of him by 
Lucius Junius Gallio, i. 291 
put to death by Nero, i. 291 
Gamala, a city of Gaulanitis, i. 64 
Gamaliel the Pharisee, i. 10; ii. 136 
lead of the school of Hillel, i. 10 
sons of, i. 10; ii. 136; are present at the trial 
of Paul before the Sanhedrim, ii. 150 
opinion of, upon trades, i. 8 
prudent advice of, to the couneil, i. 30; ii. 149 
Games at Czesarea, i. 108 
metaphors taken from, ii. 328 
referred to by Paul, i. 888; ii. 286, 416 
Gangas, or Gangites, now the river Bournabachi, at 
Philippi, i. 208 
Gaoler of Philippi converted, i. 219 
Garlands used in sacrifice, i. 150 
Garments, custom of rending, ii. 147 
Gate of new market at Athens, view of, i. 249 
Gates of the Temple at Jerusalem, i. 29; ii. 131 
Gaulana placed in Batanza, i. 65 
Gaulanites spoke Syriac, i. 56 
Gaulanitis described, i. 63 
subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 
farmed by Zenon, i. 67 
given to Agrippa IL., ii. 122 
now Jaulan, i. 63 
Gaulos, near Malta, now Gozzo, ii. 209 
Gaulos, another name for Clauda, ii. 198 
whence Gaudonesi, and, by corruption, Gozzo, ii. 
198 
Gaza, view of, i. 84 
Gazith, site of, in the Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 133 
when quitted by the Sanhedrim, ii. 149 
Genealogy of our Lord’s family, i. 158 
Genealogies of the Gnosties, ii. 250 
Gentiles, first persecution by, at Philippi, i. 216 
court of, in the Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 132, 259 
forbidden to enter Inner Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 
152 
inscription found to that effect, ii. 133 
Gerasa included under Arabia, i.55 ὁ 
a city of Decapolis, i. 63 
Gerizim (Mount), great assemblage at, i. 25 
the holy mount of the Samaritans, i. 25 
Germanicus recognises freedom of Athens, i. 261 
Γερουσία, the old name for the council at Ephesus, i. 
815 
Γέρων, of what age, i. 5 
Tevoduevos, meaning of, ii. 80 
Gilead, extent of, i. 60 
Ginea, slaughter of Galileans at, ii. 116 
Girdle, use of, ii. 413 
worn by Paul, ii. 107 
by Roman soldiers, ii. 265 
Gischala, Paul said to have been a native of, i, 2 
Glass not used by ancients for mirrors, i. 395 


Glaucon, Recorder of Ephesus, i. 316 
“onatus,” common termination of names ia Gaul and 
Galatia, i. 180 
meaning of, i. 183 
Gnossus, in Crete, coin of, ii. 191 
a chureh at, ii, 337 
Gnostic heresy, thought to be the apostasy of Anti- 
christ, 1. 288 
Gnosties, tenets of, described, ii. 249 
medals of, ii. 249 
whence name derived, ii. 249 
fruits of, 11. 252 
references to doctrines of, in the Epistles, ii. 251, 
253 
not all Jews, ii. 342 
found at Corinth, 11. 339 
gems of, ii. 249 
Goats of Cilicia, famous for their hair, i. 9 
Goat-skins worn, ii. 327 
“ God forbid !” a translation open to objection, i. 348 
Gold coinage in the Apostle’s time, i. 336 
Golden Gate in Antioch, 1. 93 
Goliath, age of David when he fought with, i. 5 
Gortyna in Crete, a church at, 11. 337 
“ Gospel,” what Paul meant by “ his,” ii, 49 
of Luke composed at Philippi, i. 221 
when published, ii. 8, 24 
Gospels, harmony of, with Paul’s Epistles, ii. 433 
Gozzo (Gaulos), as well as Malta a municipium, ii. 209 
Gozzo (modern name of island of Clauda), ii. 198 
Grace before meals practised in Apostolic age, ii. 65; 
ii. 349 
Grecina. See Pomponia 
Tpayuareds, the chief magistrate at Ephesus, i. 315 
coins of, i. 316, 317 
the mock Apollo at Ephesus, i. 406 
Gratus (Valerius) procurator of Judea, 1. 23 
coin of, 1. 23 
Greece invaded by the Celts or Gauls, i. 178 
Greek the common language in law courts, ii. 156 
Paul spoke in, before Festus, ii, 178 
Greek city well represented by Assos, ii. 85 
Greek Church still holds the decree of the Church of 
Jerusalem, i. 162 
Greeks beat Sosthenes in the presence of Gallio, i. 293 
Greswell’s calculation of the rate of travelling, i. 136 
Grotto of St. Paul in Malta, view of, ii. 208 
Guhl, his knowledge of the site of the temple of 
Diana at Ephesus, i. 320 
Gymnasium at Troas, view of, ii. 76 


Hadrian (Emperor), decree of at Athens, i. 251 
captures Jerusalem, 11, 180 
erects temple to Jupiter, ii. 130 
coin of, i. 79 
Half-shekel, specimen of, i. 45 
Halia, old name of Thessalonica, i. 225 
Halicarnassus, decree of, in favour of Jews, i. 47 
Hand, use of, in speaking, ii. 176 
(tight) of a prisoner chained to a soldier's left, 
ii. 176 


INDEX. 


4638 


Hands, imposition of, referred to, ii. 314 
Haphtoroth, the sections read from the Prophets, i. 160 
Haram how occupied anciently, ii, 128 
Haran, discussion as to the site of, i. 58 
commonly tuken to be Carre, the scene of the 
defeat of Crassus, i. 58 
Harran, said to be the Haran of Abraham, i. 58 
Head, whether to be covered or uncovered during 
divine service, i. 391 
Health, altar to, at Athens, i, 260 
Heaven, images which fell from, i. 412 
the third, explained, ii, 31 
Hebrew tongue, what it was, ii. 145, 177 
peculiarities of, ii. 145 
spoken by Paul, i. 397 
whether Paul at his conversion was addressed in, 
1,61 
Hebrew of Hebrews explained, ii, 286 
Paul was, i. 2 
Hebrew church, narrow views of, 1.303; ii, 140 
Hebrews, who were so called, ii. 28 
(ecllection for poor), agreed to be made by Paul, 
i. 306 
made in Galatia, i, 312 
in Macedonia, ii. 4 
at Corinth, ii, 40 
Hebrews, Epistle to, ii. 306 ΄ 
oceasion of writing, ii, 302 
date of, ii. 306 
written by Paul, ii. 306, 322, 324, 330, 331, 382, 333 
written in Greek, ii. 306, 308, 310,314, 320,324, 325 
to whom ascribed by German crities, ii, 308 
Hegesippus, his legend of the death of James the 
Just, ii. 301 
Helen, bath of, at Cenchrea, described, i. 301 
Helena, Queen of Adiabene, resides at Ji erusalem., i. 107 
relieves the Jews during the famine, i. 108 
view of tomb of, i, 109 
Helius, procurator of Asia, i. 412 
represents Nero at Rome during his absence in 
Greece, ii. 398 
Helladarchs, i. 318 
Hellenists usually had two names, i. 6 
Helmet of a Roman, ii. 265 
Heraclea, the capital of Macedonia Quarta, visited by 
Paul, ii. 36 
Heracleustibus, site of, i. 225 
Hercules worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 
at Tyre, ii. 102 
temple to, in Malta, ii. 206 
Hermes, ἃ common Roman name, ii. 71 
(Agoreus), at Athens, i. 244 
Hermogenes deserts Paul at Rome, ii. 380, 386 
Herod, pedigree of family of, i. 15 
Herod the Great called at 34 a young man, i. 5 
rebuilds the temple, ii. 130 
connects Fort Antonia with it, ii. 130 
builds temple to Apollo at Rhodes, ii. 99 
family of, always intimate with Court at Rome, 
li. 242 
site of palace of, at Jerusalem, ii. 126 


Herod the Great—continued. 
coin of, i. 16 
coined no gold or silver, i, 337 
street of, in Antioch, i. 92, 95 
beautifies Nicopolis, ii, 354 
date of death of, i.16 
dominions of, how divided, 16 
Herod Antipas, See Antipas 
Herod (of Chalcis) made king by Claudius, i. 105 
coin of, i. 105 
has appointment of the high-priests, and charge 
of the temple and corban, ii. 111 
marries his niece Bernice, ii. 109 
death of, ii. 113 
family of, ii. 113 
Herod Philip. See Philip 
Herodes Atticus, pedigree of, i. 250 
Herodias, wife of Herod Philip, marries Herod Anti- 
pas, i 67 
intercedes for her brother Agrippa, i. 99 
her jealousy of Agrippa, i. 102 
Herodion called Paul’s kinsman, i. 6 
Hexameters, accidental oceurrence of, in N. T., i. 12 
Hierapolis in Lydian Asia, i. 191 
view of, i. 360 
site of, i. 356 
plan of, i. 356 
coin of, i. 356 
Plutonium at, i. 356 
view of Plutonium at, i. 357 
converted by Epaphras, i. 360 
whether visited by Paul, i. 172 
High-town of Jerusalem, described, ii. 126 
High-priest (Pagan), in Proconsular Asia, i. 317 
might also be a magistrate, i. 317 
(Jewish) with Sanhedrim resembled the Pope 
with his cardinals, i. 48 
wore a white vest, ii. 150 
retained the title and robe after the expiration of 
his office, i. 29; ii. 150 
appointed by Herod of Chaleis under Claudius. 
ii. 111 
High-priests, number of, from time of Herod to fall of 
Jerusalem, ii. 150 
Annas, i. 28; Caiaphas, i. 23; Jonathan, i. 95; 
Theophilus i, 26; Matthias, i. 98: 
105; Joseph, ii. 112; 
Hillel, school of, i. 10 
Hipparchius, the Mercuries of, at Athens, i. 247 
Hippos, a city of Decapolis, i. 63 
belonged to Herod, i. 64 
on his death annexed to Syria, i. 64 
“Holy Land” extended to Antioch, i. 308 
Holy of Holies described, ii. 134 
what it contained, ii. 318 
Homer, geographical accuracy of, i. 200 
“Honor” used in the sense of pecuniary aid. ii, 215 
Horace’s journey to Brundisium, i. 291 
Horsegate, site of, at Jerusalem, ji, 129 
| Hospitality inculeated, ii. 330 
| Hours, how reckoned by Romans, i. 24 


Elioneus, i. 
Ananias, ii. 112 


464 


INDEX. 


“House of Zenon” allotted on death of Herod the 
Great to Herod Philip, i. 17 
Household of a person, who were meant by, ii. 68 
Houses, private, used for public worship, i. 275, 330; 
11. 68, 275 
Huldah Gate, site of, 11. 131 
view of, ii. 131 
Huleh Lake, the ancient Ulatha, i. 61 
Husband of one wife, meaning of, ii. 341 
Hymenzus a Gnostic, ii. 252, 339, 387 
Hymn, supposed fragment of, 11. 263 
Hypepa, coin of, i. 318 
Hypelean spring, i. 322 
Hyrcanus (high-priest of the Jews), honoured by the 
Athenians, i. 263 
statue of, at Athens, i. 243, 248 
rested on his march on day of Pentecost, ii. 142 
decreed to be patron of all Jews aggrieved, i, 45 
Hyreanus (son of Herod of Chalcis), ii. 113 


-iacum, common termination of places in Gaul and 
Galatia, i. 180 
Iceni of Britain oppressed by the Romans, and rebel, 
11. 245 
{conium subject to Polemo, i. 145 
then to Amyntas, i. 145 
thena Tetrareliy, i. 145, 131 
population of, i. 145 
position of, i. 145 
belonged to Lycaonia, i. 144 
called the Damascus of Lyeaonia, i. 145 
a Roman colony, i. 145 
coin of, i, 144 
view of, i. 144 
evangelized by Paul and Barnabas, i. 145 
Teos given to Athenians, i. 261 
Ἴδιον explained, i. 401 
᾿Ιδιώτης explained, ii, 27 
Idols, meats offered to, prohibited to Jews, i. 161, 885 
but sold in the markets, i. 161 
questions as to meats offered to, 1. 367 
Idumeea assigned to Archelaus the Ethnarch, i. 16 
and on his being deposed annexed to Syria, i. 17 
Ἱεροπομποί were the bearers of the Temple tax to 
Jerusalem, i.31; ii, 240 
Ignatius the martyr, route of, to Rome, ii, 181 
guard of, 11. 183 
passes through Ephesus on his way to Rome, ii. 
369 
testimony of, onthe Epistle to the Ephesians, ii, 257 
Ἵκανόν, meaning of, i 234 
Iyricum, boundaries of, ii. 355 
belonged at first tv the senate, ii. 355 
then split into Dalmatia for the Emperor and 
Illyris on Mpirus for the senate, ii, 357 
how viewed by Pliny, ii. 357 
Paul preaches up to, ii. 36, 66 
Illyris on Epirus a separate prevince, ii, 355, 357 
boundaries of, li. 357 
Images which fell from heaven, i, 412 
Ἴμασιν, what meant by, ii, 147 


Ἱμάτιον explained, ii. 414 
Impetuosity, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 
Impictas, what it was, 11. 362 
Imposition of hands referred to, ii. 314 
Imprisonment, whether Paul suffered only one, at 
Rome, ii. 291 
Imprisonments of Panl referred to, ii. 29 
Imprisonments, instance of long, in others than Paul, 
ii. 169 
Impudence, stone of, at Athens, i. 252, 261 
Incense, altar of, ii. 134 
“ Ineertus deus,” Jehovah so ealled, i. 264 
Indulgences, on what basis founded, ii. 269 
Inscription found in Spain as to Christians, ii, 295 
on obelisk round Temple at Jerusalem, specimen 
of, ii. 133 
on stone found at Chichester as to Pudens and 
Claudia, ii. 394 
Insigne of au ancient vessel, what it was, ii. 215 
Insolence, stone of, at Athens, i. 252, 261 
Inspiration, 
of David, ii. 312 
of Scripture, ii. 388 ᾿ 
claimed by Paul, i. 283; ii. 429 
did not affect conduct, i. 309 
Insults to the Jews by Roman soldiers, ii. 114, 115 
Trenarchs or constables, how appointed, i. 319 
Trony used by Paul, i. 377 
Isaac, Rabbi, was a carpenter, i. 8 
Isaiah said to have been sawn asunder, ii. 327 
Isauria belonged to Amyntas, i. 13] 
on his death to Archelaus, i. 131 
on his death to Antiochus, king of Commagene, i. 
131, 147 
Ishmael succeeds Ananias as high priest, ii. 170 
accuses Paul before Festus, ii. 170 
sails to Rome, ii. 299 
remains there, ii, 299 
Isis, temple of, at Cenchrea, i. 299 
Isopharia, the name of an Alexandrian ship, ii. 194 
Israelites, who were so ealled, ii. 28, 286 
Isthmian games referred to, i. 268 
victory of Nero at, represented on a coin, ii. 398 
Isthmus of Corinth, i. 268 
extensive remains at, i. 269 
ships drawn across, i. 268 
Italian cohort explained, i. 86 
“Ttalici voluntarii,” mentioned in an inscription, 
1. 87 
Italicum jus conferred on Troas, i. 193 
on Philippi, i. 209 
Iturea Libani, sometimes included under Arabia, i. 56 
whether Paul retired thither, i. 56 
now Jedour, i. ΟἹ 
extent of, defined, i. 64 
given to Agrippa IL, ii. 122 
Syriac spoken in, i. 65 
Izates, king of Adiabene, i. 107 


Jacimus, son of Zamaris, i. 65 
Jacob’s Hight from Laban traced, i. 60 


INDEX. 


465 


Jambres. See Jannes 
James (the apostle), brother of John, is beheaded by 
Agrippa 1., i. 105 
James (the Just, brother of our Lord), was bishop 
of Jerusalem, but not an apostle, i. 107, 158, 
343, 347, 386 
proof of this, i. 158 
presides at the council at Jerusalem, i. 159 
is at Jerusalem on Paul’s return from Damascus, 
i. 75 
appearance of Christ to, after his resurrection, i. 
399 
in what language he addressed the council of 
Jerusalem, i. 160 : 
harmonizes with the views of Paul, i. 305 
advice of, on the subject of Paul’s vow, ii. 141 
epistle of, ii. 300 
put to death, i. 33; ii. 300 
death of, reported to Paul, ii. 300 
Jamnia assigned on the death of Herod the Great to 
Salome, i. 17 
Jannes and Jambres, i. 11 
names not found elsewhere in Scripture, but 
currently known, ii. 388 
Janus, temple of, on coin, ii. 229 
Jason, otherwise called Jesus, i. 227 
brought before the Politarchs of Thessalonica, 
1. 232 
gives bail, i. 234 
accompanies Paul from Macedonia to Corinth, 
ii. 38 
and back from Corinth, ii. 74 
stops on his return at Thessaloniea, ii. 75 
Jebus, the ancient Jerusalem, ii. 126 
Jerome refers birth of Paul to Gischala, i. 2 
opinion of, on the epistle to the Ephesians, ii. 
257 
on Paul’s visit to Spain, ii, 296 
Jerusalem, etymon of, ii. 315 
capture of, by Titus, i. 1 
coin of capture of, ii. 302 
general description of, ii. 126 
bird’s eye view of, ii. 126 
plan of, ii, 126 
distance of, from Czesarea, ii. 106 
no statues at, i. 254 
Paul’s sister settled at, i. 6 
state of church of, i. 158 
twelve apostles remain at, for twelve ycars, i. 
158 
council held at, i. 158 
church of, sends Judas and Silas in charge of the 
letter to Antioch, i. 163 
Paul’s journeys to, discussed, i. 343 
vast multitudes assembled at, during the feasts, 
ii. 114 
Jesuits, garden of, at Rome, ii. 233 
JESUS CHRIST, genealogy of, i. 158 
age of, at opening his ministry, i. 21 
exercises his ministry under Herod Antipas, 
re 1 


VOL, Il. 


JESUS CHRIST—continued. 
when seen by Paul, i. 51 
preached sitting, i. 141 
date of crucifixion of, i, 23 
appears to Peter, i. 399 
referred to by Josephus, ii. 301 
prevented from passing through Samaria, ii. 115 
party of, at Corinth, ii. 368 
who they were, i. 373 

Jesus (called Justus), ii. 272 

Jesus (otherwise Jason), i. 227. See Jason. 

Jesus (son of Gamaliel), i. 10; ii. 136 

Jewish priests accused at Rome, delays in respect of, 

li. 278 
Jews, state of, in heathen countries, i. 43 
allowed to be governed by their own magistrates, 
i 1, 2, 44 

had their local councils, i. 43 

could scourge or imprison, i. 48 

favoured by Julius Cesar, i. 44 

and Augustus, i. 46 

not by Tiberius or Caligula, i. 47 

but were by Claudius, i. 47 

paid a poll-tax of two drachmas to the Temple, i. 

31, 44 
and, when the Temple was destroyed, to the 
Romans, i. 31 

mercantile spirit of, i, 1 

formidable for numbers and wealth, i. 1 

averse to heathen literature, i. 7 

were taught a trade, i. 8 

reckoned the night as preceding the day, i. 280 

religion of, required frequent ablutions, i. 212 

adopted Roman names, i, 335; ii, 157 

hatred of, to other nations, i. 281 

debarred from meats offered to idols, and things 

strangled, and from blood, i. 161, 385 
abounded in Isaurica, Isauria, and Pisidia, i 170 
exempted from serving in the army, i. 47 
on friendly terms with the Athenians, i. 263 
refuse divine honours to Caligula, i. 103 
insurrection of, under Claudius, i, 275; 11. 115 
of Antioch attached to Jerusalem, i. 95 
governed by an Archon and council, i. 94 
civil rights continued to, by Romans, i. 95 
abound at Antioch, i. 94 
in Cyprus, i, 120 
at Salamis, i. 126 
in cities of Asia Minor, i. 133 
at Corinth, i. 271 
at Acre, ii. 106 
at Rome, i. 273 ; ii. 240 
did not abound at Philippi, i. 211 
massacre 240,000 of their enemies, i. 126 
place of residence of, at Rome, ii, 240 
contests between them and Christians at Rome, 
i. 274 

expulsion of, from Rome, by Claudius, i. 274 - 
li. 116 

cause of it, i. 275 

edict recalled, ii. 121 


466 INDEX. 


Jews—continued. 
had four synagogues at Rome, i. 27 
cemeteries of, found on Via Appia, i. 274 
always first appealed to by Paul, i. 74 
conspire against Paul at Damascus, i. 72 
Jerusalem, i. 76, ii. 143, 152, 171 
Antioch of Pisidia, i. 144 
Iconium, i. 145 
Lystra, i. 150 
Thessalonica, i. 231 
Corinth, i. 292; ii. 74 
oppose him at Ephesus, i. 333 
at Rome, ii. 241 
follow Paul from Antioch of Pisidia to Lystra, 
i. 150 
from Thessalonica to Bercea, i. 236 
accuse Paul before Gallio, at Corinth, i. 293 
Joanna, the wife of Chuza, the procurator of Herod 
Antipas, a Christian, i. 374 
Jochanan, Rabban, was a merchant, i. 8 
John (Baptist) put to death by Herod Antipas, i. 26 
John (St.) acquainted with the high-priest, i. 374 
the cousin of our Lord, i. 158 
harmonizes with the views of Paul at Jerusalem, 
1, 805 
is with Peter at the cure of the eripple at Jeru- 
salem, ii. 134 
arrested with Peter, i. 30 
wrote against the Gnostics, ii. 251 
whether any letter by him has been lost, i. 379 
epistles of, explained, i. 380 
gave name to Ayasaluk, the village near Ephesus, 
i. 320 
John (of the Sadducee party), i. 29 
John (son of Ananias), ii. 136 
John (of Gischala), parts of Jerusalem held by, ii. 
130 
Jonah (prophet), supposed legend of, ii. 204 
Jonathan (son of Annas) is high priest, i. 25, 28 
a man of great ability, ii. 317 
solicits the appointment ot Felix as procurator, 
ii. 121 
is assassinated, ii. 125 
Joppa, 
coin and plan of, i. 85 
view of, i. 90 
Jose Rabbi was a tanner, i. 8 
Joseph (or Caiaphas). See Caiaphas 
Joseph (of Arimathea), a Christian, i. 374 
Joseph (son of Simon) appointed high-priest, ii. 299 
displaced in fayour of Ananus, ii. 299 
Josephus the historian described, ii. 136 
took name of Flavius, in honour of Vespasian, 
i. 128 
the discrepancies of, ii. 118 
his account of death of John Baptist, i. 26 
confounds the two taxings of Cyrenius, i. 21 
opinion of, as to the site of Haran, i. 59 
supposed exaggerations of, as to the port of 
Cesarea, ii. 166 
wreck of, on voyage to Rome in Adria, ii. 199, 207 


Josephus—continued. 
this could not be the same wreck as that of Paul, 
li. 207 
whether he had read the Actsof the Apostles, ii. 
173 
resemblances between him and Paul, ii. 173 
procures the liberation of some Jewish priests, ii. 
236, 242 
Joshua makes good report of Canaan, ii, 312 
length of rule of, i. 141 
Journeys of Paul to Jerusalem discussed, i. 543 
Juda Rabbi was a shoemaker or tailor, i. 8 
Judaizers in Galatia, i. 338 
at Corinth, i. 362; ii. 9 
active against Paul, i. 303, 306 
require Titus to be cireumcised, i. 306 
oppose Paul at Antioch, i. 309 
corrupt the Colossians, ii. 247 
and Philippians, ii. 248 
the Philippians warned against, ii. 285 
Judas (of Damascus), house of, in Straight Street, 
i. 53, 69 
Judas (of Jerusalem) sent with Paul and Barnabas 
from church of Jerusalem to Antioch, i. 163 
Judas (Rabbi) was a baker, i. 8 
Judas (the Galilean) heads a reyolt against the 
Romans, i. 19 
called by Josephus, as well as Luke, “ the Gali- 
lean,” i. 19 
was a Gaulonite, i. 19 
Jude (brother of our Lord), author of the epistle, 
i. 158 
Judea assigned to Archelaus the Ethnarch, i. 16 
on his deposal annexed to Syria, i. 17 
governed by a procurator under Prefect of Syria, 
1.19 
given to Agrippa the Elder, i. 105 
on death of Agrippa I. becomes a Roman pro- 
vince, ii. 110 
Paul preaches in, i. 74 
αὖ what time Paul preached through all the coasts 
of, ii. 177 
Judges, procurators were, ii. 159 
the duration of, in succession to Joshua, i. 141 
Judgment-Day, apprehension of, amongst the Thes- 
salonians, i. 278, 283 
Judgment-hall at Jerusalem, what it was, ii. 127 
Julia (mother of Tiberius), statue in honour of, at 
Athens, i. 250 
Julian laws explained, i. 233 
Julius (the centurion of the Augustan cohort), ii. 
182 
whether the same as Julius Priseus, ii. 183 
saves the life of Panl, ii. 205 
courtesy of, to Paul, ii. 184 
arrives at Rome, ii. 232 
Junias, one of the first preachers at Rome, i. 274 
was a man, and not, as translated, Junia, a 
woman, ii. 68 
Jupiter, hymn to, by Cleanthus, i. 265 
Jupiter (and Lycaon), fable of, i. 147 


INDEX. 


467 


Jupiter (and Mercury), often found together, i. 149 
representation of, i. 149 
Paul and Barnabas so called, i. 148 
Jupiter (Capitolinus), temple to, at Jerusalem, ii. 
130 
at Spalatro, ii, 130 
Justice, how administered in Proconsular Asia, i. 316 
pazan courts of, forbidden to Jews, i. 368 
Justin Martyr, passage in, relating to the census of 
Cyrenius, explained, i. 20 
mistakes Simon, the magician, for Semo Sancus, 
li. 123 
Justus, a convert at Corinth, i, 290 
house of, at Corinth, hired by Paul for preach- 
ing, i. 286 


Καί interchauged with τέ, ii, 807 
Κατὰ ἄνθρωπον, explained, 1. 527 
Κατὰ λιβά (Acts xxvii. 12) explained, ii, 194 
Καταχρώμενοι explained, i, 884 
Κατέχων explained, i, 288, 289 
Κατεχόντων explained, ii. 47 
Κατήγαγον explained, i. 76 
Κατελήφθην explained, ii, 286 
Καθεξῆς, Paul visits Galatia and Phrygia, i. 176 
Kaukabe, the scene of Paul’s conversion, i, 49 
Keipduevos, meaning of, i. 296, 391 
Keipduevos (Acts xviii, 18), whether it refers to Paul 
or Aquila, i. 299 
“ Kicking against the pricks,” commented on, i. 51 
King’s gardens, site of, 11. 129 
Kings, what, Paul appeared before, i, 54 
“ Kinsmen,’ whoin Paul so calls, i.6; ii. 68 
Knowledge, men of, called Gnosties, 11. 249 
Κοινοβούλιον, meaning of, i. 81 
Κοινωνία, meaning of, ii, 280 
Koura Point, view of, ii. 201 
whether derived from χώρα, ii. 206 
Κρητίζειν used to express lying, ii. 342 
Κρίμα, meaning of, i. 393 
Κτήνη explained, ii. 154 
Κυρία, a Curistian chureh, so cailed, i. 380 
Κύριε, meaning of, i. 51; ii, 146 
Κύριος applied to the Roman emperors, ii. 176; by 
law, ii. 176 


Laban’s pursuit of Jacob, traced, i. 60 
Labour, manual, of Paul, i. 229; ii, 21 
Leea (Porcius), author of the law of appeal, ii, 174 
Lais, the courtesan of Corinth, i. 272 
portrait and tumb of, i. 272 
Lampon, long imprisonment of, at Alexandria, ii. 
169 
Languages spoken by Paul, i. 397 
Laocoon, sculpture of, brought from palace of Nero at 
Rome, ii. 375 
Laodicea, in Lydian Asia, i. 191 
view of, i. 360 
s.te of, i. 357 
overthrown by an earthquake, i. 358 
coin of, i, 358 


Laodieva—continued. 
medal of, as Neocorus, i. 318 
medal of games at, i. 388 
converted by Epaphras, i. 360 
whether visited by Paul, i. 172 
church of, meets at house of N ymphas, i. 361 
Nymphas is bishop of, ii. 273 
Laodiceans, whether any letter to, has been lost, i. 
379 
epistle to, is called Ephesians, i. 172; 11. 255 
Lares viales, ii. 222 
Lasiu, city of, in Crete, ii. 193 
Latin spoken by Paul, i. 397 
attempted to be enforced in law courts, ii. 156 
“Law,” what date of delivery of, adopted by Paul, 
i. 349 
divided into paraschioth or sections, i. 160 
zeul of the Jews for, ii. 141 
how read in the synagogues, i. 138, 139 
Lawyer, Paul was, i. 9 
Leake’s plan of temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 322 
opinion of, as tu the site of Colossx, i. 359 
Leaven searched for by Jews at the Passover, i. 378 
Lechwum, the western port of Corinth, i. 270; ii. 373 
distance of from Corinth, i. 270 
Lectum, view of promontory of, ii, 82 
Ledja, natives of, were Arabs, i, 55 
Lee shore explained, ii. 191 
Lee side of ship explained, ii. 191 
Legal proceedings in Greck city, i, 232 
in Roman, ii. 120 
Legul vocation at Rome, ii. 376 
Legates, functions of, in a province, i. 18, 314 
three for a consular prefect, and one for a pree- 
torian prefect, i, 18, 314 
bound to remit important cases to procurator, ii, 
155 
Legends about Paul's execution, ii. 403 
Leonarius, leader of a swarm of Celts, i. 178 
Lepidus, one of the triumvirate, portrait of, i, 207 
Lepre Acte, the site of, at Ephesus, i. 320 
Ληπτάμιον explained, ii. 390 
Λεπτόν or mite was half the quadrans, i. 23, 336 
Λέσχαι at Athens, i. 257 
Lessons, reading of, in the Synagogue, i. 160 
Letter of Corinthians to Paul, i. 366 
Letters, how authenticated by ancients, i. 285 
Letters of Paul, whether any have been lost, i. 379 
Letters of introduction given by the Ephesians to 
Apollos, i. 331; 11.18 
Libelli dimissorii or apostoli, explained, ii. 179 
Libertina, a city of Africa, i. 33 
Libertines, who they were, i. 83 
AiBeptivwy, supposed by some to be a mistake for 
Λιβυστίνων, i. 34 
Libyeis, an ancient name of Miletus, ii. 90 
Lictors referred to by Luke at Philippi, i. 217 
coin representing, i. 217 
twelve attended the prefect of a consular, and 
six the prefect of a pretorian province, 
i, 226, 3138 


30rd 


468 


INDEX. 


“Life and death,’ whether the Jews had power of, i. 
27, 32 
Lightfoot (J. B.), his calculation of the rate of travel- 
ling, i. 136 
his account of the Galatians, i. 182 
“Lights,” use of, by Christians, ii. 78 
ΔΛιμήν, a mistake for λίμνη, as applied to Derbe, i. 152 
Linus, the first bishop of Rome, ii. 391 
said to be the Welsh Llin, ii. 397 
Lion, a term applied to the Roman Emperor, ii. 377 
Litere dimissorie, explained, ii. 179 
Litigiousness in church of Corinth, i. 363 
Livia, wife of Augustus, portrait of, i. 18 
coin of, i, 185, 316 
“Living God” explained, i. 280 
Λόγιος, meaning of, i. 381 
Lollius, a lieutenant of Pompey, i. 66 
London well-known in the apostolic age, ii. 244 
sacked and burnt, ii. 245 
Long walls (of Athens), i. 243 
(of Corinth), i. 270 
Lord's prayer alluded to, i, 351; ii. 56, 107, 391 
Lord's Day, early observance of, ii. 4 
Lower town of Jerusalem described, ii. 128 
Lucan, the author of the Pharsalia, is put to death 
by Nero, i. 291 
Lucian—his description of an Alexandrian cornship, 
ii. 188 
his picture of the Christian sect, ii. 163 
his description of Paul, ii. 412 
Lucius, whether the same person as Luke, i. 113; ii. 71 
Lucullus, the diminutive of Lucius, ii. 156 
Luke (St.), native of Antioch, i. 114, 198 
an abbreviated name, i. 114, 199 
a physician, i. 114, 198 
passage of, relating to census of Cyrenius ex- 
plained, i. 19 
whether the same person as Lucius, i. 113; ii. 71 
present at the address of James the bishop, ii. 141 


accompanies Paul from Troas to Philippi, i. 199 ΄ 


preaches at Philippi, i. 113, 213 

lodges with Lydia, i. 215 

the medical attendant on Paul, ii. 273 

his care of Philippi, i. 234, 277 

composed his gospel there, i. 221 

gospel of, referred to by Paul, ii..25, 351, 352 

whether quoted by Paul with reference to the 
Eucharist, i. 392 

is appointed to carry the alms to the poor 
Hebrews, ii. 7 

gospel of, had been now published, ii. 8, 25 

is sent with Titus to Corinth, ii. 13, 25 

is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 38, 74 

returns with him from Corinth, ii. 74 

sails with Paul from Miletus, ii. 96 

accompanies Paul to Jerusalem, ii. 108 

his mode of reckoning time generally, i. 296 

accuracy of, i. 271 

sails with Paul from Cexsarea, ii. 183 

assists in throwing over the ship’s tackling before 
the wreck, ii, 199 


Luke—continued. 
labours with Paul at Rome, ii, 243 
Lunus, or Moon, worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 
Lutatius leader of a host of Celts, i. 178 
Luther (Martin) taken by Papists for Antichrist, 
i. 288 
Lutro, modern name of Port Phoenix, ii. 192, 193 
Lyeaon, fable of metamorphosis of, i. 147 
Lycaonia, fable of, i. 147 
coin of, i. 153 
portrait of soldier of, i. 146 
belonged to Amyntas, i. 131, 146 
on his death part of, given to Antiochus, king of 
Commagene, i. 131, 147 
part of, made a Tetrarchy, i. 131 
part of, attached to Galatia, i, 132 
spoke a language of its own, i. 132, 149, 152 
Lycia comprised originally under province of Cilicia, 
i. 78 
not included in Proconsular Asia, i. 313 
Lyciarchs, i. 318 
Lycus (river) disappears under ground, i. 359 
Lydi, same people as Mzones, i. 190 
Lydia (country) boundaries of, i. 190 
Lydia (of Thyatira) is converted, i. 213 
a lady of wealth, i. 214 
Lyons, Herod Antipas banished to, i. 103 : 
‘“‘Lysanias Tetrarch of Abilene,” found in an in- 
scription, i. 62 
Lysanias succeeds his father Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 66 
Lysias (Claudius), character of, ii. 135 
a Roman citizen by purchase, ii. 148 
summons the Sanhedrim, ii. 148 
rescues Paul from it, 11. 152 
character of, ii, 154 
questions Paul’s Roman citizenship, i. 3; ii. 148 
whence the name of Claudius, ii. 154 
letter of, to Felix, ii. 154 
Lysimachus completes Alexandria Troas, i. 193 
removes the city of Ephesus more to the west, i. 
321 
Lystra subject to Antiochus, king of Commagene, i. 
132, 147 
belonged to Lycaonia, i, 144 
position of, 1. 148 
two views of, i. 148 
now Bin-bir Kilisseh, i. 148 
an episcopal see, i. 148 [1.140 
visited by Paul and Barnabas on first circuit, 
Paul is stoned at, i. 151 
visited by Paul on second circuit, i. 166 
Timothy a native of, i. 166 


Maccabees capture the Acra at Jerusalem, ii. 129 
are buried at Modin, ii. 129 
fill up the ravine between the Temple and the 
city, li. 129 
Macedonia, conquest of, by Romans, i. 260 
political division of, i. 202 
conquered by Paulus Almilius, i. 280 
lived under their own laws, i. 203 


INDEX. 469 
Macedonia—continued. Mark—continued. 
coin of Macedonia Prima, i. 202 accompanies Barnabas on his second circuit, i. 
Secunda, i. 203 164 
Quarta, i. 203 evangelizes the eastern portion of Asia Minor, i. 
females much regarded in, i. 213 165 


and allowed to hold property, i. 214 
Paul called to, by a vision, i. 197 
length of Paul’s stay in, i. 156 
collection for poor Hebrews in, ii. 4 
(Quarta) evangelized by Paul, ii. 35 
Macellum of Augustus, fignre of, on coin, i. 390 
Macherus, John Baptist is imprisoned at, i. 26 
Madness laid to the charge of Paul, ii. 178 
Mecenas, portrait of, i. 21 
advice of, to Augustus on coinage, weights, and 
measures, i. 337 
Meones, same people as Lydi, i. 190 
Magnesian gate of Ephesus, i. 320, 321, 322 
Mahomet taken to be Antichrist, i. 288 
‘*Maid” applied to both sexes, i. 383 
Makapiouds explained, i. 351 
Malala, the historian, i. 96 
his description of Paul, ii. 412 
Malefactors, Christians accounted as, ii. 363 
Malta, wreck of Paul at, ii. 205 
map of, ii. 208 
coin of, in Phcenician, 11. 205 
in Greek, ii. 206 
in Greek and Latin, ii. 206 
diptych representing Paul at, ii. 210 
colonized from Tyre and Carthage, ii. 205 
in time of Cicero was included in province of 
Sicily, ii. 209 
whether vipers in, ii. 208 
as to wood in, ii. 208 
view of bay of St. Paul at, ii. 208 
view of grotto of St. Paul at, ii. 208 
“Man” why Christ so called by Paul, i. 263 
Man (of sin), what is meant by, i. 288 
Manaen, the foster brother of Herod Antipas, a 
Christian, i. 114, 374 
whether son or grandson of Manahem the Essene, 
i. 114 
Manahem the Essene foretells the greatness of Herod, 
i. 114 
Manasseh, king of Juda, interred in garden of Uzza, 
ii. 129 
“Many days,” force of the expression, i. 71 
Maranatha explained, ii. 57; i. 404 
Marathon, i. battle of, portrayed at Athens, i. 246 
Marcellus, the diminutive of Marcus, 11. 156 
Marcellus, curator of Judea, -whether the same as 
Maryllus, i. 25 
Marcion, opinions of, on the epistle to the Ephesians, 
ii, 255 
Mariamne, sister of Agrippa II., marries Archelaus, ii. 
122 
Mark, the cousin of Barnabas, ii. 272 
what was his office when with Paul and Barna- 
bas on their first cirenit, i. 126 
deserts Paul and Barnabas at Perga, i. 134 


is with Paul at Rome, ii. 247 
much yalued by Paul, i. 126 
labours with Paul at Rome, ii. 243, 369 
passes thence to Colossz and Babylon to Peter, ii. 
247 
commended by Paul to the Colossians, ii. 272 
visits Colosse, ii. 369 
is with Peter at Babylon, ii. 365 
carries the second epistle of Peter, ii. 367 
on death of Peter is requested to join Paul, ii. 
389 
Market called Macellum, i. 390 
Market (old) of Athens, i. 249 
(new) at Athens, i. 250 
view of gateway of, i, 249 
Marriage, questions of, at Corinth, i. 366 
forbidden by the Gnosties, ii. 252 
Mars’ Hill, i. 252 
Marsa Scirocco, in Malta, ii. 206 
Marsyas, a freedman of Agrippa, i. 100, 101 
Martial, epigram of, on the Christian martyrs, ii. 363 
epigram of, on Pudens and Claudia, ii. 397 
Martyrdom of Stephen, i. 38 
view of scene of, i. 39 
an act of treason against Rome, i. 39 
of a Christian represented on a gem, ii, 407 
-marus, common termination of names in Gaul and 
Galatia, i. 180 
meaning of, i. 187 
Mary (the Virgin) was of the lineage of David, ii. 
46 
Maryllus sent by Caligula to take charge of Judea, 
i. 98 
whether the same person as Marcellus, i. 25 
Matala, Cape, in Crete, ii. 191 
Matthew, gospel of, delivered by Paul to his disciples, 
i. 231 
referred to by Paul, i. 283, 380, 382, 387, 395 : 
ii. 325, 329, 352, 387, 432 . 
Matthias, son of Annas, i. 28, 105; ii. 137 
Maximin Daza erects temples to Jupiter at Jeru- 
salem, ii. 130 
May, month of, observed at Ephesus, i. 405 
Meander, the deposits of, ii. 90 
indictable for wasting of banks, ii. 90 
boundary of Lydia on south, i. 190 
“Mediator ” explained, i. 350 
“Meet, going out to,” a mark of respect paid to per- 
sons of distinction, 11. 223 
Megara, on the road from Athens to Corinth, i. 268 
Μέγας, a title assumed by Agrippa, i. 98 
Mehkimeh or town hall at Jerusalem, site of, ii. 127 
Mela (M. Annwus) brother of Gallio and Seneca, 
i, 291 
put to death by Nero, i. 291 
Melchisedec, king of Salem, ii. 315 


. 


470 


INDEX. 


Meleda, wreck of Paul did not occur at, ii. 211 
Melissurgis, site of, i. 225 
Melita (island), now Malta, ii. 205 
Melita (city), now Civita Vecchia, ii. 209 
Μελίτῃ substituted by some in 2 Tim. iv. 20 for 
Μιλήτῳ, ii. 291 
Meén, or Lunus, same as the Moon, i. 152, 136 
figure of, i. 137 
worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 
Menander, quoted by Paul, i. 12, 401 
Mereury, the companion of Jupiter, i. 149 
oxen sacrificed to, 150 
worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 
of the market, at Athens, i. 244, 249 
Mercuries (place), at Athens, i. 244, 246, 247 
Μεσίτης explained, i. 350 
Mesopotamia, whether a correct translation of the 
Hebrew original, i. 58 
Messalina, date of death of, i, 412, 415 
portrait of, ii. 228 
Messana, prefect of, called Stradigo or Preetor, i. 
217 
Messiah, nature of kingdom of, i. 228 
Mera, as applied to time, explained, ii, 159 
Μετὰ ἔτη τρία explained, i. 343 
Μεταμορφούμεθα explained, ii. 19 
Μεταξύ, the meaning of, as regards time, i. 119 
Metellus defeats the Acheans, i. 270 
a lieutenant of Pompey, i. 66 
Michaelis, interpretation by, of the word σκηνοποιός, 
1. 8 
Midaeium, probably visited by Paul, i. 177 
Midas, founder of Ancyra, i. 182 
Milestone, discovery of first, on the Appian Way, 
11. 226 
figure of, ii, 225 
Μιλήτῳ (2 Tim. iy. 20), different readings of, ii. 
391 
Miletum, a mistake in English version for Miletus, 
ii. 391 
Miletus makes a decree against the Jews, i. 47 
Paul lands at, ii. 90 
touches at, on way to Rome, ii. 373 
described, ii, 90 
plan of changes in coast of, ii. 92 
view of plain of, and coin of, ii. 93 
view of theatre at, ii. 95 
Militaris Custodia, ii. 148 
Millo, what it was, ii. 129 
Mine, Attic, referred to, i. 337 
Minerva, coin of, i. 134, 200 
worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 
colossal statue of, at Athens, i. 253 
(Archegetis), portico dedicated to, at Athens, 
i. 250 
Minister of Paul and Barnabas, meaning of, i. 126 
Ministers ordained by Paul at Thessalonica, i. 230 
Minturne, ii, 222 
Miracles wrought by Paul, i. 129, 148, 215, 291, 384; 
il. 79, 211, 428 
Mirrors, ancient, were of metal, ii. 19 


Misanthropy charged against Christians, ii. 361 
Misenum, Cape, ii. 218 
Mishna, at what age studied, i, 9 
Mistakes of Stephen the protomartyr, i. 56 
of Josephus, ii, 118 
Mic@wua, meaning of, 11. 238 
Mithrid.tes limited the asylum of Diana at Ephesus, 
i. 326 
Mitylene described, ii, 85 
view of, ii. 84 
plan of, ii. 85 
coin of, ii, 86 
Mnason, the host of Paul at Jerusalem, ii. 108 
Μνημεῖον and μνημεῖα distinguished by Josephus, 
ii. 130 
Modesty, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 
Modin, the Maccabees buried at, ii. 129 
Meesia, province of, ii, 357 
Monumentum Ancyranum, i. 184 
reference tv Britain in, i. 185 
Morges, old name of Ephesus, i. 322 
Moriah (Mount), site of the Temple, ii, 128 
sacrifice on, referred to, ii. 315 
Μορφή, meaning of, ii. 284 
Moses read in the synagogues, i. 160 
in what sense called a mediator, i. 350 
Mosque of Omar, by whom built, ii. 130 
“My Gospel,” meaning of, 303, 347; ii. 386 
Myra, the metropolis of Lycia, ii. 186 
now a desolation, ii. 187 
a storehouse of Egyptian corn, ii. 187 
view of, ii. 187 
Mysia, the Greater and Less, i. 192 
boundaries of, i, 192 


Named, Celtic for temple, i. 179, 180 

Names, Jews commonly had two, i. 128 
(Jewish, | often Grecised, i. 6 
(Roman,) borne by Jews and Jewesses, i. 273 
often abbreviated, i. 129, 


- Nads of temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 325, 326 


Naples, plan of bay of, ii. 219 
Napoleon I. taken for Antichrist, i, 288 
Narcissus named in Epistle to the Romans, who he 
was, li. 69 
disgraced and dies, ii. 229 
Nayigation—at what period of the year it commenced, 
ii. 214 
at what period it closed, ii. 37 i 
Nazarenes, Christians so called, i. 28, 96 
Nazarite, vow of, taken by Paul, i. 294; ii. 140 
by Bernice, ii. 140 
the custom of the age, i. 294 
ecremony of the vow, i. 294 
often taken in a foreign land, but completed at 
Jerusalem, i. 295 
length of time required for purification, i. 295 
in what part of the temple it was completed, 
i, 295 
lawfuluess of it, i. 296 


INDEX. 


471 


Nazarites, apartment devoted to, in temple at Jeru- 
salem, ii. 132 
Neavias, meaning of, i, 5, 38 
Neavicxos, of what age, i. 5 
Neapolis visited by Paul, i. 201 
view of, from the sea, i. 204 
description of, 1. 201 
coin of, i. 204 
view of road from, to Philippi, i. 205 
now Cavallo and not Eski Cavallo, i. 201 
distance of, from Philippi, i. 201, 205 
road from, to Philippi, traced, i. 204 
Nebuchadnezzar besieges Tyre, ii. 101 
Newxdépos explained, i. 411 
coins thus inscribed, i. 411 
Νεώρια of Ephesus, i. 321 
Neptune, temple of, on Isthmus of Corinth, i. 268 
statue of, at Cenchrea, i. 300 
coin of, i. 155 
Nereus, a common Roman name, ii. 71 
Nero succeeds Claudius, ii. 123, 227 
increases the dominions of Agrippa L., ii. 123 
educated by Seneca, ii. 227 
character and person of, ii. 227, 379 
causes the death of Narcissus, ii. 229 
poisons Britannicus, ii. 229 
marries Octavia, ii. 230 
captivated by Poppzea, ii. 230 
marries her, i. 413 
detests his mother Agrippina, ii. 230 
removes Pallas, ii. 230 
puts Agrippina to death, ii, 231 
takes to driving and music, ii. 231 
forms a cireus in the Vatican valley, ii. 232 
conversant with Jewish creed, and is hailed as 
king of Jerusalem, ii. 242 
bestows the Roman citizenship on frivolous pre- 
texts, i. 4 
requires worship of his voice, ii. 362 
life of, attempted, ii. 374 
whether referred to (2 Tim. iv. 17) under the 
term ‘lion,’ ii. 391 
accused of firing Rome, ii. 359 
persecutes the Christians, ii. 360 
gardens of, at Rome, the scene of Christian per- 
secutions, ii. 360 
passes into Greece, ii. 397 
coin of his ship, ii. 398 
coin of his victory at the Isthmia, ii. 398 
tuken to be Antichrist, i. 288 
sat as a judge, ii. 378 
where he sat on trials, ii. 289 
whether he heard Paul, ii. 379 
coins of, i. 48, 76, 144, 390, 411; ii. 229, 398 
Nestor (the Academic), tutor of Marcellus, i. 3, 82 
rules Tarsus, i. 82 
(the Stoic), tutor of Tiberius, i. 3, 82 
“ New city,” (in Antioch), i. 92 
(in Jerusalem), ii. 130 
News, thirst for, at Athens, i. 257 
Nicephorus, description by, of Paul, ii. 412 


Nicodemus, member of the Sanhedrim, a Christian, 
i, 374 
Nicolaitans, i, 94 
a branch of the Gnosties, ii. 345 
Nicolas of Antioch, i. 94 
Nicolaus Damascenus, notice of Abraham by, 1.69 
Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, hires the services of the 
Gauls, i. 178 Ε 
Nicopolis, many cities so named, ii. 353 
in Epirus, described, ii. 353 
view of ruins of, ii. 355 
plan of, ii. 356 
coin of, ii. 356 
Night reckoned by Jews as preceding the day, i. 280, 
290 
Noah, seven precepts of, i. 58 
Νυχθήμερον explained, i. 280, 290 
Jews reckoned by, ii. 202 
Numa (and Egeria) referred to, ii. 225 
Numi Viali, ii. 222 
Nymphas of Laodicea, i. 175 
bishop of Laodicea, ii. 273 


Obodas, king of Petra, i. 67 
Octavia marries Nero, ii. 230 
Octavius (and Antony) defeat Brutus and Cassius at 
Philippi, i. 208 
portrait of, i. 206, 207 
Οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας (Heb. xiii.), examined, ii. 333 
Οἴδαμεν, force of, i. 385 
Οἰκουμένη, meaning of, ii, 113 
Oils, duty imposed on sale of, at Athens, i. 251 
Omar, mosque of, by whom built, ii. 130 
Onesimus meets with Paul at Rome, and becomes a 
convert, ii. 245 
meaning of the name, ii. 275 
called by Paul a brother, ii. 272 
Onesiphorus visits Paul in prison at Ephesus, ii. 
371 
and at Rome, ii. 376, 377 
Ophel described, ii. 128 
Ophthalmia of Paul, i. 186, 354, 374 
Oratories described, i. 212 
Orders, three in the church, viz., bishops, priests. and 
deacons, i. 107 
Ordination of presbyters by Paul, i. 154 
of a bishop by three others referred to, i. 114, 
115 
of Timothy, i. 169 
Origen, opinion of, on the Epistle to the Ephesians. 
ii. 256 
-orius, common termination of names in Gaul and 
Galatia, i. 180 
Orontes, Antioch of Syria situate on, i. 91 
᾿οΟρθοτομοῦντα (2 Tim. iii. 15), explained, ii. 387 
Ortygia, old name of Ephesus, i. 322 
‘Os ἐπί, force of explained, i, 237 
Ostia, medal of port of, ii. 165 
Otho escapes from palace by way of the Velabrum, 
ii. 235 
Ὅτι καὶ (Philipp. iv. 16), explained, ii, 288 


472 


INDEX. 


Owl, the appearance of one to Agrippa, i. 112 
Oxen usually sacrificed to Jupiter, i. 150 
and to Mercury, i. 150 


Pactyas, Mount, near Ephesus, i. 319 
Padan-Aram, i. 58 
Paddles, etymology of, ii. 204 
Penula (Roman ), ii. 414 
supposed to be the same as φαιλόνη (Tim. iv. 13), 
ii. 390 
Peetus, recorder of Ephesus, i. 316 
Πάγκρυφος, Jehovah so called, i. 264 
Παιδαγωγός explained, i. 350 
Παιδίον, of what age, i. 5 
Painted porch at Athens, i. 244 
Paintings, gallery of, at Athens, i. 253 
at Ephesus, i. 324 
Παῖς, of what age, i. 5 
Palace (of Herod) at Jerusalem, site of, ii. 126 
(of Cesar), at Rome, guarded by a cohort of 
Pretorians, ii, 234 
site of, 11. 234 
partial view of, ii. 237 
(Golden), of Nero at Rome, ii. 375 
Palatine hill at Rome, ii. 234 
plan of, ii. 234 
Palestine, map of, i. 60 
Pallas (the freedman), all-powerful with the Em- 
peror Claudius, ii. 118 
sereens his brother Felix at Rome, ii. 169 
Pambouk, a name for Colosse by mistake for Tam- 
bouk, i. 357 
Pamphylia originally comprised under Cilicia, i. 
78 
parts of, belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 
and restored to Pamphylia on his death, i. 131 
spoke a language of its own, i. 132 
not included in Proconsular Asia, i. 313 
described, i. 133 
Pan, cave of at Athens, see coin, i. 255 
Pandemion, the sculptor of the image of Eplesian 
Diana, i. 326 
Paneas was subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 
described, i. 61 
farmed by Zenon, i. 67 
Pangeus, Mount. on north of Neapolis, i. 204 
Pannonia invaded by the Celts, i. 178 
Panormus, the outer port of Ephesus, i. 321 
Paphos described, i. 120 
map of, 1. 122 
image of Paphian Venus, i. 122 
view of temple of the goddess, i. 123 
plan of ruins of, i. 124 
views of new and old Paphos, i. 126 
coin of new Paphos, i. 124 
Papyrus, picture of, ii. 73 
Παραδύσεις explained, i. 289 
Παρακαλέσαι explained, i. 281 
Παράκλησις, meaning of, i. 113 
Paraschioth, law of Moses divided into, i. 160 


“Parchments,” (2 Tim. iv. 13) what meant by, 
li. 390 
Mdpedpo., a name for the Council of Prefects, ii. 173 
functions of, i. 314 
Tlap’ οὗ, «.7.A. (Acts xxiv. 8) explained, ii. 158 
Παρελθόντες, meaning of, i. 192 
Παρεπίδημοι explained, ii. 366 
Parium makes decree against the Jews, i. 47 
Πάροχοι, what they were, ii. 223 
Paroreios, boundaries of, i. 131 
described, i. 136 
belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 
Parrhasius, a native of Ephesus, i. 319 
Parthenon at Athens, i. 254 
view of, i, 255 
frieze of, in Brit. Mus., i. 254 
not visible from the Areopagus, i. 264 
Παρθένος applied to both sexes, i. 383 
Passover, celebrated at Philippi, ii. 75 
Patara described, ii. 99 
view of, ii. 99 
plan of, ii. 100 
coin of, ii. 100 
Παθήματα μαθήματα, the proverb referred to, ii. 
314 
Παθητός, meaning of, ii. 178 
Patre, Diana worshipped at, i. 406 
Πατριά explained, ii. 261 
Patrobas, a common Roman name, ii. 71 
Patron of Jews aggrieved, Hyrcanus was, i. 45 
Paul (St.), portrait of, frontispiece 
born at Tarsus, i. 2 
of high social position, i. 2 
son of an Hellenist, i. 2 
of a Pharisee, i. 7 
born a Roman citizen, i. 2 
time of birth of, i. 5 
did not study the classics at Tarsus, i. 7 
instructed at the age of five in the Law and Tra- 
ditions, i. 7 
mother of, a devout person, i. 7 
became acquainted with Barnabas at Tarsus, 
6 7/ 
acquainted with the family of Timothy, i. 8 
was taught the trade of a tent-maker, i. 8 
a scribe or lawyer, i. 9 
brought up at Jerusalem, i. 9 
at least thirty years old when sent to Damascus, 
i. 6 
taunted with slavery, i. 4 
whether his father was a freedman, i. 3 
or purchased the Roman citizenship, i. 4 
calumniated as a Gentile and an apostate from 
spite, 1. 5 
meaning of the name in Latin, i. 6 
said by some to have taken the name from Sergius 
Paulus, i. 6 
why he took the name, i. 6, 128 
why bore two names, i. 6 
an only son, i. 6 
what relatives he had, i. 6 


INDEX. 


Paul (St.)— continued. 


education of, at Tarsus, i. 6,7 

sent young to Jerusalem, i. 9; ii. 176 

a pupil of Gamaliel, i. 9, 10 

a fellow-student with Barnabas under Gamaliel, 
i. 10 

adopted the style of questioning from the 
schools, i. 10 

spoke Greek, i. 11 

and several languages, 1, 397 

acquainted with foreign law, i. 11 

where he acquired his knowledge of Greek 
literature, i. 11 

cites the Greek poets, i. 11 

familiar with Greek philosophy, i. 12 

leaned towards the Stoics, i. 12 

resemblance between him and Seneca accounted 
for, 1. 13 

became a Rab, and then Rabbi, but not a 
Rabban, i. 13 

why allowed to preach in synagogues, i. 13, 
140 

a member of the Sanhedrim, i. 14; ii, 177 

whether he had ever seen Christ, i. 24 

poet unknown supposed to be cited by, i. 150 

whether he was married, i. 382, 386 

had no foreknowledge generally, ii. 91 

his view of obligation of Jewish law on Christian 
Jews, i. 168 

journeys of, to Jerusalem discussed. i. 303 

the leader of the persecution against Stephen, 
1.84 

one of the judges at the trial of Stephen, 1. 38 

took notes. i. 38 

voted for his condemnation, i. 38 

held tbe clothes of those who stoned him, i. 38 

continued to persecute the Christians, i. 39 

subsequent remorse of, i. 40 

adopts the language of Stephen, i. 40 

mission of, to Damascus, i. 48 

conversion of, by the way, i. 49 

and view of scene of it, i. 48 

led blind into Damascus, i. 53 

sight of, restored by Ananias, i. 54 

whither he retired on his conversion, i. 56 

the Gospel revealed to, in Arabia, i. 57 

was not long in Arabia, i. 71 

returns to Damascus, i. 71 

preaches to Jews only, i. 71 

and they seek to arrest him, i. 72 

he escapes oyer the wall in a basket, i. 73 

seeks Peter at Jerusalem, 74 

taken by the hand by Barnabas, i. 74 

disputes at Jerusalem against the Hellenists, 
i. 75 

has a vision in the Temple, i. 75 

retires from Jerusalem to Tarsus, i. 77 

is at Tyre, i. 77 

and at Sidon, i. 77 


whether shipwrecked on his way from Jerusalem 
| 


to Tarsus, i. 77 
VOL. I. 


Paul (St.)—continued. 


continues his ministry at Tarsus, i. 83 

fetched from Tarsus to Antioch by Barnabas, i. 
96 

preaches at Antioch in Singon Street, i. 96 

takes alms from Antioch to Jerusalem with Bar- 
nabas, i. 105 

revelation to, at Jerusalem, i. 108 

returns to Antioch, i. 108 

called while at Antioch a prophet and teacher, 
i, 113 

sent with Barnabas on mission to convert the 
Gentiles, i. 115 

goes down to Seleucia, i. 116 

sails to Salamis, i. 120, 125 

arrives at Paphos, i. 127 

converts Sergius Paulus, the proconsul, i. 127 

strikes Elymas blind, i. 128 

deserted by Mark at Perga, i. 135 

forgives Mark’s desertion, i. 135 

preaches at Antioch of Pisidia, i. 146 

drift of his address to Jews there, i. 140 

turns to the Gentiles there, i. 143 

retires to Iconium, i. 144 

expelled by the Jews, and retires to Lystra, i. 146 

cures the cripple, i. 148 

is regarded as a god, i. 149 

retires to Derbe, i. 151 

makes converts there, i. 153 

turns back and revisits Lystra, Ieonium, and 
Antioch, i, 154 

preaches at Perga, i. 154 

embarks at Attalia, i. 155 

returns to Antioch of Syria, i. 155 

sent with Barnabas to Jerusalem on the question 
of obligation of Jewish law, i. 157 

passes through Phoenicia and Samaria, i. 157 

attends the council at Jerusalem, i. 158 

takes back the decree, i. 163 

prepares for second circuit, i. 164 

dispute of, with Barnabas about Mark. i. 164 

proceeds with Silas to Derbe, Lystra, and Icon- 
ium, i. 164 

and Antioch of Pisidia, i. 170 

delivers to them the decrees of Jerusalem, i. 170 

evangelizes Phrygia, i. 176 

and Galatia, i. 177 

visits Pessinus, i, 180 

and Ancyra, i. 182 

and Tayium, i. 185 

his thorn in the flesh, i. 186 

his blindness, i. 186 

rapturously received in Galatia, i. 186 

why boasts of being left alone at Athens, i. 189 

retraces his steps through Galatia, 1. 189 

passes by Mysia, and goes down to Troas, i. 192 

sails to Macedonia, i. 199 

arrives at Neapclis, i. 200 

preaches at Philippi, 1. 215 

converts Lydia, i. 213 

lodges with her, i. 215 


INDEX. 


Paul (St.)—continued. 


cures the Pythoness, i. 215 

arrested, and scourged, and imprisoned at 
Philippi, i. 217 

miraculously released, i. 219 

compels the preetors to apologize, i. 220 

retires to Thessalonica, i. 221 

ministry and miracles there, i. 228 

had no private means, i. 229 

is distressed at Thessalonica, i. 230 

receives relief from Philippi, i. 250 

appoints ministers at Thessalonica, 1. 230 

preaches at Berea, i. 235 

takes ship at Dium for Athens, i. 257 

preaches in synagogue at Athens, i. 256 

and in the Agora, i. 256 

traditional place of preaching at Athens, i. 254 

sends Timothy from Athens to Thessalonica, i. 258 

is left alone at Athens, i. 258 

is brought before the Areopagus, i. 260 

address of, i, 262 

comments on, i. 264 

length of stay of, at Athens, i. 268 

passes from Athens to Corinth by sea, i. 268 

length of the voyage, i. 269 

arrives at Cenchrea and Corinth, i. 269 

suffers from thorn in the flesh at Corinth, i. 272 

meets with Aquila and Priscilla, i. 272 

preaches to Jews at Corinth, i. 276 

preaches to the Gentiles at Corinth, i. 286 

refuses to receive pay from the Corinthians, i. 277 

writes Ist Epistle to the Thessalonians, i. 279 

writes 2nd Epistle to the Thessalonians, i. 287 

has a vision at Corinth, i. 286 

accused by Jews before Gallio, i. 292 

takes the vow of the Nazarite, i. 294 

supposed causes of the vow, i. 294 

though a Christian remained a Jew, i. 296 

length of his sojourn at Corinth calculated, i. 296 

commanded to keep the Feast of Tabernacles at 
Jerusalem, i. 297, 302 

quits Corinth, i, 297 

time allowed by him for the voyage, i. 297 


touches on his way from Corinth at Ephesus, i, 302 | 
lands at Cxesarea, and goes up with Barnabas to | 


Jerusalem, 302, 305 

object of this visit, i. 303 

refuses to allow Titus to be circumcised, i. 306 

returns to Antioch of Syria, i. 306 

rebukes Peter at Antioch, i. 309 

commences his third circuit with Titus, i. 310 

his journey to Galatia traced, i. 311 

is received more coldly, i. 311 

makes a collection for the poor Hebrews in Ga- 
latia, 1. 312 

revisits Phrygia, i. 313 

returns to Ephesus and lodges with Aquila, i. 331 

works there, i. 332 

encounters some disciples of Apollos, i. 332 

is opposed by the Jews, and turns to the Gentiles, 
1. 333 


| Paul (St.)—continued. 
! 


hires the school of one Tyrannus, i. 333 

works miracles, i. 334 

punishes the sons of Sceva, i. 335 

writes Hpistle to the Galatians, i. 341 

converts all Asia, i. 355 

alters his plans as to time of visiting Corinth, 
i, 364 

sends Timothy and Erastus to Corinth, i. 365 

writes Ist Epistle to the Corinthians, i. 372 

is resisted by Demetrius, the silversmith, i. 408 

makes a vow at Ephesus, i, 414 

quits Ephesus, ii. 1 

is at Troas, ii. 2 

sails to Macedonia, ii. 2 

meets Titus there, ii. 3 

makes collection for poor Hebrews, ii. 4 

writes 2nd Epistle to the Corinthians, 11. 15 

imprisonments, escapes, and sufferings of, 11. 29 

shipwrecks of, ii. 29 

date of rapture of, ii. 31 

received support from other churches, but refused 
all support from the Corinthians, ii. 32 

evangelizes Macedonia Quarta, ii. 35 

returns to Thessalonica, ii. 37 

visits Corinth a second time, ii. 88 

writes Epistle to the Romans, ii. 46 

quits Corinth for Macedonia, ii. 74 

celebrates the Passover at Philippi, ii. 75 

sojourns a week at Troas, ii. 76 

restores Eutychus to life, ii. 79 

goes by land to Assos, ii. 80 

Jands at Miletus, ii. 90 

addresses the clergy of Epbesus at Miletus, ii. 91 

sails to Patara, ii. 99 

thence to Tyre, ii. 101 

this not his first visit, ii. 102 

sails from Tyre to Acre, ii. 104 

thence by land to Ceesarea, ii. 106 

from Czesarea to Jerusalem, ii. 108, 139 

has interview with James the bishop, ii. 139 

delivers the alms for the poor Hebrews, ii. 139 

is exhorted to pay the charges of the poor Naza- 
rites, 11. 141 

orders the necessary sacrifices, ii, 142 

is set upon in the Temple, and saved by Lysias, 
ii. 143 

addresses the Jews from the steps of fort Antonia, 
ii, 145 

his account of his conversion to the Jews, ii. 146: 
1. 51 

earried into fort Antonia, ii. 147 

brought before the Sanhedrim, ii. 149 

rescued trom the Sanledrim by Lysias, ii. 152 

vision to, in fort Antonia, ii, 152 

nephew of, saves the life of Paul, ii. 153 

sent from Jerusalem to Cesarea, ii. 155 

tried before Felix, ii. 157 

kept in custody, ii. 160 

maintains communication with his churches by 
messengers, li. 163 : 


INDEX. 


Paul (St.)—continued. 

accused before Festus, ii. 171 

plot against, by the Jews, ii. 172 

appeals to Cesar, ii. 173 

his account of his conversion before King Agrippa, 
ii. 177; i. 49 

sails for Rome, ii. 183 

date of the embarkation, ii. 183 

touches at Sidon, ii. 184 

at Myra, ii. 184 

anchors at Fair Havens, ii. 191 

vision to, before the wreck, ii. 200 

wrecked at Malta, ii. 200 | 

cures the father of Publius, ii. 211 

sails from Malta, ii. 214 

touches at Syracuse, ii. 215 

and Rhegium, ii. 217 

lands at Puteoli, ii. 218 

proceeds by land to Rome, ii. 222 

appeals to the Jews of Rome, ii. 240 | 

how he gained a footing in the palace, i. 82 

writes Epistle to the Ephesians, ii. 254 

to the Colossians, ii. 267 

to Philemon, ii. 272 

to the Philippians, ii. 280 

trial of, at Rome, ii. 289 

is released, ii. 291 

date of release, ii. 291 

opinion of some that Paul suffered only one im- | 
prisonment, ii. 291 

whether he visited Spain, ii. 293 

whether he visited Britain, ii. 296 

testimony of ancients examined, ii. 296 

writes Epistle to the Hebrews, ii. 306 

why he did not style himself apostle in that | 
Epistle, ii. 308 

returns to Jerusalem, ii. 334 

goes down to Antioch, ii. 335 } 

commences his fourth circuit and visits Colosse 
and Ephesus, ii. 337 

and Crete, ii. 337 | 

returns to Ephesus, ii. 338 

visits Philippi, ii. 338 

and Corinth, ii. 338 

writes Epistle to Titus, ii. 341 

writes 1st Epistle to Timothy, ii. 345 

winters at Nicopolis, 11. 353 

visits Dalmatia, ii. 355 

is at Troas, ii. 358 

arrested at Troas, ii. 369 

sent to Ephesus, ii. 371 

imprisoned there, i. 322; ii. 371, 386 

is visited by Onesiphorus, ii. 371 

is forwarded to Rome, ii. 372 . 

delivered over to prefect of the Praetorium, ii. 376 

trial of, on first count at Rome, ii. 379 

acquitted, ii. 381 

writes 2nd Epistle to Timothy, ii. 385 

final trial and condemnation of, ii. 399 

before whom heard, ii. 398 

martyrdom of, ii. 400 


Paul (St.)— continued. 
place of the martyrdom of, ii. 401 
date of martyrdom of, ii. 405 
tomb of, ii. 404, 405 
portrait of, in ancient diptych, frontispiece and 
ii. 210 
character of, ii. 410 
old medal with likeness of, ii. 411 
features of, ii. 413 
costume of, ii. 413 
mode of travelling of, 1. 414 
diet of, ii. 415 
mental qualities of, ii. 415 
his frequent reference to games, ii. 415 
and military art, ii. 417 
quickness of apprehension of, ii. 417 
memory, ii. 418 
argumentative power, ii. 419 
literature, ii. 419 
moral character, ii, 421 
sufferings, ii. 422 
enthusiasm, ii, 423 
disinterestedness, ii. 424 
affectionate temper, ii. 426 
gentlemanly feelings, ii. 427 
warmth of temper, i. 428 
inspiration, ii. 429; i, 283 
references by, to the Gospel of St. Matthew, ii. 432 
(and see “ Matthew ”) 
the harmony of his writings with the Gospels, 11.455 
Paul (St.), church of, without the walls, ii. 407 
view of interior of, ii. 407 
church of, at Tre Fontane, ii. 403 
view of, ii, 405 
Paul (St.), gate of, at Antioch of Syria, i. 91 
Paul (St.), view of Bay of, ii. 208 
Paulus (Sergius), proconsul of Cyprus, i. 125 
scientific acquirements of, i. 127 
converted by Paul, i. 127 
cited by Pliny, i. 127 


| Paulus (milius), conqueror of Macedonia, i. 202 


Pausanias, by what gate he entered Athens, i. 243 

Peace, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 

Pedeeus, the river on which Salamis stood, i. 120 

Πηδάλια described, ii. 204 

Pedigrees of Cresars and Herods, i. 15 

Πειὼων Epeoiwy, coin of, i. 321 

Πείθω, in Galatians (i. 10) explained, i. 342 

Pelagonia, the capital of Macedonia Quarta, visited 
by Paul, ii. 36 

Πηλίκοις γράμμασιν explained, i. 188 


| Pella (capital of Macedonia Tertia), i. 203, 235 


(a city of Decapolis), i. 63 
Christians retired to, before siege of Jerusalem, ii. 
324 
Pentecost, the gift of the Holy Spirit at, i. 29 
a feast of one day only, ii. 108, 142 
Peparethos given to Athens, i, 261 
Perga allotted on death of Herod the Great, to Herod 
Antipas, i. 17 
boundaries of, 1. 64 


τὸ Paw 


476 


INDEX. 


Peregrinus, the caricature by Lucian of a Christian, 
ii. 163 
Perga subject to propreetor of Pamphylia, i, 132 
worshipped Diana, i, 134 
view of, i. 134 
coin of, i. 135 
plan of, i. 134 
the gospel preached at, i. 154 
Pergamus, kingdom of, called Lydia, i. 190 
and Asia, i. 190 
Περιελθόντες (Acts xxviii. 13) explained, ii. 217 
Περιῤῥαντήριον of temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 324 
Persecution (general) of the Christians at Jerusalem, 
i. 38 
again at Jerusalem, 11. 324 
at Rome, ii. 359 
alluded to by St. Peter, ii. 366 
Persuasion, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 
Pessinus, the capital of the Tolistobogii, i. 182 
plan and coin of, 181 
Cybele worshipped at, i. 182 
why called Pessinus, i. 182 
ruins of, 1. 182 
is visited by Paul, i. 182 
Peter (St.) with John arrested by the Sadducees, i. 30 
is imprisoned by Agrippa 1., i. 105 
cures the eripple, ii. 154 
is at Jerusalem in A.D, 39, i. 74 
words of, compared with those of Socrates, i. 268 
appearance of Christ to, after his resurrection, 
1. 399 
is at Joppa, with Simon the tanner, i. 85 
present at the council at Jerusalem, i. 159 
harmonizes with the views of Paul at Jerusalem, 
1. 305 
duplicity of, at Antioch, i. 309 
is rebuked by Paul, i. 309 
goes to the East, i. 307 
party of, at Corinth, i. 362 
whether he was ever at Corinth, i. 373, 375; ii. 
368 
testimony of Dionysius, i. 373 
was not at Rome before his martyrdom, ii. 369 
not at Rome at date of Epistle to Romans, ii, 72 
nor at Paul’s second imprisonment, ii. 389 
is at Babylon, ii. 364 
writes his first epistle, ii. 364 
sends it by Sylvanus, ii. 367 
writes second epistle, ii. 367 
sends it by Mark, ii. 367 
crucified at Rome, ii. 368 
tomb of, ii. 404 
history of, during his latter years, ii. 368 
old medal, with likeness of, ii. 411 
chureh of, at Rome, the scene of Nero’s persecu- 
tion, ii. 360 
Petra, view and ground plan of, i. 66 
Petronius is appointed prefect of Syria, i. 104 
hesitates to carry out the orders of Caligula, i. 104 
is doomed to death, but escapes by the death of 
Caligula, i. 104 


Πε(εύειν, meaning of, ii. 80 
Pheenesus, the capital of the Ledja, i. 63 
Φαιλόνη, meaning of discussed, ii. 390, 414 
Phalerus the nearest port of Athens from Macedonia, 
1. 242 : 
Φανερωθῆναι explained, ii. 20 
Pharisees described, i. 28 
the straitest sect, 1.7; ii. 176 
leading men of, ii. 195 
they and the Sadducees the two rival sects, ii. 
135 
Pharpar (river) is the Awaj, i. 58 
Phasaélis assigned on the death of Herod the Great 
to Salome, i. 17 
Pheres founder of Bercea, i. 235 
Pheria modern name of Bercea, i. 235 
Phidias, work of, at Ephesus, i. 324 
Philadelphia included under Arabia, i. 55 
a city of Decapolis, i. 63 
Φιλέλλην, title of Aretas, explained, ii, 31 
Philemon, epistle to, ii. 274 
date of, 11. 254 
Philetus a Gnostic, 11, 252, 339 
Philip, son of Jacimus, i. 65 
Philip (Herod), what dominions allotted to, on death 
of Herod the Great, i. 17 
makes Caesarea Philippi his capital, i. 17 
moderation of, i. 25 
death of, 24, 99 
coin of, i. 17 
Philip (the deacon) evangelizes Samaria, i. 41, 84 
resides with his daughters at Acre, ii. 106 
Philippi capital of Macedonia Prima, i. 202, 209 
history of, i. 206 
same as Crenides or Datum, 207 
plan of, i, 208 
view of, i. 208 
great battle of, i. 207 
gold mines at, 1. 207 
name long preserved, i, 207 
made a Roman colony, i. 209 
has the Italicum jus, i. 209 
language spoken at, i. 209 
comprised high town and low town, i. 210 
what gods worshipped at, i. 210 
market-place of, i. 211 
view of remains of it, i. 219 
many names of inhabitants of, mentioned in 
ΝΕ ΝΣ ez 
arch at, to commemorate victory of Philippi, 
i. 212 
and at Thessalonica, i. 226 
view of latter arch, i. 226 
a military garrison, i. 212 
Lydia is converted at, i, 213 
has duumviti, i. 216 
and censors, i, 216 
and eediles, i. 217 
political constitution of, i. 216 
plan of route from, to Thessalonica, i. 223 
Paul arrives at, on second circuit, i. 211 


INDEX. 


Philippi—continued. 
length of Paul’s stay at, i. 221 
visit to, on third circuit, ii. 2 
confided to care of Luke, i, 234, 257 
distance of, from Corinth, i. 298 
revisited by Paul after his return from Rome, ii. 
338 
Philippians, liberality of, i. 215 
send relief to Paul at Thessalonica, i. 230 
and at Corinth, i. 277 
the reason for this, i. 277 
send contribution to Paul at Rome, ii. 247 
epistle to, ii. 280 
date of, ii. 280 
defects in chureh of, ii, 248 
Philo, uncle of Tiberius Alexander, ii. 112 
his distinction of the several ages of man, i. 5 
opinion of, as to the site of Haran, i. 59 
referred to by Paul, ii. 313, 314, 315, 316, 319, 
325, 326 
his outline of the duties of a judge, ii. 120 
Φίλοι, a name for the council of prefects, ii. 173 
Philologus a common Roman name, ii. 71 
Philomelium probably visited by Paul, i. 177 
Philosopher (Greek), figure of, i. 246 
Phocas, site of column of, ii. 237 
Pheenica Bay distinct from Port Pheenix, ii. 194 
Pheenicians traded with Britain, i. 77 
colonized Malta, ii. 205 
Pheeniciarchs, i. 318 
Pheenix (port), now Lutro, ii, 193 
frequented by Alexandrian vessels, ii. 194 
view of, ii. 195 
plan of, ii. 195 
Φρύγανα (Acts xxviii. 3), what they were, ii. 207 
Phrygia, part of, comprised originally in province of 
Cilicia, 1.78 
part in province of Galatia, i. 132 
part in province of Asia, i. 132, 17 
evangelized by Paul, i. 172, 177 
chief cities of, i. 175 
lived under its own laws, i. 176 
converts made in, i. 177 
whether any collection for poor Hebrews made 
in, i. 177, 313 
no churches in, specified, i. 177 
no epistles written to, 177 
revisited by Paul, i. 313 
φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρῆσθ᾽, &e., whence the line taken, i. 
401 
Phygellus deserts Paul at Rome, ii. 380, 386 
Physician, Luke was, i. 198 
Pigres, coin of, i. 318 
Pilate (Pontius) is procurator of Judea, i. 23 
outrage of, against the Samaritans, i. 25 
his seizure of the corban, or Temple treasure, 
i, 31 
constructs an aqueduct with the corban, i. 32. 
dedicates some shields in the Temple, i. 32 
transfers the shields to Czesarea, ii. 166 
place of residence of, at Jerusalem, ii. 126 


| 


Pilate (Pontius)—continued. 
deposed and sent to Rome, i. 25 
coin of, i. 23 
Pindarus slays Cassius, i. 209 
Pireus, view of, i. 238 
the port of Athens most frequented, i. 242 
Piraic Gate at Athens, position of, i. 244 
Pisidia comprised under Cilicia, i. 75 
belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 
incorporated on his death with Galatia, i. 131, 133 
spoke a language of its own, i. 132, 141 
Piso, his maladministration of Macedonia, i. 236 
Pity, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 
Pityusa, an ancient name of Miletus, ii. 90 
Πλάνοι explained, ii. 22 
Plato, portrait of, i. 267 
Plautius (Aulus) subdues Britain, ii. 392 
wife of, was a Christian convert, ii. 243, 393 
Pleroma of the Gnosties, ii. 250 
Πλῆθος, meaning of, ii. 141 
Pliny (the young-r), his account of Christian worship, 
ΗΠ, 
Ploughing, mode of, in the East, i. 387 
sketch of i, 387 
Plutonium at Hierapolis, view of, i. 357 
Poets quoted by Paul, i. 12, 264 
Polemo I. marries Bernice, the sister of Agrippa the 
younger, ii. 122 
deserted by Bernice, and abandons Judaism, ii. 
122 
coin of, ii, 122 
Polina, modern name of Apollonia in Macedonia, 
i. 224 
Politarchs of Thessalonica explained, i. 232 
Πολίτευμα explained, ii, 287 
Polling the head by the Nazarite, i. 295 
Poll-tax to the Temple described, i. 31 
demanded of our Lord, i. 31 
Polyeletus, work of, at Ephesus, i. 324 
Pompey brings a number of Jews to Rome, i. 274 
inhabitants of Rome go out to meet, ii. 224 
Pomponia Greeina a Christian convert, ii. 243, 393 
accused on that account, ii. 393 
Pontifical robes, dispute about, under Cuspius Fadus, 
ii. 110 
Pontine marshes, ii. 222 
Pontius Pilate. See Pilate 
Pontius Aquila supposed to be connected with the 
Aquila of Paul, i. 273 
Poor (Hebrews), Paul agrees to make a collection for, 
i. 306 
makes a collection for, in Galatia, i. 312. 341, 
346, 347 
in Macedonia, ii. 4 
and Achaia, ii. 40 
Poplicola (P. Valerius), law of, against torturing a 
Roman, ii. 147 
Poppxa, a Jewish convert, ii, 242 
favours the Jews, ii. 299 
lives with Nero, ii. 230 
marries Nero, i, 413 


478 


INDEX. 


Poppzea—continued. | 
is buried, and not burnt, ii. 242 
portrait of, ii. 230 

Population of Jerusalem at the feasts, how caleu- 

lated, ii. 114 | 

Porches at Athens, i. 244, 245 | 

Πορνεία, said to be a mistake for πορκεία or xorpela, 1. 

161 

Πορνική θυσία, what it was, i. 161 

Port of Ceesarea described, ii. 164 | 

Porta Capena, ii. 226 
Via Appia starts from, 11. 226 
site of, ii. 226 

Porta Mugionis, ii. 235 

Ports of Athens, plan of, 1. 242 
of Ephesus, i. 320, 321 
of Miletus, ii. 90 

Porter, opinion of, as to scene of Paul’s conversion, 

1. 49 
his description of Straight Street, i. 53 
Post, no public, for carriage of letters amongst the 
ancients, 11. 267 

Pot of manna, ii. 318 

Ποταμὸς of Philippi, i. 212 

Ποταμῶν explained, ii. 30 

Potter, figure of a, ii. 59 

Pozzuoli. See Puteoli 

Preetorians, number of, ii, 232 
camp of, ii, 232 
coin shewing camp of, ii. 234 
view of camp of, ii. 233 
present state of camp of, ii. 283 
Paul’s preaching amongst, ii. 242 

Pretorium, various meanings of, ii, 281 
(at Caesarea), site of, ii. 166 
(at Jerusalem), what it was, ii. 126, 127 | 
(at Rome), what it was, ii. 156 

Preetors, name for Duumviri in colonies, i. 217 | 
still so called at Messina, i 217 | 
(of Philippi), outrage by, i. 217 
they apologise, i. 221 

Πράσσοντες, distinguished from ποιοῦντες, ii. 48 

Prasus, meaning of, in Celtic, i. 182 | 

Praxiteles, carvings of, i. 324 

Prayers, form of, in the synagogue, i. 139 
Paul the only writer who asks for, in his behalf, 

i, 284; 11. 331 

Preaching, the posture of, i. 188, 140 

Predestination referred to, i. 144; ii. 57 

Prefect (of the Preetorium), prisoners consigned to, ii. 

236 
Prefects (of provinces) appointed by Augustus for | 
three or five years, i. 22 
seldom changed by Tiberius, i. 22 
at what time they left Rome for their provinces, 
i. 291 
were attended by a council, ii. 173 
Π εσβευταὶ, functions of, i. 314 
Πρεσβευτὴς, another rea ling for πρεσβύτης, in Epistle 
to Philemon, ii. 275 
Πρεσβύτης, tle age of, 1. 5, 6; ii. 275 


TpecBvrns—continued. 
said to be a title of honour, i. 6 
whether this or πρεσβευτὴς is the true reading in 
Epistle to Philemon, i. 6 
Presbyters ordained by Paul, i. 154 
same as bishops, ii. 280 
Prevesa, Isthmus of, ii. 353 
mistake of Strabo as to, ii. 353 


| Priests, number of, i. 32 


connive at the conspiracy against Paul’s life, ii. 
153 
Primates of Proconsular Asia, i. 318 
Primus, title of governor of Malta, ii. 208 
Prion or Pion, mount of Ephesus, i. 319, 321, 322 
Priscilla was a tentmaker, i. 8 
meets with Paul at Corinth, i, 273 
diminutive of Prisca, i. 273 
called by Paul a fellow-helper, i. 330 
parts from Paul at Ephesus, i. 302 
sails from Ephesus to Rome, ii. 2 
Prison of St. Paul at Ephesus, i. 322 
Prisoners on appeal to Rome consigned to tlie prefect 
of the Preetorium, ii. 236 
Prizes, coin representing delivery of, i. 388 
Πρὸ ἐτῶν δεκατεσσάρων (2 Cor. xii. 2) explained, i. 108 
Proclus (Cominius), proconsul of Cyprus, i. 125 
Proconsul of Achaia, i. 271 
Proconsuls, the name of prefects of the Senate’s pro- 
vinees, 1. 313 
by what number of lictors attended, i. 226, 313 
(in the plural) of Ephesus explained, i. 3388, 
412 
Procurator, duties and powers of, i. 18, 19, 314 
judicial functions of, i. 33; ii. 120 
attended by a council, ii. 173 
powers of, enlarged by Claudius, i. 314, 338 
usual duration of office of, ii. 159 
usual time of, for leaving Rome, ii. 291 
as well as primate appointed to Malta, ii, 209 
Procurators (of Judea)— 
Coponius, i. 19 
M. Ambivius, i. 21 
Annius Rufus, i. 21 
Valerius Gratus, i. 23 
Pontius Pilate, i. 23 
Marcellus, or Marullus (Vice-Procurator), i. 25 
Cuspius Fadus, ii. 110 
Tiberius Alexander, ii. 112 
Ventidius Cumanus, 11, 113 
Felix, ii. 121 
Festus, ii. 169 
could summon the Sanhedrin, ii. 148 


| Προΐστασθαι, meaning of, 11. 344 


Promissory note signed by Paul to Philemon, ii. 276 

Προπεμφθέντες, meaning of, i. 157 

“Prophets,” divided into Haphtoroth, i. 160 

Προφητεία explained, i. 284, 391 

Propretor, the style of a prefect named by the 
emperor, i. ΤΌ, 313 

Propylea at Athens, i. 253 

Proselyte, whether Cornelius was, i. 87 


INDEX. 


Proselytes contributed to the support of the Temple, 
i. 31 
described, i. 87 
Proserpine, rape of, near Philippi, i. 205 
worshipped in Malta, ii, 211 
Proseucha, the oratory of the Jews, i. 1 
at Philippi, i. 211 
site of, 1. 212 
Mpocuelvas, meaning of, i. 296 
Προσφορά, meaning of, ii. 142, 159 
Prostitution, part of the worship of Venus at Corinth, 
i, 162 
Πρότερον explained, ii. 324 
Πρῶτοι, meaning of amongst the Jews, ii. 240 
Πρῶτος, sometimes used for πρότερος, i. 20 
the title of governor of Malta, ii. 208 
Πρωτότοκος explained, ii. 268 
Proverb referred to, i. 378 
Provinces (Roman) divided between the Emperor and 
Senate, i. 17, 125, 313 
Prudens (Aulus Claudius Quirinus), primate of Malta, 
ii. 209 
Psalm, second, is properly part of the first, i. 142 
Ψυχικὸς, meaning of, i, 375 
Ptelea, site of the temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 320, 
322 
Ptolemais (see Acre), ii. 104 
Ptolemy V., coin of, i. 121 
Ptolemy Mennzi is king of Chalcis, i. 60 
extent of dominions of, i. 60 
base character of, i. 61 
conciliates Pompey, i. 64 
death of, i. 66 
Ptolemy, (geographer) his location of Batanea, i. 66 
Publius, the primate of Malta in time of Paul, ii. 209 
said to have been bishop of Malta, ii. 211 
Pudens, a name-found at Philippi, i. 211 
who he was, ii. 394 
marries Claudia, ii. 396 
date of marriage, ii. 397 
served in Britain, ii. 394 
Πυλῶνες, meaning of, i. 150 
Purification (of the Nazarite), length of time required 
for, 1. 295; ii. 142 
necessary before entering the Temple, ii. 160 
Purple, the province of Lydia famous for, i. 214 
Puteoli, general view of site of, ii. 220 
described, ii. 218 
plan of bay of, ii. 219 
mole of, ii. 219 
view of mole of, ii. 220 
distance of, from Baulos, ii. 219 
the port for Rome, ii. 219 
view of principal thoroughfare in, ii. 221 
numerous Jews in, li. 221 
and Christians, ii. 221 
distance of from Rome, ii. 222 
Pydna, battle of, i. 202, 270 
Python, a name of Apollo, i. 215 
Pythoness cured by Paul at Philippi, i. 216 
value of, as a property, i. 215 


Quadrans, or farthing, specimen of, i. 23 

explained, i. 336 
Quadratus, prefect of Syria, marches to Judea on an 

outbreak, ii. 117 

holds a trial at Tyre, and again at Lydda, ii. 117 
Quadrigse described, ii. 222 
Questor, functions of, in a province, i. 314 
Quaternion of Roman soldiers explained, i. 106 
Quinquennalis, another name for censor, i. 216 
Quirinus. See Cyrenius. 


Rabbans, the number of, i. 10 
Racing in games, referred to, ii. 286 
Rack, a Roman could not be put to, ii. 147 
nature of, ii, 147 
Raphana, a city of Decapolis, i. 63 
Rapture of Paul, date of, ii. 31 
Reading, print of youth in act of, ii. 73 
Recorder, the chief magistrate at Ephesus, i. 515 
“ Rejoice,” the key-note of the Epistle to Philippians, 
ii. 285 
Renan, opinion of, that Paul did not visit Galatia, 1. 
180 
supposes Paul and Barnabas to have been ban- 
ished from Antioch of Pisidia, i. 144 
argues that Titus was circumcised, i. 345 
Religion, any new, not allowed at Athens, i. 260 
or at Rome, i. 260; ii. 361 
Resurrection taken by the Athenians to be a goddess, 
1. 260, 265 
questions as to, at Corinth, i. 368 
denied by a sect at Corinth, ii. 339 
held by the Pharisees and denied by the Saddu- 
cees, li. 152 
denied by the Gnosties, ii, 252 
Gnostic notion of, ii. 387 
Revelation, made to Paul in Arabia, i. 57 
made to Paul at Jerusalem, i. 108 
Paul’s visit to Jerusalem by, i. 345 
the extent of, in Paul, i. 392 


| Revenue (Roman) public or imperial, i 314 


Rhedz described, ii. 222 
Rhegium described, ii. 217 
view of, ii. 217 
Alexandrian ships touched at, ii, 217 
intended to be made a good port by Caligula, 
li. 217 
Ῥῆμα commented on, ii. 264 
Rhoda in the house of Mary, i. 106 
Rhodes deseribed, ii. 97 
view of, ii. 97 
plan and coin of, ii. 98 
-rix, common termination of names in Gaul and 
Galatia, i. 180 
meaning of, i. 182 
Rolling away the stone of the sepulelire explained, i. 
109 
Roman (names) adopted by Jews, ii. 157 


| Roman (citizenship) given to a whole people, i. 3 


the subject of traffic, i. 4; ii. 148 
passed by the Vindicta toa freedman, i. 3 


480 


INDEX, 


Roman (citizenship)—continued. 
was easy or difficult to be obtained at the caprice 
of the emperor, i. 4 
conferred on futher of Paul for some political 
merit, i. 4 
Roman (church) threatened by the Judaising faction, 
i. 41, 69 
the component parts of, ii. 42, 70 
Romans permitted the collection of the Temple tax, 
i. 31 
guarded the Temple at Jerusalem at the feasts, ii. 
114, 135 
how they regarded foreign religions, i. 216 ; ii. 361 
exempted from the torture, ii. 147 
and from scourging before condemnation, i. 220 
distinguished the days of the week, ii. 5 
Romaus (pistle to), ii. 46 
date of, ii. 46 
who was the bearer of, ii. 72 
Rome, Paul had long wished to visit, i. 197 
temple to, as a goddess, at Czesarea, ii. 165 
and at Aneyra, i. 183 
great fire at, 11. 359 
view of forum of, ii, 237 
plan of, ii. 226 
number of Jews at, i. 273 
Christians early found at, i. 274 
expulsion from, a common practice, i. 275; ii. 117 
Roofs of houses, how constructed, i. 89 
Royal (porch) at Athens, i. 244, 245 
Royal (cloister) of the temple at Jerusalem, what it 
was, li. 131 
Royal (gate) of the temple at Jerusalem, what it was, 
11. 131 
Rudders (ancient) nature of, ii. 204 
Rudder-bands explained, ii. 204 
Rufus, a common Roman name, ii. 71 
(in Epistle to Romans) who he was, ii. 69 
(Fenius), death of, 11. 376 
(Q. Neevius) clerk of the market at Athens, i. 
250 


Sabbath observed at Philippi, i. 213 
transferred from Saturday to Sunday, ii. 76 
Sabbatie year observed in Galatia, i. 341, 351 
Sabinus (Nymphidius), Prefect of the Preetorium, ii. 
376, 398 
Saceza, what town it was, i. 66 
Sacrament. See Eucharist 
Sacred Way at Athens, i. 246 
Sacred Port of Ephesus, what it was, i. 327 
Sacrifice (pagan), coin of, i. 150 
Sacrifices, custom of heathen, as to eating, i. 385 
vast number of at Jerusalem at the feasts, ii. 
1i4 
Sadducees, chief men amongst, ii. 137 
procured the death of Christ, i. 28 
described, i. 28 
arrest Peter and John, i. 30 
and the Apostles, i. 80 
bloodthirsty character of, i. 28; in. 300 


Sailing, rate of, amongst the ancients, ii. 76 
Sakhra, what it is, 11. 129 
Salamis described, i. 120 
plan and coin of, 1. 121 
view of ruin at, i. 126 
Jews abounded at, i. 126 
Salem taken by some to mean Jerusalem, ii. 315 
by others to be Anon, ii. 315 
Salmone (Cape , Paul passes, on his voyage to Rome, 
ii. 191 
view of, ii, 191 
Salome (the sister of Herod), provision made for, i. 17 
Σάλπιγξ explained, i. 396 
figure of, i, 397 
Salutation (by kissing), mode of, with the ancient 
Christians, i. 284 
in Paul’s Epistles, means the final benediction, 
written with his own hand, i. 157, 285; ii. 273 
Samaria assigned to Archelaus the Etlmarch, i. 16 
and on his deposal annexed to Syria, i. 17 
outbreak in, i. 25 
evangelised, i. 84 
Samaritans—their hatred of the Jews, ii. 115 
slay some Gualileans on their road to Jerusalem, 
ii. 116 
are heard before Quadratus, ii. 117 
condemned at Rome, ii. 119 
Samornion, old name of Ephesus, i. 322 
Samos (town) deseribed, ii. 87 
view, plan, and coin of, ii, 88 
Samothrace visited by Paul, i. 200 
commanded a view of Troy, i. 199 
coin and plan of, i, 200 
Sampsigeramus (King of Emesa), connected with the 
royal family of Judea, i. 56 
Sanhedrim sat by day only, i. 23 
constitution of, i. 36 
sat at first in Gazith, i. 36 
could be summoned by the procurator or his 
deputy, ii. 148 
did not now sit in Gazith, ii. 149 
could not proceed to capital execution without 
the fiat of the procurator, ii. 171, 300, 301 
Σαούλ, the Hebrew name, answering to Greek Σαῦλος. 
li. 177 
Sappho, a native of Lesbos, ii. 85 
Sarcophagus, a wonderful stone, ii. 83 
Sardis, decree of, in favour of Jews, i. 47 
Sapyavn explained, i. 73 
Satan, delivery to, means excommunication, ii. 347 
Saturday, so called by the Romans, ii. 5 
Saturninus (L, Volusius), Prefect of Syria next before 
Cyrenius, i. 95 
coin of, 1. 95 
Saul. See Paul 
fayourite name in tribe of Benjamin, i. 5; ii. 61, 
286 
meaning of, in Greek, i. 129 
meaning in Hebrew, i. 6 
Saul (king), length of reign of, i. 141 
Saumarez (Lord de) sails to the south of Crete, ii 191 


INDEX. 


481 


Sceva's five sons exorcise eyil spirits by Jesus, i. 335 
Σχῆμα, meaning of, ii. 284 
Scheenus, now Kalamachi, i. 268 
etymology of, i. 299 
Schools at Jerusalem, i. 10 
Sciathus given to Athenians, i, 261 
Scopas, work of, at Ephesus, i. 324 
Scourging, of Paul and Silas at Philippi, i. 218 
Roman mode of, i. 218 
disgrace of, i. 218 
of a Roman uncondemned, unlawful, i. 220 
Scribe, Paul was, i. 9 
Scriptures, in what form of manuscript written, i, 139 
(Jewish) burnt by a Roman soldier, ii. 115 
Σκυτοτόμος; Paul so called, i. 9 
Scylla (the rock), deseribed, ii. 217 
view of, ii. 218 
Scythopolis, the capital of Decapolis, i. 63 
belonged to Herod, and afterwards given to 
Agrippa IT., i. 64 
* Seas” (“two, met”), explained, ii. 204, 207 
Σεβαστή (Sreipa), what it was, ii. 182 
Σεβαστηνοί, who they were, ii. 183 
Sebastiano (Porta di S.), ii. 226 
Sebastus, name of the port of Cesarea, i. 76, 98 ; il. 
165 
Sects of the Jews, i. 28 
Secundus, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 
a Macedonian of Thessalonica, i. 168 
accompanics Paul trom Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 
38 
and from Corinth to Asia, ii. 74 
Seijugee described, 11. 222 
Sejanus, Prefect of the Praetorium, ii. 232 
forms their camp, ii. 232 
poisons Drusus, i. 99 
Seleucia (of Pieria), plan of, i. 118 
coin of, i. 116 
map of road to, from Antioch, i. 116 
described, i. 116 
view of tunnel of, i. 117 
view of gate and port of, i. 118 
Seleucid had their palace at Antioch, i, 91 
Selinus (Lake) at Ephesus, i. 321 
(River) at Ephesus, i. 321 
Seneca (L. Annus) is tutor to Nero, i. 291; 11, 227 
resemblance of, in thoughts, to Paul, i. 13 
portrait of, ii. 229 
caricature of, ii 230 
governs with Burrhus, ii. 230 
said to have become a convert to Christianity, ii. 
245 
extortionate loans of, to the Britons, ii. 243 
deprived of power, ii. 361 
put to death, i. 291 
Septuagint cited by James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, 
i. 160 
Sepulchre (the Holy) illustrated, i. 109 
Sergius Paulus. See Paulus 
Sermons preaclied in the Synagogue, i. 189 
Seventy. See Sanvedrim 


VOL. I, 


Severus (Septimius), triumphal arch of, ii. 237 
Shammai, school of, i. 10 [i. 295 
“Shaving” the head, distinguished from “ shearing,” 
a disgrace, i. 391 
was completion of the yow of the Nazarite, ii. 141 
“ Shearing ” the head, opposed to “ shaving,” i. 295 
Sheba (Queen of), admirer of Solomon’s buildings, 
Sheep-skins, ii. 327 {ii. 131 
Shekel, specimen of, i. 43 
same as the stater, or tetradrachm, i. 336 
Shewbread, table of, ii. 134 
Shield of a Roman soldier, ii. 265 
Shields dedicated by Pilate in the Temple, 1. 32 
Ship, ancient, described, ii. 188 
figure of, ii. 189, 204 
Ships drawn across the Isthmus of Corinth, i. 268 
Shipwrecks of Paul, i. 269; ii. 29 
Shoes of a Roman soldier, ii. 265 
Shrines (silver) of Diana commented on, i. 408 
illustration of, i. 414 
Shurky (Bab) at Damascus, view of, i. 70 
Sicarii, origin of, at Jerusalem, ii. 125, 145 
Sicli, or shekels, i. 337 
Sidon sends embassy to Agrippa I, i. 111 
territory of, defined, i, 61 
Paul touches at, ii. 184 
and has friends there, ii. 184 
distance of, from Caesarea, ii. 184 
view of, ii. 184 
plan of, ii, 185 
coin of, ii, 185 
Sign, what meant by, i. 373 
Silanus (Junius), Proconsul of Asia, i. 412 
is poisoned by Agrippina, mother of Nero, i. 337 
Silanus (Lucius) put to death, i, 337 
Silanus (C.) accused of treason before Tiberius, ii. 380 
Silas sent with Paul and Barnabas from Jerusalem to 
Antioch, i. 163 
accompanies Paul on his second circuit, i. 164 
is a Roman, i. 164 
scourged at Philippi, i. 218 
imprisoned and miraculously released, i. 219 
remains at Beroea, i. 237, 257 
has care of that church, i. 254 
arrives with Timothy at Corinth, i. 276 
separates from Paul and joins Peter, i. 306 
is with Peter at Babylon, ii. 365 
and carries First Epistle of Peter, ii. 367 
Silpius, the mount overlouking Antioch, i. 93 
Silver, pieces of, at Epliesus, what they were, i. 356 
Silver coinage in the Apostle’s time, i. 336 
Silver shrines of Diana commented on, i. 408 
Silversmiths of Ephesus, i. 408 
Simeon, successor to Hillel, i. 10 
Simeon (Rabbi) was a clothier, i. 8 
Σιμικίνθια, what they were, i. 334 
Simon the same name as Symeon, ii. 136 
(the Maccabee) captures the Acra at Jerusalem, 
ii. 129 
Simon (the Tanner), i. 8 
house of, referred to, i, 58 


9. 


482 


INDEX, . 


Simon, views of house of, i. 87, 88 
receives Peter, i. 88° 
Simon (son of Ananias) ii. 186 
Simon (son of Gamaliel), i, 10; ii. 136 
Simon (Cantheras), high-priest, i. 105 
Simon (Magus) supposed to be Antichrist, i. 288 
a Cypriot, ii. 123 
history of, 11. 123 
confounded by Justin Martyr with the god Semo 
Sancus, ii. 129 
induces Drusilla to elope and marry Felix, ii. 123 
accompanies Felix to Rome, ii. 169 
death of, ii. 123 
Sinai said to be called Hagar, i. 352 
Singon Street in Antioch, Paul preached in, 1. 93, 96 
Sin-offering, wholly burnt, ii. 331 
Siparum, what sail it was, 11. 188 
Σκηνοποιός, meaning of the word, i. 8 
Σκηνοῤῥάφος, Paul so called, i. 9 
Skins used for making tents, i. 9 
Slave, whether the father of Paul ever was, i. 3 
Slaves exported from Asia Minor to Rome by way of 
Delos, i. 3 
branded for identification, i. 187, 354 
often of great value, i. 215 
Smyrna, Ephesus once so ealled, 1. 320, 322 
Soerates taught in the market at Athens, i. 252 
words of, like those of Peter, i. 268 
tried for impiety, i. 267 
portrait of, i. 267 
death of, i. 268 
Soldier (Roman), illustration of, ii. 266 
Solomon’s Porch, where it was, i. 29; ii. 134 
Solomon, passion of, for building, ii. 129 
palace of, ii. 129 
stables of, ii. 129 
ascent of, to Temple, ii. 131 
view of it, ii. 131 
receipt of, for casting out devils, i. 535 
Sopater was son of Pyrrhbus, ii. 74 
Σοφία contrasted with ἀγάπη, i. 370 
Soranus (Barea), proconsul of Asia, ii. 371 
repairs the port of Ephesus, i. 330 
put to death, ii. 372 
Sosthenes, a ruler of the synagogue at Corinth, i. 276, 
292 
is beaten in the presence of Gallio, i. 293 
whether he was a Jew or a Christian, i. 293 
becomes a convert, i. 293 [293 
supposed by some to be same person as Crispus, i. 
the name a common one, i. 294 
joined with Paul in address of Ist Epistle to Corin- 
thians, i. 372 
is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 
Zovdapia, what they were, i. 334 
how carried, ii. 413 
Spain, Herod Antipas banished to, i. 103 
whether Paul visited, ii. 67, 293 
testimonies of the ancients to the visit, 1i. 294 
Spalatro, temple of Jupiter at, the counterpart of 
Mosque of Omar, ii. 130 


Sreipa explained, i. 86 
proper sense of, ii, 144 
Sreipa Σεβαστή, what it was, 11. 182 
Spells of Ephesus, i. 334, and see Addenda 
Σπένδομαι (2 Tim. iv. 6) explained, ii. 389 
Spiritual gifts, questions as to, at Corinth, i. 367 » 
communicated by Paul, i. 348 
Σπλάγχνα explained, ii. 281 
Σπυρίς explained, i. 73 
Stables of Solomon, site of, ii. 129 
Stachys, a common Roman name, il. 71 
Stadium of Ephesus, i. 321, 327 
view and plan of, i. 329 
Stairs of the Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 144 
of Temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 326 
Stanchio the modern name of Cos, ii. 97 
Stater or tetradrachm taken from the fish’s mouth, i. 32 
value of, explained, i. 336 
Statues numerous at Athens, i. 248 
Stephanas, a convert ut Corinth, i. 290 
the first convert there, i. 276 
baptized by Paul, i. 276, 403 
household of, baptized by Paul, i. 373 
father of Fortunatus and Achaicas, i, 403 
carries letter from Corinth to Paul, i. 366 
sent by Corinthian church to Rome, i. 403 
Stephen the chief of the deacons, i. 32 
the forerunner of Paul, i. 32 
his broad views of Christianity, i. 32 
charged with impiety, 1. 34 
is arrested and brought before the Sanhedrim, i. 
36 
is accused of blasphemy, i. 36 
the inaccuracy of his quotations, i. 36 
tried in the Temple, i. 37 
in what language he spoke, i. 37 
martyrdom of, i. 38 
persecution of, referred to by Paul, ii. 286 
is quoted for identifying Haran with Harran, i. 59 
view of scene of martyrdom of, i. 39 
Στίγματα explained, i. 187 
Στοά (Βασίλειος), 1. 244, 245 
Brod (Ποικίλη), 1. 24} 
Stocks, Roman, explained, i. 219 
Stoics, porch of, at Athens, i. 244 
tenets of, i, 259 
encounter Paul at Athens, i. 260 
their opinion of Christianity, i. 266 
Stoning of Paul at Lystra, i. 151 
Strabo, error of, as to the position of Adalia, i. 155 
as to Isthmus of Prevesa, ii. 353 
placesLaodicea Hicrapolis and Colosse in Phrygia, 
1.191 , 
Straight Street in Damascus described, i. 53, 69 
view of, i. 70 
Strangled things forbidden to be eaten, i. 161 
Στρατηγοί, Greek name for Duumyiri, 1. 217 
Strato slays M. Brutus, i. 209 
Stratocles, tomb of, at Amphipolis, i. 22! 
Stratonicus, pun of, upon Assos, ii. 83 
Straton’s tower, the ancient nameof Cesarea, it. 163, 168 


INDEX. 


483 


Στρατοπεδάρχης, the prefect of the Preetorium, ii. 235, 
236 


Subornation, what is meant by, i. 36 
Subsolanus, what wind it was, ii. 196 
Sudaria carried in the girdle, ii. 413 
what they were, i. 334 
Suetonius (Paullinus) slays 80,000 Britons, ii, 245 
Suetonius (Caius)—his notice of Christ, i. 274 
Suyxalpe meaning of, ii. 284 
Συναιχμάλωτος, in what sense used, ii. 276 
Zvykowavoi explained, ii. 281, 288 
Summa Via Nova at Rome, ii, 235, 237 
Sunday, so called by the Romans, ii. 5 
observed by early Christians, i. 402 ; ii. 4, 78 
alms collected on, in the churches, ii. 4 
Sun-dial on Temple of the Winds at Athens, i. 251 
Συνέδριον of a province explained, i. 314 
Σύνεδροι, a name for the council of prefects, ii. 173 
συνείχετο explained, i, 285 
Συνέκδημοι commented on, i. 312 
Συνεκλεκτὴ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι explained, i. 380 
Σύνοιδα, meaning of, i. 376 
Σύζυγος explained, ii, 287 
Sword of a Roman soldier, ii. 265 
Swords, two, carried by a Roman soldier, ii. 182 
Sylla takes Athens, i. 260 
Sylvanus. See Silas 
Sylvanus (Poppzeus), prefect of Dalmatia, ii. 357 
Symbols commonly used in the East, ii. 107 
Symeon, same name as Simon, ii. 136 
the Hebrew form of Simon, i. 160 
Symeon (called Niger), a prophet and teacher of An- 
tioch, i. 114 
Synagogue, service of, explained, i. 138 
rulers of, i. 138 
angels of, i. 138 
readers and interpreters of, i. 138 
language used in, i. 138 
why Paul allowed to preach in, i. 13 
number of, at Jerusalem, i. 34 
none at Philippi, i. 212 
several at Salamis, i. 126 
at Corinth, i. 276 
burnt at Antioch, i. 94 
(of the Libertines), &e., i. 33 
Synnada probably visited by Paul, i. 177 
Syntyche referred to, ii. 287 
Syracuse, view of, ii. 215 
plan of, 11. 216 
coin of, ii. 216 
Syria, map of, i. 60 
different meanings of, i. 5S 
one of the emperor's provinces, i. 17 
“Syria and Cilicia,” as to Paul’s passage through, i. 
76, 77 
Syriarchs, 318 
Syro-Chaldaic, another name for Hebrew, ii. 177 
Syrtis, Great, of Africa, ii. 198 


Tabernacle, what it contained, ii. 518 


Tacitus—his account of the persecution of Christians, 
ii, 360 
date of birth of, ii. 393 


| Ταχέως, meaning of, i. 288 


Τάγμα, or legion explained, i. 86; ii. 143 
Tauias—his functions, i. 314 
Tanner, a trade in little esteem, i. 88 
Tanneries were without the city, i.89 
Tarentum, length of journey to, from Rome, i. 291 
Tarshish, two countries of that name, i. 77 
whether same as Tarsus, i. 77 
whether same as Tartessus, i. 77 
‘Tarsus, the metropolis of Cilicia, i. 2,79 
a free city, i. 2, 81 
coins of, i. 79, 81 
had not freedom of Rome, i. 2 
sided with Octavius and Antony, i.3 
one of the three great universities, i.7, 82 
ranked by Strabo as the first, i. 7 
sent out its literati as tutors, i. 7 
supplied tutors to Imperial family at Rome, i, $2 
described, i. 78 
why called Tarsus, i.79 
port of, i. 79 
map of site of, i. 78 
view of, i.78 
crowns Cassius, 3, 80 
receives Dolabella, i. 80 
is muleted by Cassius, i. 80 
citizens of, sold for slaves, i. 80 
afterwards manumitted, i. 81 
had a municipal government, i. 81 
swayed by demagogues, i. 81 
now called Tersoos, i. 82 
by whom ruled, i. 81, 82 
length of journey to, from Antioch, i. 310 
“no mean city,” ii. 145 
whether same as Tarshish, i. 77 
Paul retires to, i. 77 
-tarus, common termination of names in Gaul and 
Galatia, i. 180 
Taurus, Mount, the passes over from Tarsus, i. 165 
Tavium visited by Paul, i. 185 
site of, 1. 185 
capital of the Troemi, i. 185 
coin of, i. 185 
Tatidpxns, meaning of, ii. 144 
Taxing under Cyrenius discussed, i. 19 
Taxings, the two distinguished, i. 19 et seq. 
Te, use of as a copulative, ii. 307 
Tectosages, a tribe of Galatians, i. 179 
coin of, i.179 
Temple (of Jerusalem) described, i. 29; ii. 130 
site of, ii. 128 
tax for, or Corban, ii. 111 
was forty-six years in building, ii. 112 
completed only five years before its destruction, 
ii. 112 
how guarded by Romans during the Feasts, ii 114 
captain of, ii. 134 
violation of, followed by death, ii. 157 


3 Q 2 


484 


INDEX. 


Temple (of Diana at Ephesus), general description 
of, i. 323 
plans of, i. 322 
seven stades from old city, 1. 921 
staircase of, 1.326 
small images of, i. 408 
view of sculpture on one of columns of, i. 324 
Temples, emperors usually sat in, upon trials, ii. 119, 
290 
Tentmaker, Paul was, i.8 
Aquila was, i. 275 
Tents, of what materials they were made, j. 9, 57 
Ephesus, famous for, i. 330 
Terracina, ii. 222 
Tertullian, views of, on subject of the Epistle to the 
Ephesians, ii. 256 
Tertullus a common Roman name, ii. 156 
(the Jew), ii. 157 
compliment of, to Felix, ii. 121,126 
accuses Paul before Felix at Czesarea, 11. 157 
Tertullus (Cornutus), the colleague of Pliny the 
younger, ii. 156 
Teraymevor, meaning of, i. 143 
Tetradrachm, specimen of, 1.44 
the coin taken from the fish’s mouth, i. 44 
same as stater or shekel, i. 336 
Tetrarchies, Galatians divided into, i. 179 
Thalassea, whether same city as Laseea, 11, 194 
Thanet, Isle of, once an actual island, ii. 245 
“That Day,’ a term for the Day of Judgment, i. 287 ; 
11, 386, 389 
Theatre, the great rendezvous of assemblies, 1.315, 409 
(of Ephesus), i. 321, 327 
view and plan of, i. 328 
(of Troas),view of, 11. 77 
Θέατρον at Cxsarea, probably an amphitheatre, ii. 166, 
168 
Theela, a convert of Iconium, i. 145 
Theophilus, son of Annas, high-priest, i. 26, 28 
the high-priest who tried Stephen, i. 37 
accredits Paul to Damascus, i. 48 
present at the trial of Paul before the Sanhedrim, 
ii. 150 
Θευσεβής, meaning of, ii. 242 
Θηριομάχιαι at Ephesus, i. 327 
Therm, name of Thessalonica, i. 225 
Theseus fighting with Amazons, i. 246 
temple of, at Athens, i. 247 
view of it, i, 247 
Thessalonica, capital of Macedonia, i. 203, 226, 280 
church of, consisted of Gentiles, i. 280 
road to, from Philippi, i. 223 
coin of, 1. 223 
site of, i. 225 
several names of, i. 225 
road to, from Amphipolis, i. 225 
a free city, i. 226 
the seat of government, i. 226 
a mercantile city, i. 226 
now Salonica, i. 226 
plan and view of, i. 227 


Thessalonica—continued. 
arch at,in honour of the victory of Philippi, i. 226 
view of church in which Paul preached, i. 231 
Jews of, reject the Gospel, i. 228 
Gentiles of, are converted, i, 228 
distinguished disciples of, i. 230 
relief sent to Paul at, from Philippi, ii, 288 
politarchs of, i. 292 
length of Paul's stay at, i. 234 
riot at, against Paul and Silas, i. 231 
confided to care of Timothy, i. 234 
state of church at, i. 257 
Timothy sent to, from Athens, i. 258 
panic of church at, i. 278, 286 
persecution of church at, i, 279, 281 
Epistles to, contain no references to Old Testa 
ment, i. 228 
why Paul does not style himself an Apostle in 
Epistles to, i. 279 
first Epistle to, i. 279 
date of, 1. 279 
second Kpistle to, i. 287 
Tholomeeus the bandit, is captured by Cuspius Fadus, 
ii, 110 
Thong carried by every Roman soldier, ii, 144 
Thorn in the flesh, what it was, i. 186 
of the body and not of the mind, i. 186 
continues at Corinth, i. 272 
Thrace, province of, ii. 357 
Three Taverns. See Tres Taberne 
Threshing, mode of, in the East, i. 386 
illustration of, i, 387 
Thucydides, the historian, fails to relieve Amphipolis, 
1. 224 
Θυμιατήριον described, ii. 218 
Θυσιαστήριον, described, ii. 318 
Thyatira, Lydia a native of, i. 213 9 
view of, i. 213 
coin of, 1. 214 
Tiberias, the capital of Herod Antipas, i. 17 
coin of, i. 17 
view of, before and after the great earthquake, i. 
16 
Agrippa I. is made zdile of, by Herod Antipas, 
i. 99 
Tiberius succeeds Augustus, i. 22 
lethargic habits of, 1. 22 
the patron of Herod Antipas, i. 17 
dismisses Agrippa I. from his court, i. 99 
receives him again into favour, i. 101 
imprisons him, i. 101 
discountenances the Jews, i. 47 
his execution of criminals at Caprea, ii. 218 
orders war against Aretas, i. 26 
refuses divine worship, ii. 362 
disclaims the title of κύριος or dominus, ii. 176 
sat as a judge, ii. 378 
street of, in Antioch of Syria, i. 92 
coins of, i. 17, 22, 336 
ἀσσάριον or As of, 1, 336 
death of, i. 27 


INDEX. 


485 


Tiberius (Alexander) appointed procurator of Judea, 
ii. 112 
statue erected to, at Rome, ii. 112 
made prefect of Egypt, ii. 112 
Tibullus, the diminutive of Tiberius, ii. 156 
Tigani, port, the ancient Samos, ii. 87 
Tigellinus, the enemy of the Christians, ii. 361 
accompanies Nero to Greece, ii. 398 
Time of day, how reckoned by Romans, i. 24 
Timothy, a native of Lystra, but thought by some to 
be a native of Derbe, i. 167 
Paul’s esteem for, i. 166 
son of Eunice and grandson of Lois, i. 166 
had a Greek father, i. 166 
families of Paul and Timothy acquainted or 
related, i. 167; 11. 385 
supplies the place of Mark on the latter’s deser- 
tion at Perga, i. 167 
is with Paul at Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium and 
Lystra, i. 167 
circumcised at Lystra, i. 168 
called at thirty-five, a young man, i. 5 
remains behind at Thessalonica, i. 234 
has care of that church, i, 234 
rejoins Paul at Bercea, i. 234 
remains there, i. 237 
follows him to Athens, i. 257, 281 
is despatched from Athens to Thessalonica, i. 
276, 281 
rejoins Silas at Bercea, i. 277 
arrives with him at Corinth, i. 277 
brings relief to Paul from Philippi, i. 277 
sent from Ephesus to Corinth, i. 365 
accompanies Paul from Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 
38 
and thence to Asia, ii. 74 
quits Paul at Miletus for Ephesus, ii. 96 
said to have been bishop of Ephesus, ii. 96 
labours with Paul at Rome, ii. 243 
age of, ii. 349 
ordination of, ii. 349 
weakly health of, ii. 351 
left in charge of church of Ephesus while Paul 
is in Crete, ii. 337 
at what time ordered to remain at Ephesus, ii. 291 
First Epistle to, ii. 345 
date of, ii. 340 
left in charge of church of Ephesus at Pautl’s last 
departure, ii. 372 
Second Epistle to, ii. 385 
date of, 383 
was at that time at Ephesus, ii. 382, 391 
called by Paul “ brother” as well as “son,” ii. 
332 
Titus (Vespasianus) siege of Jerusalem by, i. 1; ii. 130 
coins of, i. 183; ii. 302 
arch of, at Rome, ii. 235, 320 
view of arch of, ii. 237 
Titus (Christian), a young man, ii. 543 
accompanies Paul from Corinth to Jerusalem, i. 
301 


Titus (Christian)—continued. 
a Greek, i. 301 
required by the Judaizing party to be cireum- 
vised, 1. 306 
assumed by Renan to have beencireumcised, i. 345 
accompanies Paul from Antioch of Syria to 
Ephesus, and sent to Corinth, i. 310 
fails to meet Paul at Troas, ii. 2 
but meets him in Macedonia, ii. 3 
is sent again to Corinth, ii. 11 
is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 38 
and returns with him from Corinth to Asia, ii. 74 
accompanies Paul to Crete, ii. 337 
left there, ii. 338 
Epistle to, ii. 341 
date of, ii. 340 
sent to Dalmatia, ii. 377, 389 
Τὸ πρότερον, force of, i. 341, 351 
Togodumnus, son of Cunobelin, slain, i. 110 
‘Tolistobogii, a tribe of Galatians, i. 179 
origin of name, i. 179 
coin of, i. 181 
Tolosa, people of, were same as Tolistobogii, i. 179 
Tomb of Lais at Corinth, i. 272 
Tomb of Queen Helena, view of, i. 109 
Tombs, nature of Jewish, i. 109 
Tongues, questions of, at Corinth, i, 368, 396 
many spoken by Paul, i. 397 
| Torture could not be applied to a Roman, ii. 147 
nature of, ii. 147 
Trachea at Ephesus, the site of, i. 320 
Trachonites were Arabs, i. 55 [1. 63 
Trachonitis identical with Argob of Old Testament, 
now called Ledja, i. 57 
a church planted there, i. 57 
subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 
described, i. 63 
farmed by Zenon, i. 67 
allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod 
Philip, i. 17 
annexed on death of Herod Philip to Syria, i, 25 
bestowed on Agrippa L, i, 99 
} given to Agrippa IT., ii. 122 
| 
| 


| Trachons, the two, explained, i. 63 
| Trades, honourable amongst the Jews, i. 8 
Tradition, many facts not found in Scripture 
traceable to, i. 36 
Tralles makes a decree against the Jews, i. 47 
Trans-Tiberine, the Jewish quarter at Rome, ii. 240 
Tre Fontane. See Aqua Salvi 
Treason, laws of, amongst the Romans, i. 299 
was the charge brought against our Lord, i. 24 
common charge of, at Rome, ii. 380 
Treasury, public, kept in shrine of Temple, i. 326 
Tres Taberne not translated by Luke, ii. 924 
Christians of Rome meet Paul at, ii, 224 
site of, ii. 224 
Trial (Greek), form of, i. 232 
(Roman), form of, ii. 399 
Tribes, the twelve, still existed in time of the Apos- 
tle, ii. 176 


are 


486 


INDEX. 


Tribute, imposition of, leads to a revolt of the Jews 
under Judas of Galilee. i. 19 
money for, shown to our Lord, what coin it was, 
i, 22 
Tricomia, probably visited by Paul, 1. 177 
Trinobantes of Britain, rebel, ii. 245 
Triton on Temple of Winds at Athens, 1. 251 
Τρίτον τοῦτο ἔρχομαι explained, 11. 34 
Triumph, nature of a Roman, ii. 18 
Troas Alexandria, account of, i. 193 
view of, 199 
plan of, i. 193 
coin of, 1. 194 
view of port of, i. 194 
length of Paul’s sojourn at, i. 296 
view of gymnasium at, ii. 76 
view of theatre at, ii. 77 
plan of district of, ii. 81 
on what occasion cloak left at, ii, 291, 292 
Trocmi, a tribe of Galatians, i. 179 
coin of, i. 185 
Trogilium, port described, ii, 89 
plan of, ii. 89 
Trophimus, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 
Trophimus (the Ephesian), ii. 390, 391 
accompanies Titus with an epistle to Corinth, i. 
369 
sent again with Titus to Corinth, ii. 13, 25 
returns with Paul from Corinth to Asia, 11. 74 
accompanies Paul to Jerusalem, ii. 96, 108 
is the innocent cause of the attack of the Jews 
ou Paul, ii. 143 
left sick at Miletus, ii. 373 
Troy, Paul must have approached the site of, i. 194 
visible from Samothrace, i. 200 
Trumpet, Roman, i. 396 
figure of, 1. 397 
Tryphzena, a common Roman name, ii. 71 
Tryphon, high-priest of Ephesus, i. 317 
Tryphosa, a conmon Roman name, il. 71 
Tullius, said 10 have sailed to Philippi, i. 207 
Tusculum, palace of the Cesars at, ii. 236 
Tutela of a vessel, what it was, ii. 215 
“Twelve,” the Apostles so called, when only eleven, 
i. 399 
Two and two, the apostles made their circuits by, i. 
115 
Tychicus, an Ephesian, ii. 390 
accompanies Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia, ii. 2 
from Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 38 
returns with him from Corinth to Asia, ii. 74 
labours with Paul at Rome, ii. 244 
accompanies Paul to Crete, 11. 337 
etymon of the name, ii. 544 
Tyre besieged by Nebuchadnezzar, ii. 101 
by Alexander the Great, ii. 101 
territory of, defined, i. 61 
sends embassies to Agrippa L, i. 107 
described, ii. 101 
com of, ii. 102 
view and plan of, ii, 103 


Ulatha defined, i, 61 
Undergirding, practice of, deseribed, ii. 198 
“Unknown god,” altar to, on road from Phalerus to 
Athens, i. 242, 263 
explanation of, i. 263 
may haye designated Jehovah, i. 263 
πέρ, means “as concerning,” 1. 288 
“YanpéeTns, meaning of, 1, 126 
clerk of synagogue, i. 139 
Ὑπέρακμος explained, i. 384 
“ποδήματα commented on, 11. 265 
“Ὑπωπιάζω explained, i. 389 
“γποπλεῦσαι, meaning of, 11, 186 
᾿γπόστασις, explained, 11. 325 
Upper market at Jerusalem, ii. 126 
Urbane in English version means Urban, ii. 68 
a common name, il. 71 
name found at Philippi, i. 211 
Uzza, garden of, where situate, ii. 129 


Vacation legal at Rome, ii. 376 
Valerius Gratus is Procurator of Judea, i. 23 
coin of, i. 23 
Varus (P. Q.) Prefect of Syria, i. 94 
is cut off with two legions in Gaul, i. 94 
when all Gauls are expelled from Rome, i. 275 
coin of, i, 94 
Vatican, circus formed in, ii. 252 
Veil of temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 825 
Veils of the Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 134, 318 
Velabrum at Rome, ii. 235 
Velum, the mainsail, 11. 188 
Ventidius Cumanus, Procurator of Judea, ii. 113 
Ventriloquists, what they were, i. 215 
Venus, temple of, at Cenchrea, i. 299 
nature of the worship of, at Corinth, i. 162 
courtesans attached to temple of, i. 272 
Venus (Paphian), image of, i. 122 
temple of, 1. 125 
Venus (de Medicis) brought from palace of Nevo at 
Rome, ii. 875 
Veredi and Veredarii, what they were, ii. 222 
Verulamium eaptured from the Romans by the 
Britons, ii. 245 
Vespasian witnesses the casting out of a deyil, i. 335 
first proclaimed emperor at Czesarea, ii. 166 
Vesta Street at Athens, i. 247 
Via Appia, construction of, ἄς. 11. 222 
map of, ii, 223 
view of columns of, at entrance from Brundisium, 
ii. 574 
view of, in actual state, and as restored, ii. 224 
started from the Porta Capena, ii. 226 
Via Ardeatina Nova, ii. 401 
Via Nomentana, ii. 233 
Via Nova Summa, 11. 235 
Vix Ostiensis, ii. 401 
Via Polveriera, ii. 235 
Via Egnatia deseribed, i. 222; ii. 181 
passed through Neapolis, i. 201 
traversed Macedonia, i. 204 


INDEX. 


Vibius, view of tomb of, on road to Philippi, i. 206 
Victor, bishop of Libertina, i. 33 
Victory, temple of, at Athens, i, 253 
Vindicta, freedom given by, conferred the Roman 
citizenship, i. 3 
Vine, immense, of Cyprus, i. 326 
Vipers, whether any in Malta, ii. 208, 212 
Vision of Paul at Jerusalem, i. 75 
and again, i. 108; ii. 31 
in fort Antonia, ii. 152 
at Troas, i. 197 
at sea on his way to Malta, ii. 200 
Vitellius, prefect of Syria, deposes Pilate, i. 25 
appoints Marcellus as locum tenens, i. 25 
present at Jerusalem at the Passover, i. 25 
conciliates the Jews, i. 25 
appoints Jonathan high-priest vice Caiaphas, 
i. 25 
sets out for Antioch, but ordered to make war on 
Aretas, i. 26 
is at Jerusalem at the Pentecost, 1. 26 
appoints Theophilus high-priest vice Jonathan, 
i. 26 
returns on death of Tiberius to Antioch, i. 27 
recalled for favouring the Jews, i. 103, 10+ 
allows the Jews to take charge of the pontifical 
robes, ii. 110 
Vitis, or vine-stick, the badge of a Roman centurion, 
ii. 182 
Vow (of Nazarite) explained, i. 294 
length of time required in, for purification, 1. 295 
taken by Paul, i. 204; ii, 140, 142 
by Bernice, ii. 140 
could only be completed at Jerusalem, ii. 142 
Voyage, length of, from Ephesus to Athens, ii. 1 
from Dium to Athens, i. 238 
Vulturnus, the wind, ii. 196 


Walls of city of Ephesus, i. 321 

Watches of night and day amongst Romans, i. 105 

Water, antiquity of close pipes for conveying, i. 397 

“We,” as used by Paul, means only Christians with- 
out reference to himself personally, i. 283, 383 

Weather shore, ii. 191 

Weather side of a ship, ii. 191 

Week, days of, adopted early, ii. 5 

Welsh language cognate to Gaelic and Erse, i. 178 

Wetzstein’s opinion on Batanza, i. 66 

Whipping, the punishment employed by the Jews 
and inflicted five times on Paul, i. 220 

White, the royal colour with the Jews, il. 151 

“ Whited wall,” how applicable to Ananias, ii. 150 

“Widows indeed,” at what age so called, i 6; ii. 
351 

Wieseler, his opinion of the occasion of the games at 
Crsarea, i. 110 

disputes the arrival of Timothy at Athens, i. 
258, note 
his view of Paul’s purification in the Temple, 

ii. 142 

Wife, husband of one, meaning of, ii. 34 


Winds, temple of, at Athens, i. 251; ii. 196 
view of, i. 251 
Windows, nature of, with ancients, ii. 78 
specimen of Greek, ii. 78 
specimen of Roman, ii. 79 
Winer—his opinion of Ptolemy, the geographer, 
i, 66 
Winter, when it began with the ancients, ii. 391 
Witnesses at Rome were made a ground for delay of 
trials, ii. 277 
attendance of, not compulsory, ii. 380 
Women, imprisoned by Paul, i. 40, 213 
influence of, in religious matters, i. 144 
at Proseucha at Philippi, i. 213 
in Macedonia much honoured, i. 213 
attended the synagogues, i. 139 
ought to cover the head during divine service, 
i. 391 
court of, in temple at Jerusalem, ii. 132 
Wood (J. T.)—his discovery of the temple of Diana at 
Ephesus, i. 320 
Wordsworth, Bishop, mistake of, as to the age of 
David, i. 5 
Worship, new objects of, not allowed at Athens, i. 
260 
or Rome, i. 216; ii, 361 
Wreck of St. Paul at Malta, ii. 205 
Wrestling, illustration of, i. 389 
Writing, modes of, with ancients, ii. 71 
muterials of, illustrated, ii. 73 
Paul's difficulty in, i. 187 
Paul did not usually write, but dictated his 
epistles, i. 284 


Xanthicus (Macedonian month), when it began, i. 406 
Xanthus, river of Lycia, ii. 100 

Eevia, meaning of, 11. 238 

Ξύλον explained, i. 219 

Ξυρᾶσθαι, meaning of, i. 296, 391 

Xyst, site of, at Jerusalem, ii. 127 


Year, sabbatic, computed, i. 351 
Young man, what was the age of, i. 5 


Zamaris is stationed in Batansea to guard pilgrims 
from the Trachonites, i. 65 
Zealots, vow the death of Paul, ii. 152 
had vowed before the death of Herod, ii. 152 
Zenas accompanies Apollos from Corinth tu Crete, 
ii. 340 
etymon of name, ii. 344 
Zeno, founder of the Stoic sect, i. 246 
portrait of, 1. 259 
Zenon, farms Iturwa, Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, Ba- 
tauea, Auranitis, and Paneas, 1. 67 
“ house of,” allotted on death of Herod the Great 
to Herod Philip, i. 17 
“house of,” defined, i. 61 
coin of, i. ΟἹ 
Zygactes, now Zygosto, i, 204 
why so called, i. 204 


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